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Northern Star (1837-1852), 11th September 1847, Edition 2 of 3, Page 4

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  • Departments (4)
    • THE tATE NATIONAL ItAND
    • GARDENING OPEKatioitc .„rt„ cvtwvml BER*
    • THE NORTHERN STAR 8AT0RDAY, SEPTEMBER 11,1847.
    • Co #ea?m'S & Corosnoiflwiift
  • Adverts (9)
  • Text (12)
  • Transcript

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      , The Northern Star; '. Jtagnm Ii, )84,

      , THE NORTHERN STAR ; ' . Jtagnm II , ,

      The Tate National Itand

      THE tATE NATIONAL ItAND

      Ad00411

      Hald at Lowbands , AupMt , 1847 , adopted the following jiwlatton MawnKrarij : — " "" ¦ ' , ; 1 VY ^ ThittliU Conference reoommtntte th « country »• oe-Mdt Uunr fundi ia tie 'National-land « d WW " Sink ? all tvn » wish to follow tha laitracUons of their lKtadsandrepresentativrt , iiilljohithat . ' _ AUXILIARY TO THE NATIONAL LASD COMPA'M . tHK TSkTlQX L CO- ' OPEBATlTB BEWSW SfcCIETT . _

      Ad00415

      A ^ ToLOORED DAGUERREOTYPE PORTRAIT in best moroecocasefor 108 ., which is 15 s . less than _„ . „ ther London eetablishment , and warranted to be ! SaUv ^ ood . hJ MR ECERWH , 1 * 8 , PleetBtreet , !^ te EouVene-street . and I . Temple-street , Whrte-! K « Ooen daily from nine < tffl four . Foreign Ap-*^^ eAeenttoVoietlander « BdIiribou « , a complete jtekof &&* Tprto 7 b . * L , ky post 10 . frl * Bsttsentpostfiree .

      Ad00416

      A GOOD FIT WARRANTED . SUPERFINE BLACK CLOTHES made to order atthe " tow ftBW Ewomuh , 1 and 2 . Okforo Rtbeet LosdoS , which neither spot nor change colour . OnlyjEa Ms the complete euit-ofany sue . Theseelothes £ S ottec ? o * Ileae $ another TaJonng ^ WKhmevat ragaJLLanA C . ' , Bl ^ SiM ** Cl 6 U » , % llgkt over , fSL made to order at £ l l 2 « - The very fittest < mly £ 2 « Aieh for durability and elegance cannot be sespassed Withriftlinings . 3 s extra . ¦ Omnibuses to and from the City , stop atthe establish » ent every minute of the day .

      Ad00418

      Ad00417

      WEST RIDING OF YORKSHIRE ; WAKEFIELD ADJOURNED SESSIOSS . NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN , That the Midsummer General Quarter Sessions of the Peace , for the West Biding of the County otTorlt , will be held by adjournment in the Committee-Room , at the House <* Correction , atW « £ FiEtD , onTHo * SDAT , the 16 th day of September instant , at Twelve O'CIaek at Noon , for the purpose of Inspecting the Riding ftison , ( the said Hoase of Correction ) and for examining the Accounts of the Keeper of the said House of Correction , making enquiry into the Officers and Servants iielonging tho same ; and also into the behaviour of the Prisoners , and their Earnings . : C . H . BLSLEY , „ .,.,., Clerk of the Peace , Wakefield , Clerk of the Peace ' s Office . Wakefield , 2 nd September , 1817 .

      Ad00419

      SO TBE COMPOUND HOUSEHOLDERS OF LAMBETH , ASD THS METROPOLITAN BOROUGHS IN GENERAL . THE NATIONAL REGISTRATION AND CENTRAL ELECTION COMMITTEE having heard that the Whig faction have held oat threats and issued notices « f objection , against Compound Householder ! ia the Begistration Courts , have resolved to defend any person -fa unjustifiably opposed . Any Compound Householder lining received such notice of objection is hereby requested to write immediately to the secretary , Ur James 6 rass by , So . 8 , Noah ' s Ark-court , Stangate , Lambeth . - By order of tbe Committee , J . GBA 8 Sur ,, Secretary . September 7 , 1817 .

      Gardening Opekatioitc .„Rt„ Cvtwvml Ber*

      GARDENING OPEKatioitc . „ rt „ cvtwvml BER *

      (From The Ttdtand Florist.) In {Ho Hardy...

      ( From the ttdtand Florist . ) In { ho hardy department , cuttings of evergreens , such as laurels , arborvitcej , & e . may be put in ; also Chinese and Bourbon roses . The former in a mixture of sand and loam , on a shady border ; the latter , in sandy soil , » nder handglasses , where , with a little attention , they will strike root , and make pood plants in sprit ?? . Should the weather prove damp at the latter end of the month , evergreens , such as rhododendrons , laurestiBus , and arbutus ( the icarlet and double varieties ) , may be transplanted with success and any layers that may hare rooted , fioold be tenured from the parent plant , and set oat . Gooseberry and currant cuttings should also be planted . Li herbaceous plants , seedlings which hare been raised in pans during the summer , should be set Out in beds ; and dirisiens of the roots of those sorts

      which it is desirable to increase , ma ; now be per-• formed very advantageously . Seedling polyanthuses should also be planted out , if not previously dona ; and pansies may be struck from cuttings , early U the month , choosing sidelasots , asjthin as possible ; these will make good plants , either to send off , or to plant for nextspring ' s Booming . Plant out seedlings , that they may get well established before winter , We apply the same idvice with respect t « the layers of carnations and piootees ; as soon as rooted , take them off , and pot them singly or in pairs , in pint pots . As there appears to be a promise of much seed this season , every tare should be given to carefully collecting it , as the pods arrive at maturity . rEarly ia the month sow erysimums , escholtzuis , Candy tufts , & c These will resist the frost , and bloom finely next spring . Cat away and removed alHecayed stems of herbaceous pknta , > nnuals , & c which have done flowering .

      Piantfthe various bal 6 s , . 6 uch as narcissuses , & c Those patches which have got too large , or which it isdesirableto separate , may now be taken up , parted , Bad re * planted . Dafclias most be carefally attended to this month ; having been much cheeked by droaghfc and the ¦ mother fly , during the € Bmmer shouk [ the weather ? rove % ropitou 8 , we may yet have a splendid bloom , ' oflards tbe latter end « the moutfa , draw some « arth round the crown -ef the roots , which will preveat' ^ amage by suddec frosts , sod attend to 8 eed , & c Tulipheds should be wefluttended to , and turned ever repeatedly , to sweeten ? and every preparation for planting , as far as possible , should -be made , by Arrangtsg & albs , removing 4 fceee which were either Of inferior strains , or which are sow repudiated , in

      . COBseqtKXHte of having 'astam-oniheir . cbsraoter . Amateura sfconld not delay gneeuring -the varieties they may «&&( , as really good && psare-in > nwcb . re-< iaest . in the ragaiable garden , theg » eat wonk-of-storing allrootcropsacustbe progresse & w & h . Carrots aid parsnips are test . put in cellars , in 'b oxes , with layers of dry sand hetw ^ ea them . Potatoes , wherethere is convenience of . room , should be potttcgether in snail quantities . If 4 & e ? e be any lurkiag & eems of disease , heating in large ih & ps will probsiriy accelerate its spread . Onions should he palled early in the sxonth , or ja 40 oa as they are ready , aud either beallowed . to-dry « n the beds , prewoiia to bunching , . or © amoved tc some upper chamber , er loft , secure & ast the inlicence of wet .

      Gather tomatoes the latter end of the month . Tfcugh not grown generally in cottage gardece , still , as they make a most eioq & nt and whoksoae \ 8 auce we Beeno reason why thejr should not be cultivated jnoreextensively . Celery should be watered in very dry weather . Those who grow for exhibitku often use liquid manure , by which means this favaansterootattainea large aize . Ssme cultivators allow tteir plants to obtain a large sice before they earth < £ emup ; they then fasten the / eaves together at the tap with thin pieces ef matting and give tne plants- & ' & iii and only earthing up . If & isplan is not adopted , repeated and

      earefoj mouMng must be attended to . Transplant cabbages , cauliflowers , lettuces , & c „ whenever the plants attain a suffiekot size ; and propagate all herba , by cutting , slips . « F divisions . Early in tbe imatb plant out strawfeoy runners , and clear between the ro ws of plants , & e . All sorts of seeds must be preserved as ttey ripen ; Wjd such as riastortBJis , small cueuraoetf , ifcc . wr pickling . shoaldnot beforgotten . , * Jnconclusiw , lose ao opportamtyofhoem | SDd Ifirring the soil between growing crops . JUW PJJ pie are not aware of tbe immense importance * ot attending to his point . A Veruouhoa is a moat exeetlent toil for tbia purpose ;

      Mrndimoir .--R.4fc A Meeting Cf The Chri...

      MrnDiMoir .--r . 4 fc a meeting cf the Christian Friendly Society i £ was resolved , that ft sum of B » leyttwenty pounds ) in thehaada ol ? hs SflP ^ nrijrded to the Lami « d Labour Badr ,

      Ad00412

      j » i $ T PUBLISH * ^ HO . IX . « F " "THE &> B 0 il 9 EI , ^ ... . , „ , , ^ . -:,-- - -.- * n »«» ««" gF . w ; - • " rxaewrnw-P" ** *• ' £ ad '' > e * se « to the Wltow , 18 fl ^^ inSim sireet ^ rr ^ rket , j ^ . do .. ""' Order , wed '" h / ? L * ' >» ts fcr tie "Northern Star " and all bookseller * ™ TOW a aad cetmtty .

      Ad00413

      ITow Kep . 4 y , a New Edition ef MR . O'CONNOR ' S WORK ON SMALL FARMS Tebeha * at'Ae Mjrftem fiar Office , 16 , Great Wind mill Strea . ; aad of Abel Heyvraed , Meaohester . -

      Ad00414

      PORTRAIT OF ERNEST JONES , Esa ., Barristeb-at-Law . A splendid full-length portrait' of Ernest Jone ° , representing him to the life itself , is now being engraved upon a steel plate , and when a sufficient number is printed it will be g iven with the Northern Star to subscribers only , that is , to all subscribers Trom the first week in October until the portrait is ready . All parties who have seen the portrait concur in the op inion that it would be impossible to procure a more perfect likeness . As the proprietor of the Norther * Star has lost considerable sums on account of portraits , it must be understood that none but subscribers can receive the plate , as no more will be ' printed than are required to supply subscribers . 'f . .. . , " NATIONAL LAUD AND LABOUR BANK . In future , all letters intended for this Establishment are to be addressed si mpl y , * To the Manager of the National Land and Labour Bank , 144 , Hig h Holborn , Loudon . '

      The Northern Star 8at0rday, September 11,1847.

      THE NORTHERN STAR 8 AT 0 RDAY , SEPTEMBER 11 , 1847 .

      The National Land Company And The Press....

      THE NATIONAL LAND COMPANY AND THE PRESS . Tbe supercilious silence of the Press , with respect to the National Land Company , has at length been broken . It was impossible , from the extentof its operations , and the rapid augmentation of its capital , longer to overlook it . At first a few flying paragraphs gave token that * ¦ the best possible instructor" had become at length cognizant of facts which were fully known to the working classes of the empire for months previous . These were , however , as is usual in similar cases , mere statements of facts drawn up in newsmen-like st vie , avoiding ell appearance of feeling either way . The time had come when it was imperative to notice the movement , but it was not so clear what kind of notice should be taken of it .

      Time , aud the still growing power and influence of the Company , have brought us to another stage of progress . 4 The daily press makes it the theme of editorial comment and criticism . The Times has not yet awoke , as it did one flue morning in tbe case of the defunct League , to tbe conviction that the National Land Company is " a great fact . " Perhaps , instead of £ 80 , 000 or £ 90 , 000 , it must possess a capital of £ 250 , 000 , before that impression can be stamped an the sensorium of the " leading journal . " The Chronicle , however , has not waited

      for that time to arrive , but * has opened its batteries against the plan . The cause oi its impetuousity being clearly the keenness of its scent for economical heresies , and the innate dislike which it feels against any plans which threaten to be successful in liberating the labouring classes from their , present helpless dependence upon capital . The campaign once opened , other opponents made their appearance . The Daily iicwe , iu — - ^ „ . „ - „ j ^ endeavoured to prove the whole plan to be based on fallacious giuuUu ., and that , at tbe best , it was merely a huge lottery in which the lucky few would get prizes , while the enlucky many would realise—a loss . These strictures

      were ably replied to by Mr T . Frost of Croydon , who , in a letter which appeared in the Netos of Wednesday , gave a clear , practical , and convincing statement of the mode of operation by which the Land Company proposes to secure its objects , and at the same time forcibly advocated the principles on which the plan is based . To this defence , the News made a rejoinder in their leading columns the sane day , a column and a half in length . We propose to advert to some of the positions laid down in that reply . The News says it is impossible for it to enter into the controversy , which a complete answer to Mr Frost ' s objections would occasion , and it

      continues" Newspaper writers , whose business it is tofcpply political principles to the changing circumstances of the times , cannot re-open tbe fundamental questions ofpolitics and economy every time that their general doctrines are disputed . It is absolutely necessary to assume certain propositions respecting capital and labour as finally established , if we are to discuss praetical questions ia any way whatever . We admit at once , that if political economy U a drum , if on improved tyttem of distribution oan supersede the hws vjhkh regulate the creation of wealth , the Chartist scheme of flourishing on the subdivided soil is , if not exempt from defects , at least secure from any criticism of ours . "

      The passage we have marked in italics shows that the writer is folly aware where the shoe pinches . His declining to" re-open the fundamental questions of politics and economy , " in a controversy which , from its very nature , involves these fundamental questions , proves how little faith he has in the doctrines which he assumes , convenien tlyfor himself , to be proved , for the purpose of stopping discussion . Political Economy , or what is now called so , is , we admit , "no dream . " In its present shape it is a great practical error , which must , in

      tbe very nature of things , be superseded b y " an improved system of distribution . " The laws which at present regulate the creation and the distribution of wealth are productive of deep injury to the best and most important interests of society . ' One of tbe most painful aspects of modem society , and one which is most frequently lamented by politicians and moralists of all parties and classes , is ,

      the tendency of wealth to aggregate . in a few hands , while the condition oi the masses is constantly deteriorating . The past history of the world shows the fate of other empires , when such a state of things reached its . climax ; and there is no reason shy this empire should escape that inevitable retri-. feation which ever fallows on the teaek of injustice , . unless such a result he prevented by the establishment of more equitable . arrangements .

      The introduction of an improved system of distribution is the great want of the age . Political Economy , with its subdivision of labour , and its concentration of capital and machinery , has taught us haw to create wealth npon a large scale , at the smallest possible cost . Aided by the giant , yet docile machine ; invented by modern science , the shgle labourer of the present times can , in some departments of industry , produce one , two , and three

      hundred times as much in a day as the labourer of a hundred years ago . What use have political economists made of this fact—this immense increase to the national wealth , and its powers of increasing it ? Look abroad , and you will find the answer in the complaint * which come alike from hamlet , village , market-town , manufacturing-town , and metropolis , as to the condition of the poor , and the labcttitog claw . Increase of wealth to the nation , has been to ft em , ia the majority tf instances '

      The National Land Company And The Press....

      syiionimous wiih , longer hours ; qfc toil , nfor $ less wages , ' aW , of ^ wto M jX . WM ^ l-jieteriosationjn condition . It is no satisfaction to the operative to " be told that this is necessary to enable us to mai / itain our supremacy in the markets of the world , a / jd support our foreign trade . The large array of figures , which statistics periodically exhibit , representing : our exports to foreign markets , may be ' pleasant enough

      in the eyes of those who were concerned in effecting the exchanges , and who have reaped , or are realising , fortunes thereby . But ' the operative who escapes on Sunday from the fev er-tainted atmosphere of the narrow back street 'or blind alley , in winch his wretchedly furnished ' nome is situated , finds in the snug suburban villa t jf the merchant no consolation for his own deprivation of comfort . The News can , we are sure , conceive that the merchant

      and his friends , with the cloth just removed , the dessert placed on t ' he table , and the Corks just drawn , from theprvmest vinta ge In the cellar , will have a very different notion of the value of political economy , to that of the denizen of a three-pair backinananaw street , whose dinner has been of the scantiest description , and whose home is devoid of both furniture , and comfort—although he may have been labouring like the silk weavers of Spitalfields , from sunrise to sunset , all the week , happy that his " brother worm of the earth gave him leave to toil . "

      In truth , whatever shape the agitation of the working classes may take , this is the question really at issue . The sense of natural justice is outraged by the present system ; and no amount of special pleading . no mere conventionalisms , however specious in themselves , or hallowed by long usage , can hide the gross want of equity , which is inherent in it . The stupid veneration for institutions , ' merely because they are old , is on the decline among all classes in this ? utilitarian age , and the industrious classes cannot be expected to look very favourably on those arrangements which practically deny that the " Labourer is worthy of his hire . ''

      They may be wrong in their reasoning , and the political economists may be right , but the Question is not yet settled as the News assumes it to be . There are two systems of political economy in existence , so far as theory goes , at least . The great bulk of the industrious classes believe that the natural result of an increase in our mechanical , scientific , and manual powers of producing wealth should be an increased enjoyment of that wealth with a smaller amount ot labour , and , if this result has not hitherto been realised , they believe it is not

      because the hypothesis is incorrect but because our distributive arrangements are imperfect and unjust . Capital has , and does , in all cases , take the lion ' s share . Labour is fed with the crumbs which fall from its table . The object of the Land Company is to rectify this state of things by uniting the character of capitalist and labourer , in the same person ; by emancipating labour from the shackles of commercial feudalism , and placing it in such a position as to act independently . That in the pursuit of this great and important object errors will arise through inexperience , unexpected obstructions and unforeseen difficulties impede the

      path , is to he expected . Such are the natural incidents of all great undertakings . But by union and the increased knowledge arising from increased expenses , there can be no doubt that these impediments will be surmounted , and whatever may , at present , be defective in the theory , will , in the course of time , be certain to be corrected by the developement of these defects in practice , and the consequent suggestion and application of appropriate remedies . We must advert to some of the special objections of the Nexus in a future article , but , at the commencement , it was necessary •"' ' »» that our difference with it is a fundamental , not superficial , one ; - _ . ,.

      Louis-Philippe. ' God Save The King!' An...

      LOUIS-PHILIPPE . ' God save the king ! ' and kings ! For if he don't , I doubt if men will longer—I think I hear a little bird , who sings The people by and by will be the stronger : Tbe veriest jade will wince whose harness wrings So much into the raw as quite to wrong her Beyond the rules of posting , —and the mob At last fall sisk of Imitating Job . At firs ! it grumbles , then it swears , and then ,

      Like David , flings smooth pebbles ' gainst a giant ; At last it takes such weapons suoh as men Snatch wben despair makes human hearts less pliant . Then comes ' the tug of war - /— 'twill come again , I ratber doubt ; and I would fain say' fie on ' t , ' If I had not perceived that revolution Alone can save the earth from hell ' s pollution , Bikok . The entire continent is heaving with the throes " . ' : if ; which precede the earthquake of political convulsion ; the hot ashes of revolt already strew the streets of Paris and the wilds of Calabria , foretokening the bursting forth of that revolutionary , lava which may submerge the thrones of monarchs and utterly destroy the " time-honoured" barriers of

      progress . How recent the time when this journal stoed almost alone as the unmasker and denunciator of that incarnation of craft and crime , Louis-Philippe . Itis not yet three years since the regal trailer of the barricades landed on the shores of this country , and was welcomed with the most fulsome flatteries by the English Press . Then the Times hailed Egalite junior as a " king triumphant over anarchy and revolution ; " the Chronicle had a fawning article " wishing for the king of the French a most hospitable and courteous reception ;" and the pious editor of the Standard went down upon his marrowbones and offered up an expression of " sincere gratitude to Divine Providence" for the

      visit of the king who " never in the course of his long life had been detected in one unworthy manoeuvre . This is all changed now . The Times and Chronicle have almost daily " leaders" charging upon their former favourite one long , undeviating course of selfish fraud and dirty intrigue ^ imputing to his system of government the corruption and criminality which at present pervade so large a portion of French society , and predicting that the upshot must be a fearful revolution and the destruction of that dynasty which " his Majesty ' s" farmer flatterers were , not long ago , in the habit of lauding as the hope of France , and the pledge of repose to Europe . Yet Louis-Philippk is now only what he has been all his life , an unscrupulous intriguer . Even when received in the Jacobin Club as the son of the Duke

      of Orleans , ( though really , as there is good reason to believe , the son and changeling of the Italian jailor and executioner , Chiappini ) , * he was the unfledged knave whose vilfanies after years have brought to perfection . Fort y years after his enrolmeat in the Jacobin Club the world saw bim placed by a popular revolution on the throne of France—a throne which he vowed he would " surrounefwith republican institutions . " His first act was to write a secret letter to the Russian Autocrat , in which he hypocritically spoke of the revolution of the : Three

      I Days as a " catastrophe , " which he had sought " earnestly to avert j" and cringingly implored the protecting countenance of the Tsar in return for his ( then plotted ) treason against the principles which had placed him at the head of the French nation . Sixteen years later—still consistent in evilthis' worthy old gentleman , who * once carried a cotton u , yhrelk , and sported a tricoloyred cockade , astonished Europe by his audacious Jhimble-rigging in the Spai" «* h marriages ; and , for the tike ot a pro .

      * See Vol, I Ll.Of"Jkwfcrn Europe And Th...

      * See vol , i ll . Of"JKwfcrn Europe and the Jfyperir Nikolas , " b y th ? author QtHti tvetoiions tfliiWia /'' ,

      * See Vol, I Ll.Of"Jkwfcrn Europe And Th...

      spectiye chance of a thront ; for the youngest of hii ho % fulB , c appedthe c > axof , infamLaSchjd to hiTiiamef ' An ^ wh ^ he hal outwitted Pal-MERSTON > ndib > refaceuly ^ eated ^ the gentry--political and literary—who assume to represent this country , it " was for the first time discovered , that this paragoRof kings , hitherto declared *« The wisest , virtuoussst , dUcreetest , best , " was really a most matchless scoundreh Yet we doubt if his doings in the Spanish marriages' juggle was not the least of his frauds . His violation " of every pledge he had given to the French people on

      mounting the throne ; his imposition upon that people of a despotism a thousand-ftld worse than that ot Chari . es X . ; and his betrayal of the Rations who looked to him for . sympathy in their struggles againt their oppressors ; these constitute the mighty crimes of his reign . Not so thought our hottest journalists in thosedays ; then they hailed Chiappini junior as " the Napoleon of Peace , " "the Champion of Order , " aad " theConqueror of Anarchy . " His treacheries were applauded as proofs of his " capacity" and " sagacity . "

      Not scrupling to defend by force what he won by fraud , Louis-Phimppe has proved himself quite capable of being , «! bloody , bold , and resolute . " The scaffold has streamed with the blood of his victims ; and the bombardment of Lyons , the massacre at Grenoble , the " assoraeurs" and " fusillades" in the streets of Paris—the grape-shot carnage in StMery , and the pitiless butchery in the Rue Transnonainall attest the good will of the King of the Barricades to ape the butcher of Poland , whose favour he so abjectly sought , and has continued to seek . But these blood-stained acts were at the time

      pronounced , by " our best possible instructors , " to be ' . ' . necessary" for the conservation of . " order 1 " Now , these same journalists , " turning , " as Castxerbagh would have said , " their backs upon themselves , " discover that their former favourite ' * reign has been one term of crime—alternating between fraud and force . We have before-time justified the popular protests which , directed against Lows-Philippe ' s government , have but rendered the writhings of the French people under the incubus

      which oppresses them , painfully evident ; but , lo ! we now find ourselves surpassed . Wo but justified insurrections which had occurred , and which had been forced upon the people , but the Times , and other " respectable" journals , are new preaching Revolution ! day by day , labouring to excite the French people to throw off the yoke of " the conqueror of anarchy J" More power to you , gentlemen . Set you tbe ball rolling , we'll keep it moving . The flame of Freedom , \« ice kindled , shall illumine the shores of more streams than the Seine !

      We have been considerably amused , not to say edified , by the comparisons drawn by the London press between the state of morals in France and in England . French society is described as almost one sweltering mass of corruption , whilst , on the other hand , a highly refined puritanism is set down to the credit o English society . This may be very gralifying to Jo hn Bulls amour propre , but a glance at tbe history of the past might be of service to John , in inspiring him with a feeling of becoming modesty-Fiance \ ai been but for the past seventeen years , what England was for nearly a hundred and fifty

      years , after her second revolution—a land ruled b y corruption . Guizox has scarcely yet acquired the shameless infamy of Walpole . The French corruptionist does at least" affect a virtue , if he has it not . " He strongly protests that his hands are pure , though everybody knows them to be foul . Still the very protesting that he is virtuous , is some homage to the morality of the French nation . England must have been sunk in far lower depths , when her Guizot proclaimed that" every man bad his price , " and avowedly and unblushingly acted upon that maxim . Besides , there are other points in favour of France . Louis-Philippe ' s bitterest enemies must

      at least acknowledge that he is a clever rascal ; and , certainly , a nation is less dishonoured by being cheated of its rights by a " Citizen King , " than by such a crew of ignorant , grovelling , insane , sensual orures , as were ' * tne ioow mm vpprcssors called George . " Again , England basely submitted to the sway of her profligate rulers for nearl y one hundred and fifty years , but France will not yield to such degradation for even one sixth of that period . We should be sorry to be bail for the solvency of the firm of Philippe , Guizox , and Co ., for even one

      year from the present time . If we mistake not the signs of the times , the sooner his citizen kingship sets his house in order , the better . "W ere he a wise man , not a cunniig one , instead of seeking a Spanish throne for Montpensier , he would abdicate his own . But kings do not often exhibit the good sense of the well-bred dog , who seeing his friends preparing to kick him through tbe window , put his tail between his legs , and quietl y walked down stairs . Kings usually need kicking , and we fear that Philippe is not likely to prove one of the exceptions .

      In reminding our own countrymen of their past history , we might add not a little respecting the present , which would show that even now England has but little to boast of ; too little , at any rate , to allow of her playing the part of a self . glorifying Pharisee . In uttering these wholesome truths for the benefit of our own people , we would by no means attempt to palliate the enormities which have of late come to light in France . That country is

      evidently fast drifting to perdition or revolution . The latter only can save it from the former . And better so ; better that the vessel of the state drift upon the breakers of revolution than perish in the treacherous quicksands of political corruption , and social profligacy . Were all classes as debased as are the generality of the aristocracy , the government employes , the stock-jobbers and profitocracy , the numberless and shameless hangers on of" the system , " with the multifarious and nameless crew of

      wretches , the natural spawn of capitals , with which Paris abounds ; were these the entire constituents of French society , the sooner France shared the fate of the cities of the Dead Sea , and the catacombs opened their sepulchral jaws to receive the last ashes of Lutetia , the better for mankind . But , -thank God , the Pjiaslins , the Testes , and the Beatjvallons , and the sections they represent , are not France . France has still her brave and virtuous

      millions of peasant proprietors and labourers , and intelligent and heroic artisans . Above these there are to be found at least some who have not given themselves up to the worship of gold , and the pur . suit of vice . There are hearts that yearn for a better future , heads of intellectual greatness to give form to the heart ' s noblest impulses , and hands ready—when the hour of action strikes—to execute the work of justice and regeneration .

      A word here to our" best possible instructors . " How dareyoM reproach Frenchmen with that state of things which you have done your- best to bring about . You know very well—shameless mouthers that you are—that the corruption now so prevalent in the " higher circles " of French society , and the confusion which awaits-France , are the natural results of the system of government adopted by Louis-Philippe , and which you unceasingly applauded until you found your own government victimised by that duplicity which , when exercised

      only at the expense of the people of France you called " sagacity , and " extraordinary capacity . " Lows-Philippe proscribed freedom of thought ia reference to political questions , and you , his English admirers , applauded his ' - ' sagacity , " but from that proscription must be dated the rise of that licentious literature which proceeded , and now countenances , the open perpetration and unblushing avowal of the worst aim * . Wtavioms-PHiupPE instead of surrounding his throne * with Republican instituti ons , laboured , aud suwessfuJJ / , to contract

      * See Vol, I Ll.Of"Jkwfcrn Europe And Th...

      "the Charter , " until he had reduced the electoral class to the , number of about one-fourth of the Governfnent employes—you , English journalists , called hhnV" a great and wise ^ king . " ' JBehbId the present ( and think of thefiiture ) fruits of his greatness and wisdom ! When the King of the Barricades shut np ~ the popular clubs , forbade the rig ht of free meeting and , association , enacted the FiESCHi ordinances , butchered the patriots of Paris and Lyons , and rewarded Republican virtue with chains and the guillotine-yow , base wretches of the English Press , shouted for - joy over ( what you thought ) the ruin of that party , called by the Times " a fierce and desolating faction . " And now , your

      " conqueror of anarchy" is menaced with a revolution , not springing from the plots . of clubs , but f rom the indignant and universal determination of the French people to free themselves from the manacles you rejoiced in seeing p laced upon them . When , with Lamaruub ' s corpse , the Republican flag went down into the grave , and the adherents to that flag were mowed down by grape-shot in the streets of Paris , you . of the mercenary " race that write , " shouted " Order reigns in France ! " And now you have the matchless audacity to deplore corruption , denounce tyranny , and preach revolution ! " Oh 1 Shame 1 where is . th y blush ?"

      We have said that the present system in France is menaced by a revolution . The extraordinary revelations of political profligacy , the revealment of crimes , of which the Praslin tragedy is but a specimen-the intrigues against Spain , so ruinous to the character and the real interests of the French nation , and the collusion of the French Government with that of Austria , and other despotic powers , to

      obstruct the march-of Liberty throughout Europe - these combined , have caused such a state of public excitement in France , as would produce an immediate explosion , but for the laborious efforts of the Democrats to quiet the people ! ThejFrehch Democrats know the wily enemy they have to contend with , and will , therefore , bide their time . But the nightly gatherings in the streets of Paris , which even now will scarcely g ive way before charges of cavalry , sufficiently show the temper of the multitude ; and , as we believe , indicate " the beginning of the end . "

      the Morning Chronicle reminds the French peopie that they have , at the present time , no definite object in view , and hence argues that , in the event of a revolution , the chances are greatly in favour of either a strong-handed despotism or the wildest democratic supremacy becoming the issue of Hie struggle . To avoid both extremes , the Chronicle suggests the starting of a dodge similar to our "Reform Bill , " which , if obtained , would give increased power to the mass of the middle-class , and at the

      same time effectually nullify the power of the democracy . We too , deplore that the French reformers have no avowed , defined , and fixed object before them . We have no doubt thatthe interior organisation of the people , which exists nearly throughout France , has some settled objector objects in view . Still this organisation cannot poistbly comprise more than a purtion of the people . Had the French an object to struggle for , such as the PEOPLE'S CHARTER of England , we should feel more certain than we do at present that they would turn their coming victory to good account , aud save

      themselves both from the military despotism which the Chronicle affects to dread , and that despotism of the shopocracy which the Chronicle desires to see carried to perfection . Why not inscribe The Constitution of ' 93 upon the popular banner ? With a few modifications to suit the altered circumstances of the times , we know of no embodiment of political democracy at all equal to that admirable constitution . Let the French democracy look to it , and not allow themselves to be again deluded and betrayed by the lying promises and treacherous professions of intriguers and false-hearted leaders .

      In this article we have not had space to more than allude to Louis-Philippe ' s treason te the cause of progression in Spain , Switzerland , Italy , nn , 1 . A * l » u , vvuiiirloo . . ( Tho . . gvAnfo .. not * transpiring in those states , with those which may daily be expected to arise , will form subject-matter for future comment . We have preferred in this article to confine ourselves , as far as possible , to . the home doings of the crafty tenant of theTuilleries , believing that the hour is not distant when we shall see him

      served with notice to quit . We could earnestl y desire that any change that may take place in France may be brought about by peaceable means . Independent of other considerations , the mere fact that changes accomplished by the sword are , too often , by the power of the sword , turned to evil instead of good , is alone sufficient to induce us to desire peaceable progression , if possible . Above all , we desire that the French nation should be prepared ,

      whenever victorious , to establish the veritable SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE ; to eschew the lust of military ' glory ; ' leave national , prejudices to drift down the stream of oblivion , and show by their acts that the Fraternity of Nations is no mere phrase , but the living principle and guiding star of their mission . If the French people be now prepared to play such a part , then are we near the hour" When the monarch and the anarch alike shall pass away , And morn shall break , and man awake in the light of a fairer day . "

      * See Vol, I Ll.Of"Jkwfcrn Europe And Th...

      designated as , vLtf ,.-his . calculation of *^ strengt h will be remarkably erroneous , ln u ^ lt gory are set downDwkcoMfla ' , O'Connor V *^ and others—to all of whom Mr 0 'Conn h * **' may be applied : . "If L « 5 stands for Russell ^ the Press presumes that I am to be a fea thtt ' - ^ wing of Whiggery , the animal must fall . " ^ tlte Thus late years have developed the elem progress , and ripened them into action , tv ' ^ gress-and herein lies its streng th and it 5 i ^'

      tlilo nrnnrooahae tint liPAn •» t , to .. « J U .. . " * " - * » this progress has not been achieved by concesj - not been obtained by contradictory coalition ^^^ been asserted by turbuleace : it is mere ly an in " ""! " * on the performance of those promises , whi K " ^ popular will extorted from reluctant classes Reform Bill - , it is merely au exemplification f h great principle laid down by the Whi gs therasel Taxa tion without Representation , is Tyr 6 nnv *' '

      And , we may ask , what is it that the Ref 0 rra g . promised ? Are we not carrying out the greai tt f ? set . the nation ? The fact is , Government exor a spirit they could not lay , when they called u popular element into action , to serve party p It had long been awaiting opportunity— that n *' tunity they afforded—and the question then rnr t ' *

      has ever since been followed up by the PeonU , unswerving and uncompromising consistency , jv question—the Reform question—is , as wehave w —the Representation of Labour . All minor nn are comprised in this one great , coroprehe . principle ; and those minor points cannot he „ „ . - j without it ; or , if carried—a result more % ^\ n thetical—no guarantee would be afforded againt *

      relapse into those abuses which , for the nonce hi caused an alteration . But it is to minor questions of Reform that Government wishes especiall y i 0 ^ rect the attention of the People . And natuiall y ^ It sees that the spirit of the age demaids rt { Wtas and it is desirous , since grant it must , of grantb ? those which shall least affect its own monopoly and may be easiest diverted back into the old clianl nels of corruption . They are , above all , reforms

      which do not affect the franchise . Touch that ana you touch the very heart of monopoly ^ . tlie Q ^ are but as the loose garments that cover its de . formity . Thus they will talk of a repeal of certain Taxes-Free Trade , up to a certain ^^ -Education , of a certain * or / -and Sanatory Reform , in the sewer and the kennel-but not in the cottage or the means of subsistence for the poor . They are even glad , seeing that something must he doaeseeing that the People are alive to the Momnf , nM a « . iu « .. » . » "v . * vu ^ s » iu mva vn promptings

      of common sense—that these questions should be publicly agitated . "Noble Lords" and " monied Gentlemen " take the chair , preside , and spout at meetings on the subject . Wh y ?—IT IS A SAFE . TY-VALVE ! It diverts the public mind from the great measure of political Reform , which compr m all these minor ones . Not that we object to these measures being mooted , and directed honestly for the public good—but , we ask , suppose that motives of expediency shall have forced Government to repeal certain obnoxious taxes—shall have compelled aristocracy to divest itself o f some of its immuni .

      ties—should even have constrained the Church t » stand on its own foundation , and separated froat the State , to be weighed in the balance of Religion and Humanity ; — suppose , we say , all these thingsjto have been achieved , what guarantee is there for the continuance of the change ? Clearly none—as Vang as the representative and legislative power is monopolised by those who have created these monopolies , and could thus re-create them at the first fitting oppor tunity . Popular right can only be guaranteed hy

      popular power . It is not enough to remove an oppressive law—we must have a surety that such law will not be re-enacted—and that security can only be afforded by spreading the shield of the franchise before the ranks of Labour . Tins is , furthermore , tbe o » i ^ oecurily offered , that public power will be directed to the public good . The public power is there NOW—the people comprehend their social and their political wants—they also feel that

      powerand with the knowledge of their requirements , and the consciousness of their mi ght—it is evident they will awaken to its use , and realise their desires . To deny them their legitimate agency , whenall parties are forced to acknowledge the justice of their demands , is rendering the peace of the country insecure . Therefore , again , the only guarantee thatthe popular power will be directed to the popular good , is by establishing the rights of the people—or , in other words , granting representation to Labour .

      We have said all parties concede the ri g ht of the people to the franchise—on what plea , then , do th « y withhold it ? That it is not time . Why is it not time ? The people would make a bad use of it , and it would lead to turbulence and anarchy . On their own showing , " turbulence and anarchy " are more likely to ensue from withholding Ihefrani cbiae , than from granting it . W hile , by te tnpoiBrag and concession , they , themselves , are informing the people , when it IS the ri ght time—namely . «&» tfte people are so strong that they can enforce it .

      The representation of Labour , then , is the great question of the day—in this all others are comprised—without this , all others must either remain unrealised , or lack stability and safety when carried into action . It is this question CHARTISM has propounded—it is this principle Chartism is rapidly carrying into practice . It is this , and only this which will enable the Dissenter to separate Church and State ; the Free Trader , to complete the

      beyinmng he has made ; the tradesman , to brig hten home trade by creating , in emancipated industry , a fertile source of home consumption ; and the working man , in the prosperity of his own order , te guarantee the prosperity of all . Thus the Charter embraces the honest Reformers of every abuse ; it does not clash with any—but , while comprising all ? it casts the shield of superior protection around the struggling bauds , and , while it recognises the jes ticeof the Reforms desired , says : I WILL ENABLE YOU TO OBTAIN THEM , AND TO KEEP THEM WHEN THEY ARE OBTAINED .

      The House And The People. After A Durati...

      THE HOUSE AND THE PEOPLE . After a durationtof unusual length , Parliaraeathas been dissolved and re-constituted—and the growth of public opinion and public power , greatly , though but partly , manifested in its reconstruction . We

      say " partly , " since tbe people could have done much more than they have achieved , had they been conscious of the full extent of their power , and had not the Government , with Macohiavellian policy , hurried the elections , in order to antici pate the complete organisation of the Chartist phalanx . Yet we say " greatly , " since the power developed , and the progress made , are paralysing the factions ; and , while , confessedly ourstrength was but partly put forth , they cry aghast : if this was but the SKIRMISH of Chartism , what will the BATTLE be ? . '

      TWO HUNDRED AND TWENTY-ONE new members have been seated in the House , and the band of the rejected go about asking each other : " What is it that has wrought this mi ghty change ?" " What is it that has cost us our seats ? " They had recourse to all the old approved good measures . They were lavish of beer and bribes . They came forward with the most plausible election cries . They shouted , " No Popery ; " " Education ; " " Sanatory Reform ; " " Retrenchment ; " «« Taxation . " The old spells failed—the new magic proved powerless . They omitted the one great master-requirement of the

      age-THE REPRESENTATION OF LABOUR . Every man who has gained his election , with scarce an exception , has bowed in-recognition to this principle ; or , at least , has been forced to bolster up the seat of present misrule , by the promise of future reforms . They all felt the great hand of the public moving at the foundation-stones of their authority ; and , while their seats tottered beneath the motive

      power , they learned it would no longer do to recognise the abstract princi ple of popular right , but that the time was coming to carry that ri ght into legislative practice . Meanwhile , the Press and its privileged patrons , do not seem aware of the mi ghty change that has taken place in tbe House , but with strange blindness , or dogged pertinacity , classify members under two distinctive heads—of "Liberals" and " Conservatives . " Liberal . in the conventional acceptation of the term , means a Whig ; but if L ord John Bvsseu / counts on tbe support of all those ivb « are

      Co #Ea?M'S & Corosnoiflwiift

      Co # ea ? m'S & Corosnoiflwiift

      Mkc6l1ane0us. W. Aloer, Ebley. —We Have ...

      MKC 6 L 1 ANE 0 US . W . Aloer , Ebley . —We have handed your letter to tt $ 0 Executive Committee of the National Charte ; . Assoc" * tion , HI , High Holborn . II . Sd-itaIX , Manchester . ~ Your latter would bit g' ^ undue prominence to a rag utterly unworthy oi s * tb notice . Accidents is Mines . —To tho editor .-Sir ,-Cai yo « . « r any of your readers , inform me whether anyone ms found out a plan , or invented a machine , toprtveut tiio ltss of life , when the rope snaps in the iHsccnduig and ascending of mine shafts . If so , please say « what construction , aid you will much oblige . ! W . 6 DEoe .

      Nottingham Election Fund . —J . Sweet . acMowlW tho receipt of the following sums , with thay ks , viz , — Prom T . N . K ., Is ; from Parkhead , Sccflaiw , U . from Kewcastle-uuder-Ljue , Staffordshire . 3 < tin ; ' / J ™ tho Central Begistration Committee , Londib . W' »•» from Loughborough , 4 s id ; Mr llallam , 2 a 6 u ; * ' Thunnan , 6 d ; from Trowbridge , Is ! M ; frO T >«»*«" Heath , 6 s lOd . ' I Plymouth . — Mr Robertson writes as follow / : — Sir , —In reply to one assertion eontaincdin the n «* signed by Tremain tChavtist secretary ) , thti I havei w »* ducedilr ' O'Connor . Ihave only'to <* atdthntim »» unconditional falsehoodI lately iu onve « au »»

      . was witk a party who had joined the land CoiuW , an * £ jocular rhodomoutnde , I related an anecdote * , narrated by * Clark , of Mr O'Connor ' s '" fauon ' fjy " pose Macaulay at Edinburgh . So farfrdii malign" * Mr O'Connor , I have ever , both in public fjo 1 ?? " ^!; fearlessly stood forward ia vindication of Ms caaracw , and asserted the disinterested integrity if his raomm most especially in reference to the emjuble aPr " ' tto * of Ytmej paid by the Wad Compan } , as a svvi ); „ of witnesses iu this town can attest . ' p rt' ¦ D « V « the charge cf setting the Chartist gentfomen a a < £ atvw , [ have only to state that , some tilie six * wuf , funds were required to > defray ) the ft » V "

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Sept. 11, 1847, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_11091847/page/4/