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Northern Star (1837-1852), 11th April 1846, Edition 2 of 3, Page 1, THE POLISH INSURRECTION. MOST IMPORTANT ...

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    • in TO THE IMPERIAL CHARTISTS.
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      In To The Imperial Chartists.

      in TO THE IMPERIAL CHARTISTS .

      Mt Tert Dear Frie^-Mt En Gagements Furth...

      Mt tert Dear Frie ^ -Mt en gagements furtherance of the Land project , last ^ eet compelled me to neglectalaisc portion of myweeldy d » tf tc fte Northern Star , and the preparation of accounts , and other arran gements , as necessary preliminaries to the ballot on Monday next , has occupied so muci of my time this week that I have not been able to fbroish von with the usual summary of the week' s news , or to reply to several co ' . TCspondents . I faiow that you would not receive my apology gracefully if my excuse was idleness , but I think you will accept it cheerfully when you understand that my undivided time has been devoted to your business .

      I « hall now proceed to address you at considerable length , as it will be impossible , or rather it would be imprudent , to condense my observations upon the many important subjects on which I am about to address yoa . Although a considerable portion of my letter will be [ devoted to the Land Plan , you will , nevertheless , observe , that I address you by the ' title i cf Imperial Chartists . I do so because I conscientiously believe , and confidently assert , that ninetynine in every hundred of the Chartists of England , have at length persuaded themselves that the Land plan , so far from injuring , has been the life of the Chartist cause . Since I last addressed you I

      inspected a farm of 164 acres , within 6 miles of Carlisle , and a very superficial view of situation and complexion of the soil convinced me of its unfitness fer our purpose ; I therefore abandoned the notion of baying it , although the circumstances of the proprie tor , a very poor old man , of 77 years of age , would have induced Mm to sell it a great bargain . He gave 4500 L for the estate twenty-four years ago , and expended some hundreds of pounds upon building and other works , and would now take 3200 / . for it . It is just such an estate as a trade-society should purchase , with a view to its improvement . In three vears it would pay them S per cent ., and more , upon

      the money expended , besides theadvantage of reliev- j ing the labour market , by applying the surpluskands to the cultivation and improvement of their own land , and at the same time augmenting their own funds . This is one of the great additions that I wish to see made to the Land p lan . 1 wish to seeall the money belonging to trade-societies , now lying idle in banks , applied to the purchase of landed property , with the view to expending a large amount of labour upon it . I know not what rate of interest the trades receive for their monies , but I know there is no such security as the land , and at whatever rate they purchase I will undertake to hare them well secured in

      four per cent , for their money : —that is—if any trade will purchase , say 50001 . worth of land , I will undertake to secure them in a rent of 2002 . a year upon the purchase money . And as the working classes are but too fatally ignorant upon the subject of the land , I must here observe , that land so purchased by a trade-society would of itself , without any additional improvement , he good security for the interest , while , by the continuous improvement going onunder our system , their property would be daily more valuable . For instance , if a trade purchased 50007 .

      worth of land , and leased it for ever to our society at 200 Z . a year , in the coarse of two years their charge of 260 ? . a year , made more secure and valuable by our buildings , improvements , and labour , would sell for 660 OX , or thirty-three years' purchase of the 2007 . a-year reserved rent . Oh ! what would I give to be able to make you all understand me familiarly upon this subject . ; lf the trades would co-operate with me for their own advantage , and the improvement of their class , we should very speedily have such a New England as never was seen .

      I now turn to the consideration of one of the most important points connected with our society . I meanthe greedy desire manifested for the purchase of every estate that is offered for sale , whether in parts of the country where we have many members , or in parts where we have not got a single member I like this anxiety , because it shows a longing after the land , while a certain degree of prudence must be used to control and repress it , as a single false step , or one unluckv purchase , might do our society

      irreparable damage . The frequency of those notices of estates to be sold does , however , answer one of the principal fallacies of our opponents , who stoutly contended that we never should be able to purchase land . While I never willtakeasingle important step without the undivided concurrence of my brother directors , nevertheless , I now state , most unequi- j vocally , that no individual , or local predilection , no invitation , no dread of blame or anger , shall induce me to make a purchase for the society which I would not make for myself .

      The failure of every plan which promised nationality has arisen from the foolish desire of the managers to satisfy the wishes of influential parties , without consulting the interest of the body . In this Land movement I recognise no superiority , not even of the man who would advance £ 10 , 000 , over the member who pays his threepence per week . Person " not belonging to our society would vainly hope to push us by headlong action into imprudent speculation , but against that folly we have set our face . I shall now apply myself to some points upon which it will be necessary , indeed indispensable , to take the opinion of our Manchester friends during our sojourn in the district .

      The first in importance stands Education , and , in order that a perfect system of education may go hand in hand with free labour , it is my intention to propose , that wherever the society locates 100 members , that five acres of land shall be kept distinct and apart for the purposes of education . That a school-house , with a school-room for boys , and one for girls , shall be erected upon those five acres , and that the two school-rooms shall be so divided that at any time the partition maybe removed in order to afford accommodation for lectures on agriculture , chemistry , geology , and such other subjects , a knowledge of " which may be thought necessary f « r the occupants and their children . I propose that one acre

      of those five shall be reserved as pLvygreund for the children , and that the other four acres , with the bouse , shall be the salary of the school-master and school-mistress , and that , in prober season , the children able to perform any work shall work two hours a day upon those four acres for the schoolmaster , and that this shall constitute the salary of the school-master and the school-mistress—that is , the house and the four acres of land cultivated to the highest state ofperfectionby thelabourof the children who are able to work , and all will do more or less—( of course , Imean the boys ) , the girls , I presume , will be engaged m learning to knit , and sew , and bake , and otherwise assist the school-mistress , who will have their domestic labour ako free .

      Of course , I presume , that in all cases the school-master and school-mistress will be man and wife . Now , those four acres of land , cultivated as they would be , with the house , would be worth more than £ 150 a-year , and I shall suppose 200 children to be educated—their education would cost their parents but 3 s . for the whole family per annum—that is . I presume , that the schoolrooms and house would cost £ 250 , which , at four percent ., is £ 10 a-year , and that the five acres of land would be worth £ 1 per year , making £ 15 a-year , and a hundred families at 3 s . each would be just the £ 15 a-year . I presume that each family would average two quirin g education , that is at the rate

      of Is . Gd . per annum for each . Now , here we find one of the great advantages of co-operation with individuality of possession , while I unhesitatingly assert that the system could not be carried out upon the principle of Communism . This is a branch of the plan to which I attach paramount importance . This is what governments and religious societies have for years been attempting to accomplish , but have nevcryetsucceeded in ; the blightinginfluencelof sectarianism always stepping in to mar the project . Beside receiving education , the four acres become a model farm for the agricultural imprevemsnt of youths who afterwards may benefit by the instruction , and live independent upon it .

      ily friends , the advocates of the large farm system are already beginning to bring the word " SQUATTING" into more fashionable use , with the evident intention of using it offensively towards our project . Now , it never will apply to us until Britain has a population of two hundred millions , and when she has , let them deal with the emergencies , the necessities , and grievances of their day , I will deal < mly with those that pres & at themselves in oar day .

      Mt Tert Dear Frie^-Mt En Gagements Furth...

      Sow , I Vnl show you why we shall not have " squattees . " The males would assist the fathers , and be at school till fifteen years of age ; at fifteen they would devote their labour with their father to the allotment—at fourteen , society would compel each father to pay threepence a week to the Land Fund for each male child , till at the age of eighteen—in four years , from fourteen to eighteen—he would have paid up his full share at threepence per week—for four acres , at sixpence per week ; and as each male arrived at the

      age of eighteen , he would have his own allotment to go to , and by that time the same number of girls would be provided for , as I hope that a country life , and the charms of domestic comfort , will induce young men to marry at the earliest possible period , so that parental affection , the warm love of a young couple for children , who will be a pleasure and a pride to them in youth , and NOT A BURTHEN TO TI 1 EM IN OLD AGE , may once more constitute a portion of the English character .

      On Flirty night , at the tea party , and again on Saturday , in the Hall of Science , I shall bring all these subjects so clearly before my audience , as to leave no room for misunderstanding , and on Monday we go to ballot—a proud operation , and a proud day for me—a day for which I have longed for many years—a day , to postpone which , tyranny , oppression , and misrepresentation have laboured hard , out which , in spite of all , is now within a few hours . But what will be my pride when I go in company with the first

      section of tree labourers to take possession of their own habitations , from which no tyrant can eject them , in which no foe would dare to invade them ? I ask you , will not one man ' s work have been then accomplished , as it will be impossible longer to resist the growing desire for freedom , or to arrest the progress of agricultural prosperity ? Up to this hour , and it is now but twelve o'clock on ATednesday , we have received between £ 300 and £ 100 , so that I did not make a miscalculation when I ventured to assert

      that our funds would reach £ 5 , 000 within tho year Our plan will not have been in operation ten months on Monday next , and we shall be in possession of £ 7 , 000 , if not more . I trust that the clear and lucid manner in which my account appears in this week ' s Star of all monies received to the end of March , will give satisfaction totheSocietr , anda"IlEAVYBLOW AND GREAT DISCOURAGEMENT" to our opponents . I cannot conclude this portion of my letter without strongly reprobating the negligence of several of the secretaries . "While I am making up the accounts to the

      end of March , there are in my possession nearly £ 200 worth of Post-office orders wrongly advised , and for which I cannot get cash , while orders are still made made payable at every Post-office in London . I have besought the secretaries to make their orders payable at Charing-cross , to William Prouting Roberts , whether they transmit them to Mr . Wheeler or to me . In many instances they have violated this rule , and now I will make a rule for myself . I hereby solemnly declare , that I will neither acknowledge or receive , on behalf of the Land Fund , any Post-office order that is notmadepayable to WILLIAM PROUTING

      ROBERTS UPON THE LONDON POSTOFFICE , ST . MARTIN'S-LE-GRAND . It is very tiresome , as well as unjust , to take up Mr . Roberts' time signing Post-office orders , and very unjust and hard upon my nephew to receive back 20 per cent , of them , with the intimation that they are not payable to Mr . Roberts , and without any information as to whom they are payable . I have now one payable at the Manchester Post-office , and others payable at every Post-office in London . This makes all the Post-offices most uncivil and

      unaccommodating , while it entails useless trouble . Some of the secretaries , Mr . Sweet , of Nottingham , for instance , and many others , give us scarcely any trouble , their accounts are so clear , plain , and regular . Why cannot all others do likewise ? And if there is any desire upon the part of the country Post-office to give a preference to any London office , that is no reason why I should be inconvenienced . Every person sending a Post-office order can have it made payable where he pleases , and I insist upon it being made payable at the London office , to William Prouting Roberts , with the name of theiperson sending it plainly written at full length .

      I now take leave of this portion of my subject , and turn to a consideration of our political relations . I commence , as is natural , with thestate and prospects of my own country ,

      IRELAND . When the Queen ' s speech announced the Ministers' intention of coercing Ireland , the Nortliern Star newspaper was the only journal that selected the "base , bloody , and brutal" threat , for comment and denunciation ; and from that period to the present , I have laboured arduously every week to bring the true state of Ireland home to the understanding of the English mind ; while I have endeavoured , and I

      think successfully , to refute the malicious and blasted fabrications , misrepresentations , and denunciations of the Times newspaper , and the Tory press of England . In the first article after the speech was delivered , I pointed out the course which the Irish members and the English people were bound to pursue , in the event of the Minister carrying his threat into execution . The policy of the Times was to convince Englishmen that Irishmen had not a single grievance to complain of . That journal asserted that

      THE TRAVELLER , WHETHER HE WENT NORTH , SOUTH , EAST , OR WEST ; AND HOWEVER HE DIVERGED , COULD NOT MEET WITH A SINGLE INDIVIDUAL WHO HAD A SINGLE GRIEVANCE TO COMPLAIN OF . All their complaints , upon investigation , were admitted to be ideal ; and the blighting influence of the national religion was assigned as the prolific cause of national inquietude and discontent . This course was adopted to stamp the heaviest reprobation upon those who sought that justice which the law denied , and who were unfairly compelled to that vengeance on their oppressors which the law

      refused . Now , however , that resistance to coercion may thwart the Minister , the Times newspaper sees no justice in coercion—which itself has mainly produced—unless accompanied with remedial measures . The Times has dealt in the grossest slanders of the Irish people and their priesthood , and would now fain wipe off the stain of its own creation , by a hostile blow at a hostile Minister . On Saturday , the 28 th of March , there was an article in the Northern Star , which the limes of the following Tuesday was obliged to reprint , with the mere change of simple truths , plainly told , into mysterious editorial phraseology . In the Star of Saturday last , I

      addressed you upon a point which to me appeared , and still appears , of the most vital importance—I mean as to what is now the duty of the English people to themselves and their Irish brethren . The enemies of a real union between the people of the two countries have laboured hard to dissever and disunite them . They have attributed to the English people a voluntary participation in all the acts of oppression committed by the English government towards Ireland . They have never had a single opportunity of fostering a horrible enmity , well knowing that a thorough union between the people of both countries would give the death-blow to interested , factious , one-sided , POT-WOLLOP 1 NG AGITATION .

      The Irish press must be compelled to force a correct knowledge of English feeling npon the Irish mind . It cannot he forced by a mere sectional movement ; it must be COERCED by a great national display . Let me , firstly , inform you of a few of the provisions of this bill , and the circumstances which render them more oppressive . Firstly , — -It makes a Saxon Viceroy the autocrat of Ireland ; it gives him the power to outlaw any portion of Ireland upon the mere caprice , wliim , and representation of a set of tyrant landlords , bigfittcd parsons , oppressive magistrates—who have been unserved for the purpose—and a suv police . I

      Mt Tert Dear Frie^-Mt En Gagements Furth...

      do not condescend to enter upon the question of unjust taxation to which he may submit the proclaimed district . Secondly , —It offers a premium for arson , perjury , robbery , rapine , murder , plunder , and every descrip . tion of lawless violence as well as whim , cunning , deception , and treachery . It allows the viceroy to quarter idle freebooters upon those whose peace has been disturbed by the contrivance of those very freebooters themselves .

      Thirdly , —The provisions of this harsh and bloody law are to be administered by the RESERVED JUSTICES—by the justices in whose corruption a Saxon Lord Chancellor can confide ; all who struggle for Irish nationality , amounting to nearly four score , being previously struck out of the commission of the peace . Fourthly , —It enables ANY ONE of those reserved justices , not acting in petty sessions , not subject to any control , wholly irresponsible , no appeal against his judgment , to TRANSPORT FOR SEVEN YEARS any person who may be found out of his house FROM AN HOUR BEFORE SUNSET

      TO AN HOUR BEFORE SUNRISE . This bloody-minded decree admits of no comment , and will admit of no palliation , if the English people tamely sanction its enactment . Fifthly , —It enables the tyrants to violate the trial by jury by sending a poor peasant from the county where he ought to be tried by his peers , to Dublin , to be tried by a jury , whose fears will be operated upon , and whose minds will be corrupted by the landlords , who have fled the disturbed districts in consequence of their own murderous tyranny ; and where the perjured policeman , the hired government spy , or the informer , may give their evidence in safety , and receive their Wood-money in secur ity .

      Sixthly , —Because the bill is aimed at the wrong parties and not at the wrong doers ; for the PROTECTION OF THE MURDERERS and the entrapment of the innocent . If the bill had for its object the transportation of Mr . ' and Mrs . Gerrard and such ruffians , who look upon the power to extract rent , and the most violent enforcement of it , as the only duty they have to perform , the law would be good and I would support it . If it was a bill to transport those who murder the unprotected poor by slow and lingering torture and cold-blooded oppression , it would be good and I would support it . If it was a

      bill to enable the oppressed to bring the oppressor to speedy justice , if it was a bill to force the tyrant landlord from his defended castle to be tried by a tri " bunal of the Irish people , it would be good and I would support it . If it was a bill to allow the people to proclaim a district where tyrant landlords hold uninterrupted sway and use their power to degrade the people ; if it was a bill to levy taxes , poor rates , legal expenses , and supplies for an army and police , from the lands of the rich for the maintenance of the poor , it would be good and I would support it . If it was abill to coerce the TYRANT LANDLORDS WHO OUST THEIR TENANTS it would be

      a good , a wise , and a just measure , and I would support it . But it is a bill to give unbridled licence to an alien in language , an alien in religion , AND AN ALIEN IN BLOOD . It is a bill to give uncontrol . able sway to the Orange faction and to enable them to spring once more from their ashes to crush the Catholics of Ireland , and , therefore , for all these reasons it is our bounden duty to oppose it to the death . And how much more pleasing will be the performance of that dnty when we reflect that we not only throw the shield of English protection over Ireland , but that we ; COERCE the Irish people to think favourably and to unite with their English brethren .

      Is not this what wo have been struggling for ? Is not this worth struggling for ? and are we so degenerate , base , or even impolitic as to lose the opportunity that now presents itself of establishing a firm union between the English and Irish people ? Englishmen , —As an Irishman , I have some claim upon you . My poor services have been otherwise unrequited , and by your gratitude I have laboured for you for now thirteen years and a quarter , and if you would make me grateful hear me when I plead upon behalf of Ireland . Hear me when I lift my

      voice against her oppressors . Hear me when I point out a simple duty that will rescue her from the fangs of her tyrants . Will you more than repay me for any service that I have rendered to you ? WiP * you make me your debtor ? Will you , if possible , bind me more firmly to you for ever ? If you will , petition against the bloody atrocity ; and , my friends , only for a moment imagine what the feelings of my countrymen must be , when they are compelled to hear , to read , and to believe that the English people stepped in and saved their country from such rank

      oppression . - What a lesson for EnropeJ ; what a proud day for Chartism ; what a triumph for Englishmen ; what a humiliation to their revilers , if Mr . O'Connell was to present a petition signed by even three millions of English against the Irish Coercion Bill . What a moral effect it would produce upon Ireland ; what a proof of Chartist organisation ; what a proof of Chartist virtue . The press must report that ; it cannot conceal our passage throagh the metropolis ; it cannotconceal the " monster" arrival at the doorof the Senate House ; it cannot conceal its importance

      within its walls . Where is the base blabbing fool , where is the narrow minded babbler , where is THE CONSCIENTIOUS HYPOCRITE , where is the consistent knave , who will stop to enquire into Mr . O'Connell ' s former revilings of Chartism while the liberty of a nation is Jeopardised . Is it not the material and valuable part of tha policy to compel Mr . O'Connell with his own lips to retract his former misrepresentation ? And why should we , what right have we , to withhold justice from the people , because one individual may have reviled us ? Every man

      to whom I have spoken upon this subject approves the policy , and this morning I have received a letter from a man who richly deserves the name of leader—I mean Patrick O'Higgins—and I assert , without fear of contradiction , that there breathes not a more wise , more sensible , more prudent , and mare courageous or more devoted patriot than O'Higgins . He is a man upon whose judgment , if at fault myself , I would confidently rely . He is a man in whose integrity the English Chartists hare the most unbounded confidence . He is the one man of our ranks who has

      suffered the largest amount of misrepresentation , and when he approves the policy and is preparodto forget individual oppression , when his country calls for aid , it emboldens me to enforce my policy with the more confidence . He says-, "Petitions against the Coercion Act in the way you propose will open the eyes of my purblind or hoodwinked countrymen . Let those petitions pour in from every quarter of Great Britain . I enclose a copy of one in pro gress of Signature here ,

      perhaps it may answer as a model for some places . " Now can language be more forcible , can appeal be more just , and shall we not as one man unite in answering it . When you asked O'Higgins to come and represent you , he came . When you were struggling O'Higgins was foremost in his endeavour to establish your principles in Ireland . He now asserts that the proposed policy will have that effect , and shall we look for co-operation and refuse it when it is asked in return ?

      My friends , I think 1 have said enough , and if I should have induced you to take this necessary step to right yourselves , and do justice to Ireland , I shall be more than your debtor . Let the petitions le very one direvted to Thomas S . Huncombc , Ksq .,

      Mt Tert Dear Frie^-Mt En Gagements Furth...

      M . P ., F 3 , Albany , London . This is necessary to enable you to send them free ; I will take care to have them safely delivered to Mr . O'Connell . Let a memorandum of the number of signatures from each town be sent to the Star office , and we will take care to chronicle the numbers . Remember it is not a quarter of a minute ' s work for each man , and I shall expect the petition sheets to lie at Cnrpente ^ S Hall during every lecture for the Easter wcekj . at . the Hall of Science on Saturday night ; Oldham Sunday morning aud afternoon , and I slml ' expect to leave Manchester with half a million next week . Now this would be easily done . Let every town in the neighbourhood send in their petition

      sheets , and let every man , woman , and child sign them , and I will bring them with me to London . I am sure the lecturers and executive will aid in this cause / and I am sure ( he colliers will not be behind , The following is a copy of the Petition to which the signatures are to be attached , and as it is to be a national petition nothing more is necessary than to transmit the signatures , we will see that they arc properly attached to the petition . There is not time to get uniform sheets of paper , and therefore each locality will procure the best that circumstances will permitot . '"""" ]\ , ''¦' , ' To the Honorable the Commons of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland in Parliament assembled .

      The Petition of the People of England , Scotland ) and Wales , and of the Irish resident in England . Showeth , That after more than 45 years of what is called a legislative union between Great Britain and Ireland , your petitioners are shocked to Ieavn that no better effect has resulted from this measure of promise than the impoverishment of the sister kingdom , aud periodical demands upon the English Exchequer for the support ot a people remarkable for their frugality , industry , and hospitality .

      Your petitioners cannot find language sufficiently strong to reprobate the course of policy that has been in . variably pursued towards the Irish nation . A policy based upon the expediency necessary to ensure the cooperation of the respective factions in Ireland in aid of the ruling power for the time being : a policy which was sure to mult iu general dissatisfaction , and a policy which has now led to the insecurity of life and property . Your petitioners have never failed to express their lively interest in every thing connected with the wellbeing of their Irish brethren , and they take this opportunity of indignautly repudiating the assertion that they have in anywise been parties to any single act of injustice towards the Irish people ; but , upon the contrary , your' petitioners are daily contending against similar acts of oppression in their own country , which however , thanks to a better system of organisation , are checked aud resisted by the free expression of the

      national mind . Your petitioners contend that your honourable House has no right to make a law suspending the constitution in Ireland , or in any way abridging : the legitimate rights of the Irish people without first having remedied the several long standing grievances which naturally lead to that national irritation and universal demand for justice which the proposed measure seeks to arrest . Your petitioners call upon your honourable House te remove the manifold causes which lead to Irish dissatisfaction before you hazard the dangerous experiment ai setting a viceroy above the law , and making trial by jury " amockery , " " a delusion , "aud "asnare . "

      Your Petitioners aver that as long as a union exists between the two countries the lair should be equal and equally administered in both , while yeur petitioners respectfully remind your honourable House that the proposed measure would be a dangerous experiment upon English liberty , English law , and English feeling . " Your petitioners call upon your honourable House forthwith to act upon the evidence furnished to your honourable House in the report of Lord Devon ' s commission , issued by the corumatid of her Majesty ' s Ministers . Your petitioners ask your honourable House to secure perpetuity of tenure to Irish tenants to abolish the power of distress ; to establish cheap Courts of Equity , aud to pass such laws as will compel the Irish landlords to perform those duties which society requires at their hands .

      Your petitioners manfully confess to your honourable House , that they cannot t tamp as a cold blooded murderer the man who , driven to despair , and goaded to vengeance by a denial of justice , is lured to the criino by the tyranny and cold blooded acts of oppression to which the tvnants of Mr . Gerrard , Sir Francis Hopkins , and those of other Irish landlords have been subjected , by being ruthlessly dragged from their miserable huts , and with their weeping and defenceless families , sent destitute upon the wide world , as a prey to every evil passion , and the victim of every evil tempter .

      Your petitioners respectfully remind your honourable House that it has been the practice of both Whigs and Tories , while in power , to conciliate their rcspectire parties in Ireland , by conferring patronage upon their respective partisans , while we defy your honourable House to point out one single measure calculated to ameliorate the condition of the Irish people . Your petitioners remind your honourable House that the Irish Coercion Bill , now undergoing discussion , professes to be a measure for the protection of the lives of the peaceable inhabitants of the country , while your petitioners cannot otherwise recognise it , than as atieneouvagement to the rich oppressor to persevere in his tyranny of the poor oppressed . Your petitioners therefore pray your honourable House to reject the "base , bloody , and brutal bill , " and to

      pass measures without delay which will enable the Irish people to live upon their own resources , with , out being beggars at Britain's door ; to pass measures that will be equally protective of the lives , the liberties , and the properties of the poor ss of the rich , who appear to be the especial and only care oi your honourable House ; to pass measures which will make every man look upon murder as a crime , and will prevent sympathy from being extended to the criminal ; to pass measures that will develops the resources of Ireland , and afford to Irishmen a happy asylum in the land of their birth , and thereby make Ireland what she ought to be—the right arm of England—instead of being a drag-chain upon British industry , and her people just haters oi British connection , British oppression and misrule , And your petitioners will ever pray .

      There , my friends , is the petition that I most respectfully and earnestly ask you to attach your signatures to , so that when the monster makes its next appearance the Irish people shall learn that the English Chartists are not , and never have been , their enemies . Your faithful Friend and Servant , Feakqus O'Connor .

      /^^/C^^^ T ' /Ife^Tt Ftf

      /^^/ c ^^^ t ' / ife ^ tt ftf

      Am) National Trades' Journal.

      AM ) NATIONAL TRADES' JOURNAL .

      Vol. X. No. 439. London, Saturday, April...

      VOL . X . NO . 439 . LONDON , SATURDAY , APRIL 11 , 1846 . « w « -, K ! * svmvCE w ' . i ' ' " Five- .-HhiHingw ami Sixpence per Quarter

      The Polish Insurrection. Most Important ...

      THE POLISH INSURRECTION . MOST IMPORTANT MANIFESTO OF THE REVOLUTIONARY GOVERNMENT . The National says , — " We hasten to publish the following letter , which has been addressed by the Polish insurgents who have arrived at Strasburg to the editor ot the Courrierda Sas-Shim" Sir , —At the moment when , after a journey not unattended by perils , we enter upon the hospitable soil of France-upon that free soil which now suffers the Polish insurgents to raise their voice , which has been too long stifled—our first care is to protest in the face of the world against the calumnies by whicn the oppressors of our country have tried to dishonour

      the cause of our dear Poland . If in the absence oi documents which we shall shortly receive we cannot yet publish a faithful relation of the events which have transpired in Poland , we owe it to the cause to which we are devoted , wo owe it to the public character with which we were for a moment invested , to establish forthwith in their true light the facts which throughout this Germany , which we have just traversed as fugitives , a press paid by the Austrian and Russian Governments has grossly perverted . Wc will not attempt to explain the causes of the late insurrection , or to explain the motives of the insurgents . Is it necessary to justify a nation which , impatient to throw off a foreign yoke , attached to

      the religion of its lathers , struggles by untiring efforts to regain its national independence , its liberty of conscience , shamefully violated ? If in 1 S 31 the desperate struggle which a portion of the Polish nation sustained created such deep sympathy throughout the whole of the civilised world , why should not the same sentiments be extended to the insurgents of 1846 , who have fought for the same cause and for the samo principles ? For Jet us not mistake the case ; it is not in the purely isolated attempts made without due reflection by some madbrained young men that wc must look for the causes of the late events . No , it . is the entire of the kingdom of Poland , without distinction of religious opi-

      The Polish Insurrection. Most Important ...

      nions or provinces—it is the peasantry , confident of a more auspicious future ( that is to sav , they feel confident that they will be freed from all unjust burdens)—it is Christians and Israelites—it is the children of Lithuania , of Warsaw , of Poseii , as well as of Cracow and Gallicia—it is all these scattered elements of our former nationality which by a simultaneous effort resolved to burst their chains , and oppose their life , their liberty , to the slow tortures of their executioners . If the insurrection of last February was not general—if the attempts of the insurgents failed in certain provinces , whilst in others they were suppressed in the first onset—we shall at a later period be enabled to show the causes and circumstances which paralyzed a movement which might have proved so baneful to our oppressors . It

      is sufficient lor us to state at present that denunciations , the source of which will one day be unmasked , placed the three Powers which have divided our unhappy country upon their guard ; that our countrymen , who left Fiance in the greatest secrecy to assist in the national cause , were , from the very hour of their departure , subjected to the vigilance of-the Austrian and Prussian police ; and that the three Governments , thus put upon their guard , were enabled to adopt such measures that not a single Pole who left France was enabled to ' . reach Poland , and that the arrest of several of the most important personages connected with the conspiracy produced the complete failure of the insurrection . Notwithstanding the events so fatal to the success of our projects , and although the provinces where the

      arrests took place were at that time not in a condition to contribute to the common cause , the insurrection bursts out is different parts of Poland . jj Gallicia , despairing of the arrival of the detachments of insurgents intended to occupy certain important points of that province , was unable to restrain the patriotic ardour of the people , and she set the example of a general devotion to the cause by assuming the revolutionary initiative three days before the 21 st of February , the period which had been fixed for a general rising throughout the kingdom . Cracow hastened to follow that noblt example ; on the 21 st the inhabitants flew to arms , and on the following day the Austrian garrison cvaeuated the town . Tke events of Cracow are already known ; we will not , therefore , at the present period touch upon them .

      BuHhe journals in the pay of Austria havo been very careful to conceal the atrocities committed during the 24 hours that the town , evacuated by the insurgents , was at the mercy of an infuriate soldiery , excited , moreover , by drink , which the Austrian authorities were careful to distribute in profusion . That which the official journals of the paternal Government of Vienna has been most careful to pass over in silence , is the barbarous order issued by G « - ncral Coliin , by which unarmed , inoffensive persons , feeble women , and innocent children , were shot without pity in the streets of Cracow . The insurgents , however , to the number of 400 at the most , made themselves masters of Cracow ; ft National Government , composed of M . M . Tyssowski , Grzogovzewski , Gorzgowski , and Ro & wski . was installed . Its first

      dispositions were taken with wisdom , and no excess marked the short reign of the Government . In order to shape their acts to the spirit that had dictated their proclamation to the Polish people , and to impart more force and unity to the revolutionary power , the members of the Provisional Government spontaneously and voluntarily resigned their functions , and unanimously appointed as dictator M . Tyssowski , an energetic and upright man , enjoying general confidence in Poland , aud who preserved that post until the veiy last moment . Faithful to their system of calumny towards the Polish cause , the German journals have described that change of authority as the result of intestine feuds between the directors of the revolutionary government . The spontaneous retirement of the National Government

      sumcicntiy refutes that calumny , and if any difference of opinion existed among the different members of the first Government , thev could not be injurious to the interest of Poland ; for the power usurped a moment by M . Wiszniewshi was soon committed to the hands of M . Tyssowski , who possessed the good wishes and sympathy of the nation , and this incident did not endure more than four hours . We are now coming to the most frightful episode of those la-t events , to scenes of cruelty which a barbarous and perfidious Government had dared to impute to the defenders of the Polish cause , and the responsibility of which should injustice fall upon their real authors—upon those who have derived from them an advantage so profitable to their cause . "A detachment of theinsureentsof Cracow had

      been sent into Gallicia to favour the insurrection oi that province . Having reached Gdow on the 25 th February , instead of meeting with support from the insurgents ot Bochnia and Tarnow , they were treated as enemies , and most of them were mercilessly massacred by the peasants . Those who escaped , returned to Cracow , brineing with them some of those peasants . The latter declared , with tears in their eyes , that in committing those acts of atrocity towards their countrymen , they had merelv obeyed the instigations of the Austrian authorities , and the chiefs of the Craeovian insurgents learned from the mouth of those deluded men br what infamous means they had been induced to make common cause with their oppressors against the insurrection . Those peasants were for the moat part serfs of the Crown

      they had all been in the military service of Austria ; but the authorities , in order to gain their end with greater certainty , took the precaution of incorporating with them soldiers of a regiment of light horse and other corps , disguised as peasants , whom they did not blush to incite to that execrable butchery . We can here affirm , and we have authentic documents to prove , that the civil chief of the circle of Bochnia , named Bcrndt , and that of Tarnow , M . Breindt , sent emissaries into the villages of Gallicia to gam over the peasantry to the cause of Austria , by persuading the m that the Polish nobilitv had no other object in view than to reduce the peasants to a state of the most cruel slavery , and that the paternal Government of Austria would protect them against the tyrannical projects of the nobility . Those

      emissaries of Austria promised to pay ten florins for every Polish gentleman who should be delivered into their hands , dead or alive . Those atrocious means succeeded to their full satisfaction , and the peasants , encouraged to commit murder by the lust of gain , excited , moreover , by spirituous liquors , with which they were abundantly supplied , soon perpetrated such cruelties against the Polish nobility that the agents of Austria , surprised at the unexpected success of their schemes , were obliged to reduce by one-half the premium promised to the highway murderers . That premium , added the prisoners , was exactly paid to the suppliers of dead bodies . The peasants , once habituated to those sanguinary excesses , gave no quarter to anybody , and all those who fell into their hands perished , victims of the lustful rage of the

      assassins . Entire families — men , women , and children — were thus exterminated ; and their hou 63 and castles , delivered up to plunder , afford overwhelming evidence against the promoters of those ., scenes of carnage . The Craeovian insurgents , on their passage through the desolated country , witnessed that heart-rending spectacle , and the instruments of those acts of cruelty came , with tears of despair , to confess to them their sorrow at the abominable part the government of Austria had made them act on the occasion . But this is not all : the Polish clergy , in presence of all these atrocities , aud wishing to put a period to them , marched out of the churches in procession , with all the insignia of the Catholic worship , in the hope that this religious ceremony would allay the murderous rage of the

      peasants , and restore them to more humane sentiments . But that proceeding did not suit the projects of Austria , and those noble clergymen , either killed by the bullets of the Austrian soldiers , or transported to Moravia , paid with their blood and liberiy for their generous intervention . One word more , to vindicate the national government against a charge as calumnious as all tho others adduced against it . The only public chests seized by the insurgents were those of Cracow , Wieliczka , and Podgorze . They contained about 450 , 000 fr ., thegreater part of which was employed in purchasing arms abroad . Very little remained when the detachment of insurgents crossed the Prussian frontier . We have just exposed the principal causes of the failure of the last Polish insurrection . Under those circumstances the national government , faithful to its plan , which had never been to maintain itself at Cracow , an open city , and deprived of every means of defence , resolved to carry the war into Gallicia ,

      where it would have been joined bv other bodies of insurgents now fighting in the Carpathian mountains , aud might have prolonged the hostilities ; but the swell in the Vistula , and the presence of a corps ot 12 , 000 Austrians , prevented the execution of that project . We accordingly determined to re-enter Poland , and our small detachment succeeded in forcing a passage through a far superior Russian force stationed on the frontier . " Ultimately we became convinscd of flic inutility of our endeavours , and not wishing to augment the number of victims without advantage to our cause , wo resolved to proceed to France , and there await a more propitious moment to re-commence the struggle . Notwithstanding this recent check , and the defeat of 1831 , Poland still contains the elements necessary 'to attempt a now effort , aud achieve at last the triumph ol' our holy cause . However powerful ami numerous our opponents may be , we trust in the sanctity of that cause , and are confident that God

      The Polish Insurrection. Most Important ...

      has not for over abandoned ( he PoHil : nation to the mercy of its executioners . "Cuahlkk Rogawsiu . Secretary ot the N .-itional Government . " Nicholas Ttssowski , Civil and Milltary Prefect of Cracow . " Matthew Paterykski , Military Chief of the Insurgents . " Joseph Ciiladek , Private Secretary of the Dictator . THE POPE'S MANIFESTO AGAINST POLAND . " Pope Gregory XVI . to the Venerable Brother Joseph , Bishop of Tarnow .

      " In the midst of the very grave solicitude and afflictions with which we are overwhelmed in this great perturbation of the civil and Christian republic , we have learned with much pain tiiatin the countries subjected to our very dear son , the Emperor of Austria , apostolic King of- Hungary and illustrious King of Bohemia , a detestable conspiracy has been undertaken against flip sovereignty of that most serene prince—a conspiracy clandestinely carried on by the machinations of those men who , in these sad times , only listen to their passions , and , always agitated like waves of the sea , despise alt rule , and blaspheme the . majesty of the throne ; of these insidious inventors of lies , who abuse in an

      impious manner the pretext of public good and religion , and endeavour to deceive the inexperienced minds of the multitude in order to lead them into error , and who excite sedition in order to overturn , if possible , the rights and established order of all authority . This grave and afflicting intelligence , venerable brother , has extremely grieved us , tor we are aware how great is the piety of this most serene prince , who has merited well from the' Holy Sue ; who upholds the Catholic religion in his states—defends with care those who profess it , and pravidesanth . ill'his ' power for the happiness of his people :-We are' the more afflicted , that we understand that several ecclesiastics have been wretchedly deceived by bad-counsels and

      intrigues , and that even several cur 6 s have dared , in an aftair of such great importance , to fail in their duty . Wc are persuaded , venerable brother , # at by your pastorial vigilance you will : have endeavoured to preserve your flock from seductions and Tanares , and to make them persevere in the observance of the precepts of the Cathblio religion' and infidelity to their sovereign , by remaining subject to hiinnot only through fear , but also by conscientious motives . We , however , address to you ( his letter in order that you may inculcate with the utmost zeal the doctrine of obedience , which ail subjects owe absolutely to the supreme authorities , according to the precepts of the apostle Paul , and even of the divine Prince

      of Pastors Jn ' mself . Do not forget to "ccal to their duty those ecclesiastics who , forgetting their obligations and their dignity , dare take part in these seditious movements ; never cease to exhort your clergy , in order that , calling to mind their vocation , and thinking seriously of the ministry which they have received from the Lord , they may make every effort , both by words and example , to keep Christians away from the perfidious conspiracies ot seditious men , and to inform them that all power comes from God , and that , consequently , this dmne precept cannot be violated without commitjng a sin , except when anvthing contrary to the laws ot God and the church should happen to be

      commanded . We do not doubt , venerable brother , the zeal with which you will second our desires and our counsels , and that you will so act that the flock comnutted to your care may hold in horror and utterly avoid the mad schemes of unsettled minds , thcinipious movements of turbulent men , and that they may , according to the Catholic doctrine , pav all h » iour and obedience to their most serene prime . Meanwhile , we attest to yon , by this letter , the strong feeling of kindness which we experience towards you , and we give you the apostolic benediction with all the effusion of our heart , and with a desire that you and your faithful believers may enjoy a veritable felicity .

      loV ^ iP . i ' i Rorae - near St < Pctei '' s > on Feb . 27 th , 1846 , the lGtli year of our pontificate . Gregory XVI . " The Peasant War is Galicu . —Accounts from Galicia state , that the peasants , far from obeying the order to retire to their homes , have attacked the Austrian troops at various places , aud are commanded by men of great military , tactics . The number of troops in Galicia does not exceed 32 , 000 men . ft is said that there is an ill-feeling between the Russian and Austrian c-Meers . The Gazette de Vose of the 1 st inst . publishes the following letter , dated Cracow , 23 d ult . ;—

      During the last four days we havo constantly heard the sound of distant cannon from the side of Gahcia , and on the evening of the 20 lh the horizon was red in several places , as if from the effect of an extensive fire . On the same night an Austrian corps ot infantry , with eight pieces of cannon , took the road to Galicia . Other detachments of iniantry marched towards Bohemia and Wieliczka . All those movements prove that the disturbances amongst the peasantry have not yet been suppressed . " A letter from Bromberg , of the 20 th ult ., says—Potocki , one of the leaders of the late revolt in Poland , has been condemned to death , and executed at Siedlec .

      LATER AND IMPORTANT NEWS FROM POLAND . We before stated that the peasantrv in Gallicia had refused to lay down their arms and resisted the Austrian authorities . It seems thev have formed an entrenched camp in the forest of Niepolomice . The Deutsche Alf gemeine Zeitimg of the 5 th April , gives news from Cracow of the 30 th March , which states that a peasant of the name of Saia is at the head of the insurgents . It is on the following conditions alone that he intends to Jay down his arms : — 1 st . —Abolishment of the corvee . 2 nd . —Suppression of duties .

      Jrd . —bait not te be sold at a higher price than Is . 5 d . the cwt . ( salt , tobacco and stamped paper are the three great monopolies of the Austrian government . ) " 4 th . Division of property , one quarter to the nobles and three quarters to the peasantrv . " It is asserted that a person of eminent * talents is at the head of the rebels at Tilsna , representing the civil power , whilst Sala is acknowledged military leader .

      Sympathy For Poland-Public Meeting At Br...

      SYMPATHY FOR POLAND-PUBLIC MEETING AT BRIGHTON . A public meeting ( convened by placards ) was held at the Artichoke Inn , William-street , on Tuesday evening , April 7 th , to take into consideration the affairs of Poland , Ac , Mr . John Good in the chair . The chairman , in a very feeling manner , opened the business of the evening , and concluded bv calling upon Air . Page to move the first resolution . Mr . Page , in a lucid manner , depicted the crimes of the three despots , and the sufferings of Poland , and proposed the following resolution : —

      "Thatthis meeting , having heard with disgust and horror the cruelties inflicted on the natives of Poland by the united powers of Russia , Austria , and Prussia , deem it the duty of democrats of all nations to sympathise with , and assist by every means in their power , that unhappy and oppressed people in their present struggle against their united tyrants , " The resolution having been ably seconded by Air . Flowers , was unanimously adopted . Air . Mitchell , in a short but pithy address , moved the next resolution : —

      " That a subscription be opened iu the town of Brighton , and remain open one month , tho proceeds to be transmitted to the general fund , for tho assistance of Poland in her struggle against despotism . " Seconded by Air . Lewis , and supported by Mr . Page , was carried unanimously . Mr . Flowers proposed , and Mr . Naitard seconded the following resolution : — " That twelve persons be appointed as collectors , provided with books ( duly signed and sealed ) for the said purpose , and the proceeds sent to , and inserted in the Northern Star . " Carried .

      The following persons were appointed collectors : — — Mr . Flowers , Sillwood-street ; Mr , Mitchell , Wood- dstreet ; Mr . Lewis , Spring-street ; Mr . Good , Bark-kham , Sussex ; Mr . Davey , Grosvener-street ; Mr . lr . Williams , King-street ; Mr . Goodeve , Spring-igstreet ; Afr . Roscr , Gardner-street ; Mr . Rose , Tra « : a « falger-street ; Mr . Giles , Victoria-street ; Mr . Ram-msey , Thomas ' s-street ; and Mr . Page , Camelford-rdstreefc . A vote of thanks was unanimously given to theie chairman , and the meeting dissolved . '

      The People's Institute , Bailky-Stuket, ...

      The People ' s Institute , Bailky-stuket , Rocn-cnhale , has been in existence only about five months . hs ,, but has already from three to fourhundred members . Jrs .. there arc four daily London papers , and about at ai dozen weekly London and provincial journals sup ^ upplied to the members , besides several monthlv peri-eriodieals . The library contains from four to ( ivclivC hundred volumes , by the first authors in the worldyrld ,, on all subjects calculated to improve the mcivtalrtal ,. moral , social , religious , and political state of manian , ' 1 he lectures are free to the members , The subsubi Bcription money is only sixpence per month . Wheruieru is the working man that will not join when he lsnownowr . of tiiese advantages ?— Correspondent .

      # A Welcome Discovery . —A few days ago as ns n little boy _ belonging to Wimcreux , near Calais , wa wat trying with a lino from the quay to catch some mo w the small fry peopling the water , he was frighteucteuciii by seeing an immense black mass come floating u ) g m ] the harbour , lie hastened to inform his father , an ^ aiim in a few minutes tho whole of the inhabitants ffcr > wcro upon the quay , astounded at seeing the port comcomi pletely filled with mackerel . Some time was lost ust mi considering how to secure this valuable podseml . A AL length the means of entrapping the whole shoal wal wai devised by completel y stopping the mouth of M Uu lnubour ; and thus , according to one account , wlucMiicll however , is probably much exaggerated , more tha thai 5 WMQ fish have been taught . ;

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), April 11, 1846, page 1, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_11041846/page/1/