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    F ebroaby 10, 1849. THE NORTHERN STAR, V

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    gmgrnal ^arliatnntf

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    MONDAY, Tmo. HOU^E OF LORDS.—Lord FoRTES...

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  • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

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    F Ebroaby 10, 1849. The Northern Star, V

    F ebroaby 10 , 1849 . THE NORTHERN STAR , V

    Gmgrnal ^Arliatnntf

    gmgrnal ^ arliatnntf

    Monday, Tmo. Hou^E Of Lords.—Lord Fortes...

    MONDAY , Tmo . HOU ^ E OF LORDS . —Lord FoRTESCtx , as Lord Reward ofthe Household , communicated to their lord > h > her MaiestY - s most gracious answer to the loval address of the Douse . . The Marquis of Laxsdowne gave notice that , on ^ ribiv next , he should move for a Select Committee to inquire into the administration of the Poor Law M Chairman and Secretary of the North Wales R-ulwav Company appeared at the bar , m pursuance of an order of " last session , to produce certain documents connected with the accounts of that

    eoni-P After some discussion , iu which Lord . " •«* £ «* maintained thatthosc gentlemen ^ hadl l ^ J ™ ££ iSSI = S % ss - tend at the har on Monday next . Their lordships then adjourned . HOUSE OF COMMOSS . -P « mLr . oF .. -SrsrK-* IO . V OF THE Co- VSWTCTIOX IS HlELAXn . —Ml' . J . O'CoxxELL bceed to call the attention ofthe House to a document which he held in his hands , and

    which under the peculiar circumstances of the case , be hoped would turn out to be a breach of the privileges ofthe House , and a fabrication . This document purported to have been presented to both Douses of Parliament by command of her Majesty , and to contain a copy of a letter from the Lordlieatenaut of Ireland " to the Secretary of State for the Home Department , and he should conclude the remarks he had to offer by moving that William Clowes , the printer , be called before the House to answer , for himself and his instigators , for offering what he ( Mr . O'Conuell ) considered an insult to the

    House . The Speaker here interrupted tin hon . member , and informed him that a document presented to both Douses of Parliament by command of her ifajeaty , could not be considered as violating tho privileges of the Douse . Lord J . ItcssEix begged to say , that the paper referred to by the hon . member , was an authentic document , and had l > een presented to Parliament by command of her Majesty . Mr . J . O'Coxnell then said , he was reduced to the necessity of moving the adjournment of the House , and supposed that he should now be perfectly in order in proceedinc with his observations . ( Oh . ' oh !) The hon . member was proceeding accordingly to insist that the letter was of anunconstitutionaland tyrannous character , when

    Mr . H . Drummond rose to order , and requested the opinion ofthe Speaker whether these observations related to the question of the adjournment . ( Hear , hear . ) The Speaker was of opinion that they certainl y did not . ( Hear , hear . ) Mr . J . O'Connell hoped it would be allowed that they did , when he went on to state his conviction that it would be for the dignity of the House , with the liberty ofthe subject at stake , that they should adjourn to give consideration to this matter , and be prepared for the debate upon it on the next night ( Oh , oh !) If the House inherited the spirit of its predecessors , and proved itself nobly jealous of the constitution , it would consider whether there was not in this document grave matter for the impeachment ofthe noble lord who signed it . ( Oh !) The noble lord asked to have the constitution suspended in order that lie might prevent the seeking a constitutional object ; and he asked this under the pretence

    that he desired to put down an agitation which was well known to be utterly extinct . He ( Mr . O'Connell ) was sorry to say that he had not met with much encouragement in calling , as he had been doing , upon Eng lish Liberal members for hel p in opposing the threatened measure —( hear , hear );—vet they would rather die than submit to it in England , and if they themselves proclaimed a separation in constitution , how could they blame the wretched insurrection of last July ? llad not those some claim to consideration who , like himself , in Ireland did all in their power to prevent insurrection ? The Imperial Parliament , indeed , had Ireland under their foot now ; but "bought can escape the vigil long Of him who treasures up a wrong . " It was their hour now —( Oh !)—but the hour of Ireland might come ; and when it arrived , the people of Ireland would have this measure in bitter

    remembrance , ( Oh , oh' ) The SrEAKF . R inquired who would second the motion , when after a pause of a few moments , Mr . Grattax said—I do not rise to second the motion , but I wish —( Laughter , and cries of " Order , order . " ) The S p eaker announced that there was no question before the House , and directed the clerk to read the hst of members who had claimed to be excused from serving on election committees as bein « r upwards of sixty years of age . The list was "read accordingly ; and Lord J . Russell , Sir G . Grey , and the Chancellor o the Exchequer were also ordered to be excused while holding office . Sessional Orders . —Lord Johx Rr / ssEix moved some now sessional resolutions , with the view of accelerating the progress of public business ofthe House . The particular resolutions which may be characterised as substantially new are ( as afterwards amended ) to the following effect : —

    " That when any bill is presented by a member , pursuant to an order of the House , or brought from the Lords , the question that it 'be read afirst time , ' or that it be ' printed , * skill be decided without debate or amendment , " That when a bill has been partly considered in committee ( except supply or ways and means ) , and the chairman his reported progress and asked leave to sit again , and the House has ordered its sitting on a particular day , the Speaker , when the order is read , shall leave the chair without putting the qurerion . " That at the close of the proceedings of a committee of the whole House on a bill , the chairman shall report the bill forthwith , and the amendments shall be received without debate .

    ' . ' That the House will not insist upon its ancient undoubted privileges , in certain cases , with respect to any bill brought or returned from the Lords with amendments affecting any pecuniary penalty , forfeiture or fee . " The noble lord detailed the reasons upon which these resolutions were founded , and the advantages which mig ht be expected from their adoption , in expediting public business , without limiting the power of free discussion . Mr . GouLwrnx , Sir R . Inglis , and other members suggested alterations in the wording of the resolutions ; and Mr . Hume felt the pulse of the House as to the limitation of speeches—a proposal , he said , he had made in the committee , but could get no Member to second it ,

    At a later period ofthe evening , however , Mr . M . Gmsox interposed , and adopting a suggestion thrown out by Mr . Uuue , moved as an amendment a resolution limiting the duration of all speeches to one hour , except in the case of a member introducing an ori g inal motion , or a minister of the crown speaking ui reply . Some difficulty was offered to die putting of this amendment in point of form , which Mr . Gibson dexterously avoided by moving the omission ofthe whole ofthe original resolution except the first words , filling up the niatus with the words of his amendment .

    Lord J . Russell saw much public inconvenience as likely to arise from the proposition , and put the case of a charge brought agxuist a government department , and supported by statements extending over a three-hours speech . It would be obviousl y unjust to deny the representative of that department equal facilities to make his defence . If they adopted the hour limit , it should apply to all parties alike , or justice would not be done to the individual ; ' while if they limited every one they would hardly in all cases do justice to the subject . _ 31 r ! Ttxte thought the habit of Ion ? speaking

    was owinir to tho crowimj perfection of reporting , and suggested that the evil might be abated by shortening the reports . Mr . Hon : considered an hour sufficient to say all thai need be said on any subject Sir R . Peel would rather leave the matter to the discretion of members themselves than lay down any arbitrary rule . If members would agree to avoid repeating facts and arguments advanced by others , much tune mig ht be saved . He hoped Mr . Hume would do this in future , and showan example to other members .

    Mr . Heme was quite willing to enter into an agreement never to speak longer than twenty minutes if the right hon . baronet would do so too . This offer which occasioned considerable Laughter , was not , however , accepted . £ «• It . Isgijs spoke against the proposition . . . Cobden had no faith in any mere understand' ?? to limit the duration of speeches . He would uiuit the time of speaking by a positive rule , in order save the tune of the House , and its re P " kuon with the country . , „ Mr . XswnEGATE remarked that if Hie House re-J ?* d to giredue attention to great public questions , thev would be discussed hy assemblies out of doors , and legislation become the mere record of pajif ins events .

    9 a division Mr . Gibson ' s motion was lost , by a 5 » J « rity of W to 62 : and the orders , as amended , were agreed to ,, ^ Addres * s . —Lord Har by Taxe brought up jfwport on the Address to her Majesty . On the "wjon that the report be read a second tune J ^ Iarquis of Grassy begged to be indulged S * the attention of the House for a few minutes £ e laboured under a very strong conviction that the ! f * f-ni of her Majestv did not convey a fair repre' ¦ tta tiou ofthe condition ofthe country with referwV ? - le numufacturing interests and the agricultkT ^ strf cts . ( Hear . ) With respect to the omis-» 4 ^ l all " «< H > whatever to the distress m the * S J" * districts , he could not suppose that her tW'i / V government were altogether ignorant of ** % ' . and the depth of that distress , " hat

    Monday, Tmo. Hou^E Of Lords.—Lord Fortes...

    then , could be their object in making no mention or allusion to it in the speech from the throne ? ( Hear . ) Did they think thatthe conviction which was brewin ? in men ' s minds that the Free Trade system had been a comp lete failure would be crushed b y such an omission ? He recollected the prophecy made at the time of the passing of those Free Trade measures , that wages were to be raised , and that bread was to be had at half price . How had that prop hecv been fulfilled ? He held in his hand a statement of the condition of the agricultural classes in the nei ghbourhood of the country where he lived and aslt was very short perhaps the House would allow him to read to them the difference in their condition now , and what it was before the Free Trade measures passed . The wages in Leicestershire and

    Lincolnshire were now reduced from 12 s to 10 s He took a family to consist of five individuals—a husband , wife , and three children—and he presumed that they consumed half a stone of coarse flour per week . The price of flour , when the wages were 12 s was 2 s . 2 d . per stone , making for these five individualsi os . od . He presumed that a labouring man would consume three pounds of meat a week at 6 § d . That would he Is . IU . a week . The total expenses , therefore , of the flour and meat would be / s . Old . He now took the prices at the presentmoment , the wages bein g 10 s .: The two-and-a-half stone of flour now at Is . lOd . would be 4 s . 7 d . ; and the meat at sjd . would be Is . 4 * d ., the total being os . Hid . The reduction , therefore , in the price would be Is . Id ., but the reduction in the man ' s

    wages was 2 s . ; so that he was worse off now than he was before by lid ( Hear , hear . ) The truth was , what was required to meet the evil of the present day was employment ; but all the legislative measures of late years had tended to reduce employment at home , and to transfer that employment to the foreigner . Dow could the farmer be expected , with wheat at 45 s . per quarter , to lay out capital upon his land , particularly now when competition was staring him in the face . Mr . Bankes exposed the unfavourable indications ofthe revenue , at which the House was perverscly called upon to express its satisfaction .

    Mr . Gibson retorted upon the country gentlemen , who , he contended , were taking an extraordinar y course with reference to their tenant occupiers . " They did not ask for protection , and they censured the government for proposing retrenchment and economy . How could they then hold themselves up as friends of the tenant occupiers , who would be relieved by retrenchment and a reduction of taxation ? Sir J . TrRRELLcontendedthatin noticingthe omissions of the Royal Speech hon . gentlemen were doing only what the noble lords opposite had done when thev used to tear Royal Speeches to pieces .

    Seeing the indecent haste with which the government had adopted the financial scheme of the hon . member for the West Riding , it might be imagined that they were actuated by a desire to vamp up his character as a prophet . If ministers adopted the hon . member ' s plan , the least they could do was to give him a place on the Treasury bench . The government might depend upon it that the agriculturists would not be destroyed without an effort being made in their behalf . Meetings on an extensive scale were about to take place in the agricultural districts , and the cause ofthe landed interest had latelv obtained the aid of some noble converts

    m another place . Was it fair that agriculture should be exposed to competition with the whole world when at the present moment several articles of manufacture were protected by a duty of 10 per cent ? [ A member on the Ministerial side . — " 2 vot cotton articles . " ] He did not allude to cotton ; some persons had nothing but cotton in then- heads . ( A laugh . ) He had felt it his duty to support ministers in their estimates last session , but in consequence of their conduct upon that point he would support them no longer , and would regard the proceedings of his rig ht hon . friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer with great caution . Mr . Wodkuouse , Mr . Fhewex , and Mr . P . Bennet , in succession , drew a lamentable picture ofthe disastrous effects of the policy of the late and present Ministers upon the agriculture of tho country .

    Mr . Hume complained that the speech from the Throne was engrossed with foreign affairs , to the exclusion of domestic topics , as if we were the police officers of the world . He then touched upon the various grievances of the United Kingdom and the colonies , which he ascribed mainly to the limited basis of the representation in this country , and concluded by moving certain amendments with reference to the rebelhons in Ceylon and the Cauc of Good Hope , and the discontent in British Guiana , the Mauritius , and other British colonies , to the excessive amount of taxation , and to the state of the representation . } The amendments were seconded by Mr . Banker , and supported by Mr . S . Crawford , but were negatived , after an attempt on the part of Mr . Crawford to divide the House , Mr . Hume declining to do so . The address was then agreed to . The Irish Poor Law . —Sir W . SoMERVitiEthen

    rose to move for the appointment o a select committee to inquire into the operation of the Irish Poor Law . Such a committee had been moved for last year , by Colonel Dunne , and the government had been unmeritedly blamed for resisting that motion ; for at the time when it was made , the law bad not been fairly tested . But it was far different now . They had had a year ' s trial of the Act , and he now came forward to ask for a committee to inquire into its operation . The government was blamed bv the Opposition for not at once brincinc

    forward a measure for the alteration of that law . But , had it done so , it would have been blamed on all hands for not complying with the pledge which it made last year , to grant a committee . Inquiry by a committee had now , in his opinion , become necessary . He could assure the House that the government did not ask for tliis committee for the purpose of delay . No time should be lost , after its deliberations were completed , in bringing forward such measures as the exigencies of the case might appear to warrant . He concluded his brief statement by moving for a committee .

    Mr . French characterised the law as universally detested in Ireland . Mr . Fa an observed that but for the famine which had desolated Ireland for the past three years , the rate in Ireland would not have exceeded 5 d . in the pound . It did not now , taking Ireland generally , exceed 2 s . fid . or 2 s . 9 d . in the pound . The agitation now going on against the law in Ireland was more attributable to the pressure of the rates than to any serious defect in the law itself . It was a lawjust in principle , and calculated to be beneficial in its operation—although the famine had rendered the rates for the present oppressive . If the law was not satisfactory to all parties , the fault was more in the circumstances of the times than in the law itself .

    Major Blagkall approved of the course now taken by the Irish Secretary . But he would impress this upon the House , that , in framing a poorlaw for Ireland it should not take Ireland as at present circumstanced , as the basis of its action . Mr . Bright also approved of the appointment of a committee , treating poverty as the curse of Ireland . Let them adjust t jc poor-law as they would between district and district , it would never suffice to relieve the Irish people , so long as one moiety of them subsisted upon the other . It would not do simply to relieve , they must also diminish the poverty of Ireland , ere they could effect any real good to that country . Shis they could only do by dealing with the land question in Ireland as they should do . In dealing with it , they should make the poor-law a stimulus t j the better cultivation of the soil .

    Mr . Statforb concurred in every word that had fallen from the honourable member for Manchester . Instead of relieving , a poor-law would only augment the poverty of Ireland , unless it were so framed that in its working it would stimulate to the better employment ofthe land . Mt . ' Sadleir , Sir G . Grev , Mr . Herbert , Sir L . O'Brien , Mr . Monsell , Mr . Grattan , Mr . S . Crawford , Mr . St . George , Mr . P . Scrope , and Col . DcxxE , participated in the debate , which ended in the appointment of the committee , and the House adjourned at half-past twelve .

    TUESDAY , Feb . 6 . ¦ HOUSE OF LORDS . —This House sat for a short time and disposed of some formal business . Lord Campbell laid upon the table a BD 1 for the Amendment of the Law of Marriage in Scotland ; and a Bill to Amend the Laws for the Registration of Births , Deaths , and Marriages in Scotland . Both bills were read a first time . On the motion ofthe Lord Chancellor , the present system of engrossing public bills was referred to a select committee . ¦

    HOUSE OF COMMONS . —Lord J . Russell gave notice that he would on Monday the 19 th inst ., move for leave to bring in a bill to alter the form of the oath to be taken by members of Parliament ( in other words , a bill for the removal of Jewish disabilities ) . The noble lord then , in reply to a question put by the Earl of Lincoln , observed that there would be no objection to laying upon the table of the House , on an early dav , copies of the pa pers connected with the grant of Vancouver s Island to the Hudson ' s Bay Company . .. Mr Horsman put a series of inquiries relative to church reform , and Lord John having had since Fridav to reflect , announced that in the course oi the session he would introduce a bill altering the constitution ofthe Ecclesiastical Commission , and providing for a severance of the episcopal and common funds . On the subject of cathedral establishments he intimated that he did not intend to

    legislate . Lord Palmerston stated , in reply to Mr . Bright , that there had been recent alterations in the tariffs of Brazil , but that they would not take effect until the 1 st of Jan ., 1850 , and that they had not been made in consequence of any measures of ^ Suspension' the Habeas Corpus Act in Ihevn Qh * G Grev then rose to move for leave to { ring ina bill to continue for afurther limited time ,

    Monday, Tmo. Hou^E Of Lords.—Lord Fortes...

    hS A , ^ f ? earfor the suspension oftlie seSte ^ tmIwland - Inso doing . he ob-IVrl-A- Uhe ^ eminent was sensible tin . t the extraoidmary powers , the continuance of which , for SLfi i ?" P eriot b he was about to propose , $ " 0111 ( 1 not he required , at the hands of Parliament , unless a clear case of necessity for them were made out . They were , in their nature and operation , exceptions to the constitution , and ' could only be justified when necessary to preserve " the public tranquillity , and maintain the constitution . The act passed last July had been most instrumental in preserving the one and maintaining the other . That act would expire on the 1 st of

    March , and the government now felt it incumbent upon it to ask for its continuance . The right hon . gentleman then proceeded to state the grounds on which he proposed to continue it . The circumstances in which Ireland was placed last July , fully justified the enactment of the measure in question , nor had the anticipations formed of its result been disappointed . But the circumstances under which he proposed its continuance were widely different from those under which Lord John Russell had proposed its enactment . There were no parties now in arms against the Crown in Ireland , but the secret organisation which stimulated to the late insurrection was still more or less in existence , whilst the

    spirit of disaffection was yet prevalent , particularly in tho districts which were the scene of the recent insurrectionary attempt . To show that it was no " mock insurrection , " as some hon . members had asserted it to be , and , at the same time , to demonstrate the extent to which organisation and disaffection still prevailed , the right lion , gentleman quoted several documents , amongst which was the letter of a Mr . M'Ghee , which had been copied some time ago by the press of this country from one of the Xew York journals . Looking , then , at this organisation , which was onl y in abeyance , if not in actual operation , and atthe spirit of disaffection , which in some districts of the country , scarcely courted

    concealment , the government felt bound , in order to prevent a recurrence of the insane insurrectionary movement of last year , and to restore , as far as possible , confidence and securit y to the well-affected in Ireland , to demand of Parliament the continuance , for a further limited time , of the extraordinary powers recently intrusted to the Lord-Lieutenant . The spirit in which Lord Clarendon had already exercised the powers confided to him was a guarantee that their operation , if continued , would be strictly limited to the necessities ofthe case . He then read

    the greater part of the Lord-Licutcnant ' s letter , to show that it was his Excellency ' s opinion , founded upon the most ample information , that the continuance of the powers in question was absolutely indispensable to the maintenance of tranquillity in Ireland . As to the time for which their continuance was sought , it was the anxious desire ofthe government to limit it to tho shortest possible period . He would , therefore , propose that the act passed last July should be continued for a further period of six months , and concluded by moving for leave to bring in a bill to that effect . "

    Mr John 0 Connell moved , as an amendment , that a committee , consisting of twenty-one members , be formed by ballot , to examine such documents as plight bo laid before it ; and to report to the House it s opinion upon those documents , whether the continuance of the suspension ofthe Habeas Corpus Act be a measure necessary to the tranquillity of Ireland at the present time . The proposal of the continuance of the act was solely based upon the Lord-Lieutenant ' s letter , which , in his opinion , gave

    anything but a fair picture Of the exact State of things in Ireland . The real object of tho bill was not to prevent the recurrence of insurrection , but to strike down constitutional agitation in that country . In other words , it was a blow at the constitution , not only in Ireland , but also in this country , and honourable members mi ght live to regret the sanction which they were about to give it . He opposed the measure first , because it was one of coercion ; and next , because the plea of necessity had not been made out .

    Mr . Feaegus O'Connor said he did not feel much astonished at the right hon . gentleman the Secretary of State for the Home Department making such a proposition to the House , when he saw so much difficulty on the part ofthe hon . member for Limerick in finding a seconder for his resolution . He ( Mr . F . O ' Connor ) had listened with great attention both to the right hon . gentleman and to the hon . member , and he should say that the right hon . tho Secretary of State brought forcibly to his recollection the story ofthe lawyer , who said he would much prefer to have a good subservient jury to the best case that ever went before a court . The right

    hon . gentleman had altogether abandoned his case , and relied entirely , upon the subserviency of the House to destroy the last remnant of Irish liberty , but before he animadverted upon the case of the rig ht hon . gentleman—if case it could be called—duty compelled him te repudiate the odium sought to be cast upon Mr . M'Ghee and others , who were insultingly called refugees , but who were really banished men—banished by the tyranny of the government , and the training and duplicity of that party to whom the hon . member for Limerick belonged . Mr . John O'Connell . —Xb , no .

    Mr . 0 Connor . —I repeat it . It is easy to put party or ministerial construction upon words ; but what did the hon . member ' s father mean when he asked for a petition from five hundred thousand fig hting men , the prayer io conclude with an humble appeal to this House ? Mi ' . John O'Connell . —2 \ o , no . Mr . O'Connor . —Nothing easier to deny , but I heard it with my own ears . ( Hear , hear . ) And did the hon . gentleman forget that in 1843 , when moral force was at a discount , that he stated to his hearers , in Conciliation Hall , that , if that their last appeal to the Saxon Parliament failed , he would he found in the front ranks of the Irish invading army , and would lead his countrymen to death or glory , Mr . John O'Connell . —Xo , no .

    Mr . 0 Connor . —Then the Times lies and all the Irish papers lie , and that was impossible , as whoever read a lie or even a prevarication in a news , paper ? ( Hear , and laughter . ) However , he would pass from the consideration of that part of the subject into which he was provoked by the ungenerous assault o f the hon . member upon those who had risked their liberty in opposing ministerial tyranny . The hon . gentleman quoted a speech of Fox , but he appeared to forget that there was a difference between a minister seeking power and a minister exercising power : that when Fox made that speech he was in opposition , and relied upon professions of constitutional loyalty for

    his passport to the Ministerial benches . Ho would now turn to tho consideration of the speech of the right hon . Secretary for the Home Department—if , indeed , speech it could be called—and ho would ask that House if it had ever fallen to their lot to hear a more vague , incoherent , weak , unsatisfactory , and inconclusive appeal ? ( Hear , hear . ) Well , yet , nevertheless , the English gentlemen who sit upon this side of the House will five their assent to the measure because it is a low at Irish liberty in which they are willing to aid the government in the hope of stabbing English liberty . Now , what was the case ofthe right jom srentleman . Firstly , echoing the speech of tho

    noble lord , who moved the address to the Queen , he says—We admit that at present there is perfect tranquillity in Ireland : but Lord Clarendon , the Saxon Viceroy of the Irish people , in the distant horizon , sees the dim shadow of rebellion , And the Minister gravely says to the House , will you impugn the vision of this far-seeing oracle ? will you deny to this great statesman those powers , extraordinary and unconstitutional as they may be , the necessity for which looms in the distance ? tranquillity you must take as Ihe womb oriusurreetion , therefore , I require the violation of the constitution as a means of defenceandean vou doubt his sagacity ? says the right hon .

    gentleman . That was his first proposition . His second was a most enthusiastic laudation of the constabulary of Ireland . He eulogised their loyalty , praised their bravery , and extolled their patriotism , while he appeared to forget that he was thereby weakening his charge of Irish disloyalty , and was establishing grounds for remedial instead of coercive measures . Was he not aware that this very constabulary was composed of Catholics , and does not his encomium prove that Catholics can be satisfied , nay , patriotic arid loyal , when they are placed ina situation to earn then- bread , no matter how repugnant to their feelings ? ( Hear , hear . ) The third proposition ofthe right hon . gentleman was , that the Lord-Lieutenant required the measure to carry out his Irish policy , but he failed to describe

    that policy to the House . In tact , it was a complete surrender of ministerial power and responsibility to a Saxon Viceroy . Ko remedial measures , but , as of yore , coercion , to suppress the legitimate demand for those remedial measures . Silence through tranquillity , and presumed satisfaction throug h silence . ( Hear , hear . ) But presently he would be able to show that this very system was the foundation of legitimate Irish disaffection . When the Whigs required agitation , who then fostered it ? Wheu agitation , no matter how violent , was to secure patronage , then who opposed it ? What was the motto ofthe Whig Viceroy , Lord Anglcseaf Acitate' agitate ! agitate ' . How different that from the policy ° of Lord . Clarendon now that the Whig

    Monday, Tmo. Hou^E Of Lords.—Lord Fortes...

    S S „ ° i W d nd u n Bervilc Irish support alone-but when tyranny , coercion , and oppression arc the questions , they can now depend v 11 ' , tllU mcmucr lor Taimvorth . But tlid they suppose , however weak the Irish party may be in tins House , that they would stay the cmrcnt of national indignation-in Ireland ? Vhat wm to be difinodlw nf , ' ! a ? 0 n automt ? - ! t had not been Suni lV ' lgUt J ?"" g , l ™ . But he would L o ben ' ofi T aS thls-thatifany , tho most healing q i beneficial measure was nronoseH f ™ . T ™ in . i

    „ which required agitation to enforce it upon ' this House , the supporters of that agitation would become . the victims of the Viceroy-public opinion would be checked—national disquietude and dissatisfaction would rankle silentl y in the breasts of Irishmen until the . aggregated feeling would become too powerful for the Viceroy and the Ministers " »«> w w u \ < liirc to agitate for legitimate purposes' it it is not illegal , it becomes unconstitutional , and you constitute the Saxon Viceroy the Saxon gaoler-general , and if his authority Is impugned he says :- "Rely entirely on me . I am the

    constitution;—„ ,. , , '" lam Sir Oracle ! And when I ope my mouth let no dog bark . '" Ho told thorn last session that the suppression of public Opinion would lead to secret societies and associations , while its free expression would enable cI sound jud gment of the many to curb the folly ot the few . But , continue this power in the hands of the Xord-Lieutenant , and who then will dare to complain - of famine , ejection , or tyranny ? If he does not violate tho law , he violates the Viceroy s constitution . —Well , but the right hon . gentleman has attempted to furnish evidence from documents printed in New York ; but if the opinion of the House is to bo governed by the usual rules of evidence , the right hon . gentleman destroyed- his own case . It is » legal maxim that if a portion of

    , a letter is read , its whole contents must be read , as one part may neutralise or qualify another . The right hon . gentleman , however , unguardedly read a portion , which , from his own ministerial knowledge , he was enabled to refute , and did refute , and , therefore , that -whole document must he rejeeted ; but then the right hon . gentleman knows that the shortest sentence , however qualified by the whole , will be accepted by this House as a valid aud substantial indictment against Ireland . Then we have the prospectus of a new newspaper , to appear when the tyrannical law expires . Then we have an anonymous epistle , of course , from the most loyal , creditable , and well-disposed gentleman in Ireland , and who will dare to impugn ids voracity ? ( Hear , hear . ) Lvouch for it , says the right hon ;

    gentleman—but did the House ever hear , or did the world overhear , of a bad Irish landlord when his character or his evidence was necessary to " sustain ministerial tyranny ? Ask any Irish gentleman in this House if he is a bad landlord , and what will be the answer : "No ; I am the best in the country . " Ask if any tenant has been tyrannicall y ejected . The answer is "No , he was the greatest vagabond in the country . "Lct them look to what was passing around . Whenever terror was to be struck into England , Ireland was made the scapegoat ; whenever war was to be waged with opinion in England , Ireland was to be made the battle-field . But , however weak the Irish party might be in this House , —however weak the Irish interest might be in the sight of the government , he warned them that they eould not go on

    destroying the constitution of a portion of this country , when on tho Continent new constitutions were being granted every day—constitutions in harmony with the advancing spirit of the age . There was one thing , however , in which he agreed with the ri ght honourable gentleman the Home Secretary , that it was not to this House or to this government , . but to their own landlords er resident gentry that the Irish were to look for protection . But what were the facts ? The right honourable gentleman knew well that the Irish gentlemen here would support him in any measure against the liberties of Ireland . Well , let them stop the progress of public opinion , and what were they to expect ? Why , clubs and secret associations , " and plotting and conspiracy . Were they to give to public opinion its full scope , they would find that what was

    right and good and sound and wholesome in that public opinion would absorb , and put down what was bad and wrong and vicious . He wished to ask this question , would government daro to behave to England as they were behaving to Ireland ? Did they forget the letter of Tom \ oung , of the- Home Office —( laughter )—to General Napier , asking him to take the command of the Brummagems , in case every other means of agitation were to fail ? ( Oh , oh , and laughter . ) But the noble lord sitting there ( pointing to the Treasury benches ) and sitting here ( pointing to tho Opposition benches , ) is a very different person—as different as ni ht from day . ( A laugh . ) As for himself , he had been taunted with loyalty . ( Loud laughter . ) But ho had to ask , what was the meaning of

    loyalty ? Was tho loyalty of a Minister of the Crown , who wont down every quarter-day to the Treasury to pocket his salary , the same sort of thing as that which was to be expected in the ease of a poor alien in blood , language , and religionthe victim of grinding middlemen—oppressed by a dominant church , and tyrannised over by the unconstitutional acts of an arbitrary government ? ( Oh . ) Honourable gentlemen said " Oh . " Was not Ireland , a Catholic country , subjected to the tyranny of a Protestant church ? He certainly had expected this session to have heard something in the royal speech about the endowment ofthe Catholic clergy , But the noble lord dared not introduce it . The time , however , when a reform in this respect must take lacewas possibly not so far off . What

    Catholicp , ism was in Ireland , the religion of the Jews was in Berlin , ' and the house knew what had recently happened in Prussia . When tho Berlin insurrection broke out , tho English press charged the Jewish proprietors of newspapers in that city with being the tomentors of rebellion , and marvelled at the fact as the disabilities under which they previously suffered had been all removed . But is this House not aware that those very disabilities engendered that morbid feeling , that rankling hatred against the system which imposed them , and that those feelings were naturally transmitted from generation to generation , from sire to son ? Though the disabilities may be nominally removed , the dominant ascendency conferred upon the oppressor still remained in force , and so it was in Ireland . You talk of

    emancipation , you talk of equality , but still the badge of inferiority exists , and a people nine-tenths Catholics , arc still suffering under the statutory enactments of the dominant faction . ( Hear . ) He regretted the absence of the ri g ht hon . baronet the member for Tamworth , who formerly twitted him with his want of loyalty , and if he had been present he would have asked that right hon . haronct what identity of loyalty existed between the pampered squire , possessing lands by the title of conquest , and that of the alien in language , religion , and blood , made tributary to a dominant State Church ? Where would he find the loyalty of him who paid willing dues to his own priests and forced contributions to the alien—the man who was transferred from the lord in fee to the middleman , and handed over , if charged

    with criminality , to a jury of Protestants ? ( Hear , hear . ) What was the case of Ireland ? The owner of the soil let to a middleman , he abandoned his duties ; the middleman became his substitute on the magisterial bench , and in the grand jury room , and to justify his own tyranny he maligns the character of his injured serf . Therefore it was tho injustice ofthe Saxon law that constituted the minister ' s greatest difficulty—a difficulty which ho would vainly hope to allay by repeated acts of coercion . This rankled in the Irish mind , and to prove Irish hatred of Saxon law , he would instance Irish feeling thus : Suppose a Protestant parson to he hated and despised in his parish , yet so inveterate is the Irishman ' s hatred of Saxon laws , that every man would ioin that unpopular parson in resisting law .

    ( Hear , hear . ) It was ridiculous totalK ot the law s justice , and the law ' s impartiality . He ( Mr . O'Connor ) was once professionally employed for the crown , but not by the crown , in the case of General Sir George Bing ham ; the crown refused to prosecute and lte did prosecute . He struck off from the jury panel the inveterate Orangemen , and Mr Justice Moore , in a rage , declared th . it he had never seen so unconstitutional a use made of the prerogative of the crown , but mark the difference when Young Icelanders are to be tried . The defendant sat on the bench with the judge . He was found guilty . The judge turned to him when the verdict was pronouncec , shook hands with him , fined him sixpence , and the judge and the criminal left the court in the same carriage . Hon . gentlemen laugh at suchan ' act

    of partiality and injustice , when tho criminal is to their taste , but their loyalty prompts them to revile such an act when an Irishman is the subject . He warned them that , however they mi ght seek to trahqiiillise Ireland , they would never succeed until they had dislodged the ascendency of that church , which now as the conquering church , domineered over the people . The House had heard of the necessity of preserving the dignity and authority of the law in Ireland . But how had they shown their strength , and he would add , their impartiality , upon a recent occasion ? Why , when two Americans had been incarcerated , they were at once set at liberty , upon the demand of the American minister . Thus , while Irishmen were imprisoned , Americans were

    allowed to escape . Such had been the weak and vacillating policy of government : and it was after such displays that they expectedloyalty in a starving people . Docs the House recollect the inducement held out by Mr . Canning for transferring the government of Ireland * to England ? He said : " We all admit that you have grievances that should be remedied , while it is impossible to apply those remedies in the midst of Irish agitation , therefore remove discussion from those troubled scenes to that calm and quiet arena where public opinion will have its influence , and legislation will -be guided by tho sound judgment of this House ; and this was the manner in which the present government proposed to redeem the pledge of that

    Monday, Tmo. Hou^E Of Lords.—Lord Fortes...

    minister . He contended that the conduct of England towards Ireland was as bad as had ever been tl ' iat of Russia to Poland . Had they ever heard of a million of Poles dy ing of famine ' ? The time was come ' , however , when Ministers must reflect ujion these thinsjs . How did it happen that , with the most fertile soil , the most genial climate , and the most industrious population iu the world , there existed in Ireland more misery—more want—more famine , than on any other spot of the whole earth . ( Oh" !) He saw hon . members sneering—he heard them murmurine and muttering—what did ho care for that ? Nofone farthing . ( A laugh . ) No—he looked to public opinion . He saw them now attempting to resist the financial reformers . But what were they

    doing in all other countries—what were they doing in Republican France ? And here let them not be mistaken , he never was a Republican — he never would be a Republican—that was , unless ho very much altered his mind . ( Shouts of laughter . ) But what must be the popular opinion of that form of government , judging of it by the efforts which were seen to flow from it in other countries ? The people wished for a reduction in the army and navy . They were told that they could not have it because England was a monarchy , ( Oh , oh . ) Yes , could they " hold up their monarchy and point to it as effecting the

    same reforms and reductions which were taking place under the Republic in France , both in the army and navy of that kingdom ? Would they be able much longer to stand against such pressure from without ? The gentlemen ofthe " standstills , " the gentlemen of the " wait-awhiles , " and the gentlemen of the " go-aheads "—( laughter )—seemed all to be absent . Nevertheless , he would tell them , that their recent Free Trade legislation would be the ruin of Ireland . The ri ght hon . baronet the member for Ripon laughed . Sir James Graham . —No , no ; I differ from vou in opinion onl y .

    Mr . Fearous O'Connor was glad , at all events , to see the right honourable baronet in his place . He snpposed that he had been left on duty by his party as a sort of sentinel until they came back again . ( A laugh . ) He would tell him and the House , however , that he ( Mr . P . O'Connor ) would much prefer the Free Trade measures , and measures of concession of the late colleague of tho ri ght honourable gentleman , to the Free Trade measures and concessions —which were merel y bidding for power—of the noblo lord opposite . ( Hear . ) " As for Ireland , sho wanted no relief—she only wanted justice . They dealt with any description of property , save that which belonged to a landlord . So much for Ministers in office . What had been the policy of Ministers when out of ofiBcc ? They had first encouraged , nay , created , revolution in this country , and thev now blamed their followers in Ireland .

    '' Cum duces faciunt talia , quid non milites facient ?'' He believed that any difficulty of which the Irish had to complain was traceable to the conduct of their landlords . The old system was to feed the landlords by patronage—to cultivate their estates by patronage . Now the noble lord was afraid of them . Why , let them go home ; he was not a man much attended to by tho House—his opinions wcrenti very popular , but the House would remember that he had proposed Poor-laws for Ireland in 1834 , with a tax upon absentees , with labour premiums , farm premiums , and other similar inducements to improved cultivation . He held that the House must compel Irish landlords to give leases in perpetuity , then they would not have crowds emi grating every

    day , and taking with them a great deal of the disposable capital of the country . What would be the effect of tenure in perpetuity ? A letter had been published tho other day from Mr . Charles Coulfchurst , who managed tho estates of Sir Nicholas Coultlturst , in Kerry . This letter related to circumstances as far back as ISIS . There was then a large farm upon the estate , from which not more than £ 000 a year could bo realised . Mr . Coulthurst undertook to get £ 1 , 000 per annum for it , if he were allowed to let it hi small portions and in perpetuity . What was tho result ? Why thev cleared annually £ 1 , 350 from the land in question , while there was not a man connected with the locality now who was disaffected to government :

    to use his own words , an old woman would collect the rent ; the presence of an agent was never required for thirty years ; the tenants paid their rent by letters of credit ; they took their money out of the old stockings , expended it upon reproductive labour ; the estate , he says , would sell like a debenture in the market , £ 100 , 000 being expended upon it in building improvements , and over £ 40 , 000 in reclamation . Then he gives you another instance of the value of leases in perpetuity ; ho says , that in the parish of Conchford , you can pitch a stone from little domain to little domain ; that there the poor rates are 2 id . in the pound , while in a nei ghbouring parish they are 7 s . 6 d . Well , then , will this not convince you that every grievance of the

    complaining landlords is the consequences of their own neglect of duty , and , instead of passing laws to enable them to grind the laces of their unfortunate tenants and labourers , pass a law to compel them to cultivate their land upon the reproductive system , and then Ireland would be tranquil , and the Chancellor of the Exchequer will not be obli ged to come to you for supplies to relieve Irish distress , consequent upon landlords' neglect of duty ? ( Hear , hear . ) Ho was sorry the noble lord , tho Secretary for Foreign Affairs , was not in his place , as he should have complimented the noble lord upon tho soundness of his domestic and pacific policy , as he had turned his sword into a ploughshare , or rather into a spade , as he was upon the digging system ,

    and the result of which was , that he had nearl y doubled the value of an estate in less than two years . ( Hear , hear . ) Well , why did not they compel all Irish landlords to do the same ? Why so fastidious with what was called the vested ri hts of landlords , the unjust use of which caused millions to starve ? Again , sec what Mr . Hamilton , a most experienced practical and large agriculturist says , of the difference between a mere casual holding and perpetuity of tenure : —He says , a farm which would now let badly for £ 15 a year , would fetch £ 20 upon a lease in perpetuity , and would be worth £ 50 in ten years . Well , these are the lazy Irish , the Irish who were invited—nay , compelled—to emigrate ; and then , when they accepted tho invitation , the Times , the

    mouthpiece of the party who wanted to depopulate the country , turns round in horror and in sorrow , and asks—What is to become of us if we lose the hard-working laborious Irish ? Who will pave our streets , who will carry the hod to the coning stone ? Who will be our wharfingers , our coal-heavers and scavengers , if we lose our laborious Irish labourers . Sir , this subject may bo uninteresting to the ri ght hon . the Secretary for the Home Department , but lie has proved that he wants instruction upon it , and it is positively indecent for him to remain in conversation with the whipper-in , exhibiting levity and disregard , while I am giving him tho information he requires . ( Hear , hear . ) He ( Mr . O'Connor ) regretted the absence of the hon .

    and gallant member for Middlesex , who taunted him last session with making constant reference to his prophecies—but , unscared , he would refer the House to another of his predictions . He told the House that America , excited hy the strong feeling and angry passions of expatriated Irishmen , would look with an anxious eye to tho emancipation of thair country . Let tlvcm bewsvvc of its rcAlisa .-tion . In Canada they were tottering , and because at too great a distance to receive domestic armaments to put down colonial inquietude , tho Governor-General was obliged to proclaim a general amnesty to all political offenders , and to app l y the royal domains to colonial education . Was not that a system of terror ? and did the noble lord hope to rock his

    little cradle , with his mangled Constitution , in the midst of surrounding convulsion and revolution , whore Constitutions wore being framed upon tho basis of progressive knowledge , instead of upon the caprice of ministerial necessity . ( Hear , hear . ) Lot them look to Prussia , the great Protestant kingdom of Europe ; let them read the address of Mr liarkort , the chairman ofthe Berlin Conservative Election Club , and there they would find the foreshadowing of Protestant England ' s Constitution ; he says , " Sec what the kin g has done for you , ho proposes to allow the flock to elect their ow n shepherd , to make education national and imperative , to divide the royal domains into peasant . allotments ; he tells you that the monies spent in excitement

    would have located 0 , 500 hard ' working men upon their peasant allotments ; and he tells you that parsons , jobbers , and lawyers , looking for places , livings , and presidentships , were occupied in taking care of themselves , and had no time to take care of the people . " This was a truism , and he ( Mr . O'Connor ) for one , wished that there was not a lawyer or placehunter in that Houso . Were they , in the face of facts like these , then , to he told that government could not interfere in such matters ? Were government not to make regulations between landlord and tenant , when on thoso regulations depended the tranquillity and prosperity ofthe country ? But it was hopeless to look to the present government . They were powerful in opposition—they were powerless in office ; and he hoped to see them soon again in the situation which they were destined

    by nature to fill . ( A laugh . ) Then they would be men who would stand up for economy — men who would drive the ri ght hon , baronet , the member for Tamworth , from office were he to proposo another Arms Bill . Such would bo the policy of the noble lord in opposition ; but how long would it last after he had crossed to the Ministerial benches ? ( Hear , hear . ) There had been an allusion made by the noble lord who moved the address to the Chartists . They were told that the Chartists had been put down last April . Now they had neither been put down then , nor were they put down yot . ( Oh , oh . ) . , Lord Jobs ' Russell pointed to the clock . Mr . O'Coxxon continued : Sir , the noble lord has directed my attention to tho time-table : perliaps I have exceeded ray hour , but I was tho person last session who suggested the limitation of speeches to that period ; last ni ght I voted for it , and he voted against it , therefore I hope in turn he will bo critical

    Monday, Tmo. Hou^E Of Lords.—Lord Fortes...

    i- - » its observance . ( Lauirhter . ) He had little more to say . Would to God that he had it in his power to stop the progress of the bill before them ! What could lie more intolerable , move uniust , and more unconstitutional than that tho llbmc Secretary should . comc down to tho House and tell them that all was tranquil , but that , nevertheless , ho entertained certain anticipations of further disturbance , and that , in consequence of these anticipations , he asked for an extended limit to tho arbitrary powers now in force ! What ! was Ireland always to be governed by ministerial anticipations . Let them

    beware , however , of this fresh attempt to put down public opinion in Ireland . They had latel y had many examples that , what was called criminality one day might be accounted patriotism tho next . Ho would conclude by reminding them that tho day would yet come when the criminal should stand in the awful presence of that Great Judge , into whose councils neither the dictum of the cabinet , tho partiality ofthe judge , the quibble of the official , nor the prejudice of the jury , would dare to enter ; whore crime would he such , but not by construction of human law , political ingenuity , or fanatical hypocrisy . ( Hear , hear . )

    Mr . E . B . Roche , in offering his opposition to the bill , also maintained that no case had been made out for its ro-enactment . It appeared from Mr M ' Ghcc ' s letter , which had been relied upon by the Home Secretary , that Ireland would have been revolutionised last year , but for thfr interposition ofthe Roman Catholic priests . The priests wercnowas loyal as they were then , and quite as capable . as before of rescuing Ireland from revolution . Of what , then , was the government afraid , seeing that they had such influential guardians of tho peace in Ireland ? The motion of tho ri g ht honourable gentleman was founded , not upon a proved necessity , but upon a flimsy pretext . If the government were in earnest , it mig ht regenerate Ireland without taking a penny from tho people of England . Thev misjht greatly

    economise in conducting the government of Irclanu , and apply the savings tuereby effected to the social and material improvement of the people . But coercion , and not relief , had ever been the fate of Ireland : and such , it appeared , it was still to be . Mr . . Fagan felt it to be his duty to give tho measure his strenuous and continuous opposition . Ireland could hot be ruled b y insurrectionary acts and measures for the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act . Admitting that last year there mi g ht have been a semblance of a reason for suspending that aet , there was certainl y none now . The object of the government was to suppress the expression of public opinion in Ireland , and to crush an agitation , which had solely for its object the repeal of " an acfc of Parliament . Instead of strikinn- id tho root of

    the evil , Ministers confined their attempts at cure to the symptoms of the disease . He did not wish to pursue a factious course , but would join his fellowmembers in any opposition , within the forms of tho House , which they might consider it advisable to offer to the bill . Mr . Grattax said that the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act was a hazardous experiment ; it had often been tried and as often failed . There was nothing in the character of the people of Ireland to disqualify them for the enjoyment of liberty , —

    " Tho fault , dear Brutus , is not in our stars , But in ourselves , that we arc underlings . " In former cases how did the people of England act ? Did they ever suspend the liberties of their country upon such a short notice , or without proof ? Did not Mr . Pitt and lord Castlereagh conic down to the House with large bags filled with letters and sworn informations before the Habeas Corpus Acfc was suspended ? In 1700 Mr . Pitt appointed a committee on the subject ; in the following year there was one in Ireland , and documents were laid on the

    tabic to show the necessity of the act being suspended . All that was wanting hero . The government followed advice that was not serviceablethey followed advice that was anti-Irish ; and so long as they excluded from their councils men who knew something of Ireland , it would be impossible to manage the affairs of that country . They themselves had not time for it , and the consequence was that their measures were , adopted in haste . There was hesitation at the outset , and precipitation at the end . He contended that this measure was

    unnecessary . Tho Irish had no idea of calling in a French or an American army—they were silent and quiet . The Lord-Lieutenant had sagacity enough to distinguish between quietude and affection ; but not between force and aft ' ection . Ho had heard it said that England must he feared before she could be loved . That was the motto now , and this measure was the illustration ; but he would say , let her bo loved before she was feared . He maintained that Ireland did not deserve this measure The house was in laughter on the previous evening when they spoke of insurrection in Ireland . There had been none . It existed only in the minds of interested individuals , who could get up an insurrection at any time . If they would pay him for it , he would get one up in forty-eight hours .

    ( Laughter . ) He remembered hearing when he was a boy th < s cry of " permanent pay "—that was the cry of the Orangemen—and it meant that there was to be a Catholic rebellion got up , so that the corps would be increased and there should bo permanent pay . Ho suspected something of tho same kind at this time . The government had made it the interest of men to do mischief ; and it was a horrid —a hellish system . He knew from men in Dublin Castlo that it had been done , not merely by the Whig party but by the Tories , though he was ' told that they never carried it to such an extent as his Whig friends , Let them not manufacture spies . Ii & t lveumd be governed b y greater ' talent , and not ; by a second-class set of Ministers dressed up from some old clothes-shop . ( Laughter . ) The

    Lord-Lieutenant said that tho people of Ireland showed nothing of a repentant spirit . They had done nothing to repent of ; for , could it be said that tho people of Ireland , the gentry , the Roman Catholic clergy , had joined in the insurrection , as it was called ? Why , there was no siuilv insurrection , no overt act was proved ; and the lawyers were obliged to bring in a number of letters , written some time before , to make out their case . O'Brien distinctly denied all participation with the party who were for violent proceedings ; he separated from them , and , in his conversations , expressed opinions very different from those whom he was charged with intending to excite to insurrection . He had heard O'Brien charged , in that House , with having gone to Franca to solicit French aid , but M . Lamartine had

    indignantly denied it . Did the Lord-Lieutenant mean to say that agitation was to cease—that there vns to he no discussion of measures which they considered wrong and wished by legal and constitutional means to repeal ? All history proved that that should not bo clone , and lie believed that if it were the disease would be aggravated . They might put down repeal , but they would set up separation . What charm was there to Ireland in the connexion with this country ? Why should he , as an Irishman , like tho English better than the French ? The French were as well mannered—as agreeable . [ An Hon . Memiikb . — " And as good looking . " ] He did not think so . ( A laugh . ) He liked the honest faco of an Englishman better than those mustacl iocd fellows , bea'dnff the hon . gentleman ' s pardon . (" The lion .

    member , as he said this , slightly bowed to Mr . Mtuitz , who was sitting near him , and a hearty laugh rang through the house . ) It happened that on that day thereVas to bo tried in Ireland an individual who had been in gaol seven months . The Attorney-Genera ] of Ireland was an able man , he knew , but with his unbaptised spaniels he was unable to obtain convictions , How was it that he could not instruct them to succeed ? I ? e was obliged to got packed juries to convict . Oh . ' if the Attorney-General were there ho couid make the blood fl y flom his heart , and the light from hie countenance . ( Laughter . ) Of 177 jurors impanelled to try one of the political prisoners ( Mr . Duffy , aa we understood ) , 135 were Protestants and only 42 Catholics , four of whom wore tradesmen in the

    employ of tho Lord-Lieutenant and public contractors . How could Irishmen bo in love with law so administered ? He entreated English members to stay away from the division to-night , and save at the same time the liberties of Ireland and their own reputation . Would they repeat in Ireland the scenes that occurred in Lofd Castlereagh ' s time , when men were incarcerated without any proof whatever of their guilt ? He declared that ho would rather that martial law should be proclaimed in Ireland than that Parliament should go on this way , suspending the constitutional privileges of his countrymen . He felt that he could move those who now heard him to tears if ho were to relate what he had seen in the course of a recent tour which he had made through a portion of

    Ireland , —if he were to describe the ruinous devasta-! tion , tho houses destroyed , tho landlords ruined , and the tenants flying —( hoar)—and now thoy were going to add a climax to the sufferings and degradation of his unhappy country . Irishmen knew now to die as well as Englishmen ; Englishmen knew how to dio on the field of glory , but lot not L'ishmen dio in a ditch with dishonour . ( Cheers . ) Mr . Ciiisholm Asstby could not concur either in the motion submitted by Sir Geo . Grey , or in the amendment proposed by Mr . J . O'Connoll . Admitting the correctness of nearly all tho statements contained-in tho letter of tho Lord-Lieutenant , the case made out in that document was utterly insufficient to justify such a measure as that proposed . He

    would , therefore , not vote for it , nor would ho vote for the amendment , as he considered that tho inquiry which it contemplated would be fruitless . In committee , however , should the bill ever reach that stage , he would propose some alterations , which , if adopted , would tend to mitigate its severity . The last member gave some account of Mr . M'Ghoo . He described him as an enthusiastic young man , who , up to the 25 th of last February , when the news arrived from Paris , had been engaged in restraining the ardour of his younger 'felrow-countrymen ' , ^ ana had been , as he had shown by his writings and declarations , a high Tory . What ho had done since had been done under the effect of excitement . "Theman was a poet-a good poet—but only ft

• Citation
  • Northern Star (1837-1852), Feb. 10, 1849, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_10021849/page/7/