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Northern Star (1837-1852), 9th June 1849, Edition 2 of 3, Page 7

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      ¦ ! ¦¦ June 9 , 1849 . ^^^ ^ THE NORTHERN STAR . __________ 7 1 . " : ——^

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      Monday, June L Douse Oflorjv5 I N Simnpo...

      MONDAY , June L DOUSE OFLORJV 5 i n simnpon Monda " 1105 ^ ^ ^ resumed its ISSEgs ? tended that of « , £ ?„ , ° D JF * pr which it was inine has not tL £ T f . . dd'tlon ^ facilities for hearing , nas not been attara-d . Further experience l ^ f + W - / J a tbe ^ antime , we incline to the belief that its structural acoustic defects are incurable . « , Stll t " ^ T > LAWS ' ~ Inconsequence of a request made by Lord Redesbals , on thepart of theBishop ? LXf F 0 RD ' ? ¥ was a ° sent from indisposition , the Marqms or Wdowne consented to nostpone the third reading of the Navigation Bill till this dav

      Th- order of the day for the third reading this dawas then discharged , and the Lords were ordered to be summoned for next s eesday « S" ° m Eddca ™^— Lord Stanley asked Whether the correspondence between the Committee Oh \ r ^ u E < lucation ™ dths he . ds of the Chm-ch had been brought to a conclusion , and Whether the tmns which had been agreed on were such SS £ ESreS ectl ( ms of , he mcuibers of *• The . Marquis of LJassoovnsz was sorrv that th * correspondence had not yet terminated . He th 0 iglit it proper that the correspondence should be brought W ThiT n I | ! : l was r ^ nted to parliament , but if he should find that any considerable time was likely to elapse before it was finished , he wonld lay it upon the tahleas far aslt had gone , as he wasmoZ anxious that the attention of both Houses of Parliament should be called to the subject .

      i After some discussion on a petition from certain shareholders in the Caledonian Railway , who complained of the misapplication of the funds of the society , XordPoHTMAX movfd the second reading of the Landlord and Tenant Bill , which was agreed to on a division , when the numbers were—Content 9 Non-content .. .. .. 5 Majority .. .. .. —i Their lordships then adjourned .

      HOUSE OF COMMOXS .-Mr . HrME , whose health appeared to be completely restored , took his usual seat , amidst loud cheering . The hon . gentleman gave notice of bringing the affairs of Ceylon and -British Guiana before the House on that day week , in the event of a motion for going into committee of supaly being then made . Parliamentary Reform . —Mr . F . O'Conxor peg ged to a * the hon . member for Montrose , whether be wonld bring forward his motion relative to parliamentary reform < n Tuesday . His object in

      putting the question was this : if the hon . member for Montrose would submit' his motion on Tuesday , then he ( Mr . F . O'Co' -n-r ) was authorised to withdraw the amendment of which notice had been givt > n by the hon . member for Rochdale ( Mr . S . Crawford ) , who was at present labouring under indisposition . That amendment was to the effe t that the suffrage be ex ; ended to every adult male of legal age , of sound mind , and rut d ^ squaline i by conviction of crime , and wha has resided for a fixed period , and been duly registere-i in one locality .

      __ Mr . Hums said it was his full intention to submit his motion for parliamentary reform on the following day . ( Hear , hear . ) Mr . E- O'Connor- —Then I beg leave to withdraw the amendment of the hon . member for Rochdale . Mr . Bhight . —Is the boa . member for Rochdale indispos d ? - Mr . F . O'Conxor . —I said he was . Encombbrd Ittisa Estates . —The order of the day for the third reading of the Encumbered Estates ( Ire ' and ) Bill having been read , Sir If . O'Briex moved by wav of amendment that the bill be read a thfrd time that day six months . The speakers in favour of the latter proposition were Colonel Dvssb ( the seconder ) , Mr . Geogax , Mr . Napier , and Mr . Hekley .

      Mr . Sadleir gave a qualified assent to the provisions of the bill , but expressed his intention of voting for the ihird reading . After some observations from the Solicitor-General the House divided , when the amendment was negatived by a majority of 105 , the numbers 12 to 117 , and the bill was read a bird time and passed . Supply . —The House then resolved itself into committee of sunply « -n the Miscellanc u- * E-timates , when vari -ns votes were agreed to without comment , that for I ' olish Refugees originating a'discu & im , but no other result . On the question of the Dissenters' Regiuui Do-nun an animated' debate arose in opposition to the grant , in which Mr . Wyld , Mr . C .

      LnsHixcTox , Mr . Bright . Mr . "W . J . Fox , Mr . Iveushaw , and Mr . J . B . Smith took part , the first-named hon . member moving its rejection . Lord J . Russell def-nded . the grant , staging that the government could < uve no list o the recipients because they did not know who they were . On a d vision the amendment was negatived by a majority of 19 , the numbers 33 to 52 . After various other Toteshad been agreed to , the Chaibman reported progress , and the House resumed . Th-i report of supply of Friday last was then brought up , the votes discussed being those for the Military Knights of "Windsor , the Eccl-siastical Commission , that for education , and the grant fur the National Gallery .

      The Protection of Pupils ( Scotland ) , and the Sheep-stealers ( Ireland ) Bills , were read a second time , and ordered o be committed . ArsTRAtiAX Colonies . —Mr . Hawes then moved for leave to b-ing in a biU for the betnr government of the Au-trahan colonies , which , he said , was framed with a view of meeting the wishes of the colonists , and the propped scheme of government forthose clonics was based , as far as possible , upon that of the existing constitution of New South "W ales . One object of the bill was to make Perl Philip a distinct col ny , to be called Vie oria , and the new constitut ' -on wou d be conferred npon all the Ans-ralian colonies , New South Wales . South

      Austraia , Y-n Dieinen ' s Land , "Victoria , _ and "Western Australia , upon the latter colony conditionally , provided it fulfilled the necessary condifi n of supporting its own government . Another great object of the bill was to en ate a federal union of all the cdonies , for certain defined general pa-poses . Each colony was to be empowered to elect certain members of a general assembly for the whole union , whose 1-g ' slative fun-tions we-e lo be limited to obiests whic-i affec ed the collective interests of all the colonies . Mr . Hawes explained the details of the measure , the constitution and powers « = f the assemblies , whic-i would por-sess a control over the civil lists , which they might alter by bill , ex ept the salaries of the governor and judges .

      Mr . Gladstone was friei . dly to the general purposes of the bill , which promised a material advance in our colonial legislation . Mr . Hawes had , however , overlooked a principal dhncu-ty , namely , the franchise , which was essential to the proper worisiug of the new colonial sys : cir :. As regarded distri ct counciK although he ag-eed that it would be well if something of tlu ? kind tould be organised ; yet , as the principle had been tried in Sew South Wales , and had failed , th > sc councils would not possess much favour with the other colonies . Another important question w-s , whether the legislative bodies should consist « f a single or a double chamber . The evidence of thc public sentiment in thc colonies was Scatty , but it ' - as not unfavourable to a double Chamber , and he feared it wonld be difficult to work a federal legislature except upon the principle of a double chamber , wlrch form hadbeen recommended by the ex . erieuce o : the United States . SmithMr

      After observation * from Mr . V . , . M'GKEGOR ,= ind . v . r . E . Desisw , Lord J . Risshll suggested that the discussion should be reserved until ihe bill was regularly under consideration . W-th regard to the question whether thc legislative h'd ' us in the colonies should consist of o-e assembly , a council and an assembly , Mr . Gladstone , he thought , had not allowed sufficient weight to the objection uiged in Sew South Wale * that the advantage of a council must depend upon the elements of wlrch it was composed ; that in ihe United Sta-es the senate' consUb-d of men of Irish and independent character , whereas in the colonies the members would be mere nominees of the crown , relievin g the ixecurive from the responsibility of the veto . . He thought the question , therefore , depended much upon the state of society , aud that the double chambers had not worked we ' ll iu all our American colonies .

      Captain Harris tkis of opinion that the measure was premature . Lea ve was given to bring in the bill . Sir W . SoiiEftVJi-i . E obtained leave to bring in , and brought in . a bill to abolish the ? aul of Newgate , in Dublin , and ' . or otherpurptses , and another bill to make tempo rary provisisn relating to the collection of county cess in 1 . eland . The House adjourned at a quarter to twelve o ' clock . TUESDAY , Jrarc 5 .

      HOUSE OF LORDS . —Lord Brougham presented several petitions in favour of the Bankrupt Law Consolidation Bill , and called the attention of the Houset ) the benefits which the merca ntile community would derive from the measure should it become a law . After entering at length into certain alterations in the details of the bill , and passing a high eulo ? ium on . Mr . Miller , of the Bankruptcy Court , who had drawn up the digest on which it was founded , the noble and learned lord moved the recommittal of the bill .

      After some observations from Lords CAMPBELL and Wharscliffb , th * bill was recommitted . The Marquis of Lajjsdowxb expressed himselt much pleased at ihe alterations proposed by Lord Brougham , and promised to use every effort in order osecure the passing of soimportantamea ? ure during l present session .

      Monday, June L Douse Oflorjv5 I N Simnpo...

      1 " 1 e T ?! P orton ^ Leasehold Tenure of L ^ ind ( Ire-Their lordships ft en adjourned . ™ .. . . . .

      : HOUSE OF COMMONS-: Paklumentaky Reform-Mi- Hume moved f « r leave to bring in a bill to amend th « national representation , bv extending the elective franchise to alMiouseholderi ^ d bv enacting that votes shall be taken by . ballot , ' that the duration of parliaments shall not exceed three Tears and that < hc propor ion of re presentatives to the po ^ pulation be rendered more equal . He premised that the reform act although it lL-prodSSSSt £ fcfc ? ' " w rt Was ^ "se of its shortcoming Whtb ST *? T ? / urther ' ^ en actments aW fa , [ ro b 8 ! I \ S fought with danger , as atleged ^ would tend to realise an object ofthe utmost mom . nt , in which all classes , from the crown to the peasant , were interested , namely , good government , b > improving its main instramei t , the representauon or the people in parliament . No nronosition of his

      ° an Y other man ' s could make parliament perfect ; but eveiything which tended to improve it snou d _ be supported by the House , and , above all , by the ministry . How could they lay their heads on their pillows , and think that they had discharged S - lraUt - to their country in the terms of the oath which they had taken , or were acting as honest and fa thfulcouncillors to thecrown , when they refl cted on the discontent which they allowed to exist amon " the people tosu < h an extent as but recently to threaten alarming consequences ? But it was a hard matter to push reform . He remembered Mr . Canning declaring he would stand aaainst all reform , and would defend Gatton and Old Sarum , because England had been more pro-perous than continental states—as if

      Gatton and Sarum were the reasons for her greater prosper ! y . But that time had gone by—Gatton and Old Sarum , and all the other rotten boroughs , to the credit of this country , were removed for ever . After the passing ofthe Reform Bill . England stood at the head of popular representation . The condition of affairs had , however , changed since then , and we were now called on to consider whether we should not adapt ourselves to altered circumstances . His hon . [¦ lend ( Mr . T . Duncomb ' e ) whr . se return to the House he rejoiced at , in 1847 brought in a bill to repeal the ratepaying clauses of tire Reform Bill , but the noble lord at the head of the government stated that he should like to have a little more experience of their working before he consented to the introduetioc of

      that measure . He said at ihe same time , however , that he was not against reform , but was for a gradual proga s-ove ' reform . What had be ? n the noble lord ' s progress towards 1 reform since ? ( Hear . ) He gave notice of amotion to bring in . a bill to repeal the cesspaying clauses as far as regarded the assessed saxes—it was put off from day to day , week to week , month to month , till at last . it finished in " the slaughter of the innocents" at the end ofthe session . (** Hear , hear , " and alaugh . ) Next there was notice of a bill for better registration in Ireland . No part of the emgire required it more . A more discreditable state of representation could not be imagined than existed in that country , and yet the noble lord and his colleagues— % uch earnest reformers were

      therallowed that bill to drop-also . ( Hear , hear . ) Their desire for reform , then , was a makebelieve and a mockery . He called it so because , if they were honest and intent on reform , they would make any small reforms as an advance , bat he believed all their promises of reform were delusive , and he had made up his mind that the noble lord and his colleagues—those ardent and useful reformers — had come to tho conclusion to stand fast arid do nothing . ( Hear , hear . ) England , insteai of being at the top , was now at the bottom of thc ladder of representation—that liberty which had been pronounced to bj dangerous for Englishmen o possess had been conferred on Frenchmen , and on almost every other continental power . (

      Derisive cheers and laughter . ) Ye ? , he heard their cheering . What did they gather from it—what had been the result ? ( i oiid cries of " Hear , " from the Ministerial and Opposition benches . ) The result ^ they had all witnessed arose from the gross misconduct of their rulers , who , having agreed to reform , had then attempted by force to set it aside . He appealed to any one who had marked the progress of events in France whether any injury had arisen from Universal Suffrage ? ( Hear , heari ) Had not thc peop'c returned a laree majority of a most conservative character ? and hid they not shown- unaccustomed as they were to the exercise of representative privileges—that th--y cou d m--ike a fair and honest use of them ? ( Hear , hear . ) Yeshon .

      , gentlemen on the opposite side mi ght cheer as they pleased ; and the noble lord ( Lord J . Russell ) , he observed , was the first to cheer ; biit wbat was there to raise it ? If the noble lord looked to Russia or Vienna—where his two dear a-d darling Sovereigns were , who had betiayed their trust and broken their promises—he would scethat . it was net the people who should be Warned for any excesses , but those who misgoverned them—the people were honest ; by the by , he no loiuer heard it argued that it was unsafe to tiust the people of this country with power ; and , feelimr that they were honest , it was with the greatest regret he saw the present condition of England ; for in former days the Sovereign could trust in her subjects , and the milit-iry were maintained

      for the protection of the country from foreign enemies . Then tlv ir whole military establishments in the unite - ' kingdom was only 25 , 000 or 26 , 000 men , and so late as 1816 L'ird Palmerston declared he wanted no military for the internal protection of the country . In 1792 Pitt , the arch traitor of reform , reduced his establishment to 25 , 000 . There was not one barrack in the kingdom except in a garrison town , and the whole expend ! hue was limited to £ 12 , 000 , 000 or £ 13 , 000 , 000 annua'ly . What was the difference now ? There were barracks iu or near every town . Last year they spent £ 100 , 000 to build one at Preston ; another large sura was expended for the s « me purpose at Manchester . The whole country , in fact , was starred with barracks . They

      had batteries of cannon now of which they hid not one in 1702 . For what purpose were all these men and artillery ? To frighten the people . Let not the government try to c- > nceal the fact . Instead of reposing on the affections ' f the people , they were taking measures not to yield to them their constitutional rights , and to coerce them to a system which was unjust . ( Hear , hear . ) Was such a state of things to continue ? Instead ofthe country brisling with bayonets , and instead of barracks and planted ariill ry , they should give the people their rights as the t' ue way of maintaining peace . All these preparations arose from the fear of reform . He did not deny that there were unfortunately ardent and wild reformers , bu * that was no reason why the House

      should not calmly and quietly consider , while peace existed , what had led to such ajstate . of things , and to the enormous military establishments which were weighing down the country , and benea ' h which it must eventually sink . In 1792 the whole taxation was ^ 16 , 000 ^ 000 ; £ 9 , 000 , 000 for the national debt , £ 6 , 000 . 000 for civil and military expenditure , and £ 1 , 000 , 000 frr 5 he 'inking find . In ISiS we had in rouud numbers £ 60 . 000 , 000 of taxation . Let any one think of 4 , 000 . 000 of fellowsubjects in a state of destitution in the . workhouses of England , Ireland , and Scotl-. nd , and compare with it this expenditure of £ 325 , 000 on the gold lace and trumpery o ! the court . Why , the plainness o " Windsor grey" in former days did more cr ( lit

      to the sovereign of England than all the tawdry gold lace snd trumpery suifs they had taken in imitation of Napoleon . " ( Hear , hear . ) It would be more to the honour of the sovereign to see the simplicity which prevailed again in vogue . Last week he dined with an old friend f his - the Lord Mayor . { A laugh . ) There were also pivsent the a : nbarsa < lor from Constantinople and an English ambassador about to proceed to the United Sntes , and he declared that if he wanted to put his finger on the cloth of their coats he could not do it for ihe gold lice upon them . ( A laugh ) When he was a boy he recollected going to see the state trampeteiv , on sta ' e occasions , in their golden coats . They were a sort of show . And , reallv , to look at our ambassadors '—

      at our Ourt—av , and at our Ministers , they , were just as bad . ( A * laugh . ) Look at th < s trwdry manner in which they went to court . ( Laughter , in which Lord J . Russell and sever *! members of the government joined . ) Was that the state in which they should appear when tlrMr fellow-countrymen were dying in scores every day ? and should the public monty be spent on such useless , vain , and gaudy trumpery ? ( " Hoar , hear , " and laughter . ) lie often thought £ 60 , ' ) 00 not uiough for the Sovereign , —liberal as he knew her to be to all charities ; but the rest of the money so uselessly spent would go far to relieve distress . He did not expect any Minister to step forward in reforming those abuses ; they all required not a gentle but a strong pressure to

      make them stir at a 1 . Otaer countries Had stt tuem an example . In Be lgium the government granted reform as soon as they heard of the events of -l'c . bruary in France . Every Minister and every public officer at once reduced bis establishment one-third . The Duke ofWnrtemburgh , when he succeeded his father , who was over head and ears in debt , immediately reduced every establishment one-half , ¦ and in that way won the love and admirati n of his subjects . After admitting that great differences of op inion existed among his own friends as to the exact kind of suffrage they would give , Mr . Hume proceeded to show the inequalities and injustice of the . present franchise . Taking

      the population of Eng land , Wales , and S ; otland , in round numbers , at about 20 , 000 , 000 , he found by a return dated June 5 , 1841 , that the number of adult males was 8 , 000 , 000 . 'J here were 3 , 500 , 000 houses ; the number 01 electors at present registered was 820 , 000 . In Ireland there was no registry such as would allow an exact estimate to be formed ; but so far as he had succeeded in attempting to ascertain what was the extent of the suffrage there he could not make out that there were 40 , 000 electors to the 8 , 000 , 000 of population in Ir land . The proportion then of electors to non-electors was as cne to five aud a half . What was now -the " state of matters ? The population h ~ d increased , and the proportion of electors to non-ejeetorswas now nearly

      Monday, June L Douse Oflorjv5 I N Simnpo...

      one to ten . Where had that increase taken place ? In the manufacturing towns , riot in the agricultural districts . While the populafi .-m had been increasing at the rate of 34 per cent , in the manufacturing districts , it had increased only 7 i per cent , in the agricahura ! districts . The disp . irity , therefore , betwe h the former proportion of electors tj nois-eleciors , namely , one in five and a half , and tiie present proportion , bad occurred in the manufacturing districts . Every year the disproportion was increasing between the electors and the non-electors , and in th « se districts where it made i : self observed , - namely , in the manufacturing districts , intelligence" wou'd be found wide-spread , schools everywhere existed , associations had been formed and nieeti'igs were held ' which were

      calculated so to tiain the people as to fit and prepare them for the exercise of those rights to which t netwould be admitted , if the changes he proposed were introduced . Tho aristocracy of the -country wcrefar more interested than ariv other part 6 f the community in hiving this question effectually ' set at rest . for what was the value of their property unles * it could be employed , if it were necessary to have bayonets to protect them against their nearest neighbour ? In no disturbance which had taken plate had the working classes shown any disposition to plunder or appropriate the property of . their s ' uperiors- ( hear , hear)—there were innumerable examples which showedth :. t such was contrary to thiir disposition ; and was it to such men that rights enjoyed by the

      Lazzaroni of Italy ought to be refused ? Jn what did the inequality of representation consist ? Instituting a comparison between great and small , constituencies , he found that there were sixteen boroughs containing 2 , 917 , 000 persons , being one-half of the borough population of England . Those borough ? , including Birmingham , Bristol , and other . great towns , returned thirty-two members . Ho wo Id comj-are them with twenty-three English boroughs which , with only 100 , 000 , returned as many members as the other sixteen boroughs . The great towns , then , containing half the borough population , had one member to 88 , 000 inhabitant ? , " arid twenty-three small towns , returning an equal number of members , had one member to every 10 , 000 inhabitants . Would

      any one say that this was a fair participation in the elective franchise ? It was hot a favour , but as a constitutional right-natural right was out of the question—that he sought an extension ofthe suffrage under the circumstances lie had stated . While those small boroughsre-. irmi done member lor every 10 , 000 persons and the other boroughs returned only one member for every 88 , 000 , 23 , 000 in , Scotland sent nine members , and the remainder of the population was divided among the other members . The Char : ists had created an alarm which had been turned to account as a ground for making . military preparations ; though it seemed as , if the government nad become alarmed for . nothing at all . But what in the end would'bs the consequence of allowing matters to

      remain as he had described them , to allow the disparity between e'ectors and non-electors to go on increasing ? The inequalities that existed ought to be put an end to . There were eighty-three kinds of franchise or qualification , from potwalloptrs to tenpounde's—an expensive absurdity which none but an English House of Commons would suffer to exist . Then there were twenty-eight English boroughs , each returning two members , which had less than 500 registered electors , whi ' e there were fifteen other boroughs returning two members alsrwnieh had more than 5 , 000 registered electors . ¦ Boroughs which could only reckon COO electoiyamr . ng them returned as many members as the city of London . It was impossible to make absurdity appear more

      absurd , yet country gentlemen , and those who were connected with the aristocracy , seemed to flatter themselves that nobody knew anything of these facts . If they were to oppose his motion , he trusted they Would take the manly course of Canning , and say "We want no more reform at all . " It was also of great importance" to bring out tho fact that the majority of . the House of Commons represented less than 1-Sth of the population of the country . Ofthe 60 S members , 330 represented 3 , 127 , 000 ; 328 represented 23 , 800 , 000 . The majority included all the small boroughs , and those under the influence of landlords ; the minority , the greater proportion of the counties and large cities . Such was a description of the people ' s house . Who would not

      say that there was not fallacy on the face of such a system ? The aristocracy had one house to themselves , but had both Houses at their disposal under the existing mode of management . Democratic principles had advanced throughout the world . Were any men so blind as to suppose the march of those princi p les was to be stopped b y the perpetuation of so great an injustice ?• One in every ci / dit only was within the- pale of the constitution . All the rest were excluded as unworthy . There was a certain class in that llouse which was regarded as particularly attentive to tho interests of the community , and especially anxious , to . be esteemed as the friends ofthe working classes , standing forward to advocate measures for their relief whether bv

      the institution of baths and washhouses , or of ragged schools , or the improvement of dwelling-houses . Yet those very parties refused to the working man that which would elevate him as a member of thc community , which would elevate his social state , which would do ten times more than any other measure to advance his welfare . What ought to be done was to extend political rights to thc working man , so that he should be able to take his part in directing and controlling public affairs , in putting down bribery and corruption and extravagance ; but any gewgaw which might be held up to catch popular applause was preferable to such a measure . At a meeting of working men . held ir . Exeter-hall with reference to a reward which had

      been offered for tiie best essay on thc question how best the Sabbath-day could be sanctified , Lord Ashley , in acknowledging a vote of thanks , bore testimony to the extraordinary talent and good conduct of the working men . Heattributed the stability of the throne to tho steadiness , piety , and intelligence , of those men "; and yet Lord Ashley would not come forward , and say he would give them the elective franchise . After examining the different bases upon which the suffrage might be extended , whence it appeared that the result of population or of property would be the same , Mr . Hume pronounced in favour of the former , as the easiest , and thus concluded , a speech of about two hours' duration . Seeing the causes of discontent which existed , seeing the desire that prevailed amonff the

      working classes to acquire thc suffrage , seeing that it was just and right before God and man that they should have it , for there was no principle which could be stated to justify their exclusion , he would implore tho House coolly and calmly to enter on the consideration of the measures he proposed for their adoption . If Ministers were , dissatisfied with the terms in which he proposed to carry out his object , let them prepare a measure such as they might deem less open to objection ,- if they thought there was anything dangerous in his proposition , let it be removed ; or anything defective , let it be supplied . Mr . 11 . Berkeley , in seconding the motion , took occasion to censure some of thc occupants of the Treasury bench for having voted against his motion for the ballot on a recent occasion . The Secretary

      for the Homo Department , who voted for the Ballot in 1 S 42 , voted against it in 1849 ; that was to say , he "voted white on one occasion , and black on another . Tho ri g ht hon . gentleman was bound to apologise for one of those votes . Surely thc rig ht hon . baronet would not assert that intimidation , corruption , and bribery had ceased to exist since 1842 . The Master of the Mint made an emphatic speech for the Ballot in 1812 , but when ho wasasked to vote for it the other night , ho replied that he was sitting on thc Treasury bench , and lie did not think that the people were as desirous of having the

      Ballot as they had been lormcrly . ( A laugh . ) As to the noble lord at the . head ofthe government , the people were more disposed to look up to tho right hon . baronet the member for Tamworth as a leader than to him . He hoped that the noble lord would not again pursue thc disreputable course which . hc followed lately with regard to the Ballot . ( A laugh . ) Of course , when he used the word " disreputable" he applied it in a political sense . The noble lord ought , at least , to attempt to offer some measure against the present motion , for , as to a majority to negative it , he was sure of that , supported as he was by thc Tories .

      Sir C . Gkey said , this identical motion had been brought before the House last session by Mr . Hume , and after two nights' discussion had been rejected by a large majority ; and , after a year ' s experience , be was ready to put the question upon the contrast , which Mr . Hume had invited , between the internal condition of this country and that of the continent of Europe . Mr . Hume had said that Universal Suffrage and other changes on the continent had led to happy results ; but lie ( Sir G . Grey ) declined to accept those results in conjunction with such an armed force as existed in Paris , and with other incidents found to be the invariable accompaniments of great political changes . He > asked' Mr . Hume , who professed to go " slowly and surely , " whether this change was to be considered as an instalment onlv , and whether , upon the fortchcomihg motion of Mr ! O'Connor , he nicant to concede two more points of the Charter- Before we gave up the Constitution

      we now enjoyed , the House , he observed , should know distinctly how far it was proposed to proceed . The propositions of Mr . Hume , and the opinions of those who supported these changes , were vague ; the statistics of Mr . Hume were not always correct ; the number of adult males was 4 , 000 , 000 , not 8 , 000 , 000 . -Sir George avowed that he had never held the doCrine of finality ; but let the House deal with the subject as reasonable men , and not blindly rush upon undefined courses . _ Mr . Hume had chosen population as the basis of his extension of the suffrage , "but he had at the same time repudiated Equal Electoral Districts , Why , then , not prefer property ? He had asked whether the House represented the people . The same question might be asked if he stopped short of Mi . O'Connor ' s scheme . Sir George acknowledged that he believed the House , since the Reform Act , fairly and adequat ely represented , under the constitution of parliament , hefeclin"s and wishes ofthe nation , and he urged

      Monday, June L Douse Oflorjv5 I N Simnpo...

      the House to shun the great danger that would bo incurred by entering upon the course recommended by Mr . Hume . . ... ili- . O'Connor said : If it had not been for the allusion made to him by tho right honourable gentleman , it was not his intention to have spokeii upon tho proposition of the honourable member for Montrose . But as the rig ht ' honourable- gentleman had entertained the House with a political : tragedy and farce , —with a French tragedy , and an American farce , ho might be permitted to introduce his interlude . ( Hear , hear . ) When the ri ght honourable gentleman , " referred to the

      melancholy transactions which'had recently taken place upon the Continent , he appeared to be ignorant ofthe fact , that the cause of those calamities was the vain attempt of despots and tyrants to stop the mind ' s progress , and withhold tho legitimate . " rights of the people by brute force . ( Hear , hear . ) : ' Whereas ,, by a timely and prudent concession of those legitimate ri ghts , they might havo still maintained their positions , but , like other countries , they waited until they were compelled to surrender to fear what they denied to justice . ( Hoar , hear . ) But as the right honourable

      gentleman had endeavoured to awaken the fears of that House , by reference to those foreign convulsions , he ( Mr . 0 ' Connor ) , would use them as a warning for the future , and tell the House , that the progress of mind in this country was farther . advanced in knowledge than in any other country in the world , and what arms and revolutions achieved abroad , that mind would assuredly achieve at home . ( Cheers . ) But , as the ri ght honourable gentleman had triumphantly referred to the present state of Franco , ' he was prepared to join issue with him ; and although far-seeing

      gentlemen may attempt to augur the future from the present , he would ask whether it was possible that a more perfect state of tranquillity could exist ,, than that which characterised the recent French elections ? ( Hear , hear . ) Well , Avhat did that prove ? B ut that the voiceofknowledgehadsilenced the cannon ' s roar , and that a warlike people , trained to arms , had now abandoned , tho so arms for the stronger force of mind —( hear , hear)—and were , now determined to fi ght labour ' s battle in the representative assembly instead of in the field ; and although they may be taunted with some

      men era blouse , and two sergeants , sitting in that Assembly , who , he would ask , was so fit to represent labour , and to instruct that House—wholl y ignorant of the labour question—as the labourer himself ? His . ( Mr ; O'Connor ' s ) greatest attachment to the Charter arose from the hope that it would introduce proper and legitimate instructors into that House —( hear , hear)—and although some presumed that he was about to oppose the motion of the hon . member for Montrose , so far from it he begged to tender him his . thanks for marching so far with him and the people on

      the road of political progress , as by the achievement of political power only could they hope to acquire their social rights . ( Hear , hear . ) But as he wished thatevpry act of his , and every vote of his , should be susceptible of defence , after the minutest scrutiny , he felt himself bound to point out the incompetency of the proposition of the hen . member to en sure a legitimate representation of labeur in parliament . Tho hon . gentleman omitted two vital points of the People ' s Charter , namely , "No Property Qualification , " and " Payment of Members ; " while , without these two

      points , the other four , points would be incomplete , inasmuch as the honest labourer—honoured by his class , intellectual , of good character , and respected in ' his localitywould not be able to show a qualification of six hundred pounds a-year for a county , or three hundred pounds 11-year for a borough ; . and oven if that propertied qualification was done away with , if lie was not paid for his services , how could he abandon his profession ? ( Hear , hear . ) Noble lords , aud right hon . gentlemen

      who sat opposite , were paid for taxing him , and wh y should he not be paid for defending himself ? ( Hear , hear . ) The right hon . gentleman had very triumphantly taunted the lion , memberfor Montrose with the'great discrepancy of opinion that existed upon every single one of his points , and he had called their attention to the fervid and dramatic speech of the hon . and learned member for Reading , delivered last year , upon a similar motion , in which he reminded the House that it was impossible to

      draw the distinction between thc man that holds the house and the house that holds the man , and that the gipsy under his tent might be considered as included in the hon . member ' s definition . ( Hear , hear . ) Well , it was because he ( Mr , O' Connor ) would not multi pl y those stalking horses of the minister and the opponents of the measure that he had resolved not to criticise too minutel y the distinction between his own proposition and that of the hon . memberfor Montrose . ( Loud cheers . ) But , let him ask whether these fine-drawn distinctions would reconcile the millions to

      the rejection of a measure as to which they wore agreed , however those who undertook to represent them may base their opposition upon such a flimsy pretext ? ( Hear , hear . ) But , did they hope successfully to resist the progress of mind in this country ? As English loyalty had been boasted in the midst of these continental revolutions , let him explain that they had mistaken quietude , arising from the hope of the mind ' s triumph , for English loyalty . ( Hear , hear . ) In this country iree discussion was permitted , and however the people may be taunted with

      ignorance , he boldly asserted that there was not ii people 011 the face of the earth who were better instructed as to their rights , and that reliance' upon thai instruction , and not upon p hysical force , was the cause of their boasted loyalty . Iu other countries , the people were not allowed to moot and discuss their grievances , and in the moment of excitement they betook themselves to arms . In France , with a population of thirty-six millions , there were little more than two hundred thousand ,

      voterswhereas , now there are millions , and henceforth her battles will be fought initio National Assembly , and not upon the battlefield . ( Hear , hear . ) And , however the ri g ht hon . gentleman may use the present state of France , as demonstrative of the result ofthe proposition of the hon . member for Montrose , he appears to have forgotten that the . acts of ages of despotism and tyranny cannot be all at once superseded by any better system , and that a time must he allowed for the fervour and

      excitement b y which that change was accomplished to subside , before a new state of things can be organised . ( Hear , hear . ) : But he would ask the noble lord opposite ( Lord . J . Russell ) whether , with a knowledge of the fact that Prussia , a despotism eighteeen months ago , having now granted a freer constitution than the English constitution—whether in the face of such a fact , he would atteriipt to resist the progress of mind in this country ? ( Hear , hoar . ) In Prussia they hadall but Universal Suffrage , and four years' parlhments , and was not such a jump as that , from unmitigated despotism , a greater constitutionarchanffe'thaii the

      concession ot every point in the Charter to the enlightened people of this country , would be ? ( Hear , hear . ) In . order to multiply those differences .- of opinion which exist upon thc several points oi thc People ' s Charter , the right hon . gentleman had asked him ( Mr . O'Connor ) for his definition of Manhood Suffrage , and whether he like some others proposed to extend it to females ? His answer to the question was No ; that he confined it to every man of twenty-one years of ago , of sound mind , and untainted with crime . ¦ ( Hear , hear . ) But still relying upon conflicting opinions with regard to his ( Mr .

      O ' Connor ' s ) proposition , and that of the hon . member for Montrose , the right hon . baronet has declared that he sees advantages to be gained' from my definition of Equal Electoral Districts , while he recognises complication and imperfection in that of the hon . member for Montrose .- W ell , all he would say upon that point was , that he was happy to have made a convert ofthe right hon . gentleman to one of his propositions , which inspire d liim with hope that ere long he would convert him'to the whole animal . ( Loud cheers and laughter . ) The right hon . iremloman would find ample excuse for

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      his conversion from the precedent established upon his vote for the Ballot in 1842 , when he sat upon tin ' s side of the House , and against the Ballot in 1840 , when he sat upon that side of the House . ( Cheers and laughter . ) Well , he did not use it as a taunt to the rig ht lion . ' gentleman , as seven years were fixed as the standard of man ' s mental consistency . But ho would remind the hon . baronet and the House , that the progress of mind had reduced their standard from . seven years , to seven days ; and that whereas in the good old Tory times , seven—yea , seventy years tranquility . may be relied upon , as the result of legislation , whereas no man , not even the g ifted prophet , can foretell the events ' of seven days 111 this ago of progress . Within the

      last . twenty years that class , to whom you now deny the right o f freemen , has been enlisted ' as tl « rarmy to fight for what they were taught to lool ^ upon as great political changes . -ras the , means to insure social benefit . ' Emancipation—Itefonn—and . Free Trade were the ' three great measures of that time , arid dear-bought experience has taught the people that they have not achieved one : particle of benefit fromany one of those " measures . But as sly allusion had been made to the reviled Chartists , he stood there as their representative , and defied the House to say , that" even . to accomplish their own objcct . thcy had set Bristol in flames—burnt Nottingham Castle—carried the portrait of their king , amid the cheers of tho boasted loyalty of

      Englishmen , with the executioner represented with the bloody axe prepared to decapitate him , if they refused the noble lord and his friends the Charter , by which they achieved power and dispensed patronage . ( Loud cheers . ) Now he defied thc House , the country , and the world , to charge the Chartists with any such acts of violence to obtain their Charter ; and ho was there as the representative of that body , to ' tell the House that he never had been , nor ho never would be , any party to a physical revolution , because ho saw , and felt convinced , that tho mind of the country , if wisely , actively , and judiciously directed , was capable of conquering all that the country required . ( Cheers . ) And his greatest boast was , that in spito of slander , and in spito of all attempts to seduce the people into a course which would be their ruin , and the triumph of

      their -enemy , he had consistently persevered against fearful opposition , in one resolute , line of polic ) ' , and as long as life and strength remained he would persevere in the same course , and would only abandon it when his object was achieved , -or when he ceased to live . He would not hold a snat in that Houkc Aipon thecondition that he was to give a single vote at variance with his feelings and opinions , although he would not offer any obstruction , but on the contrary would support the proposition of tho hon . member for Montrose . ( Hear , hoar , and cheers . ) This ho would do for two reasons ; firstly , as far as possible to disarm the right hon . gentleman ofthe charge of discrepancy of opinion ; and secondly , because the

      hon . gentleman stated that liis measure was to be considered biit as one step—an assurance which gratified him ( Mr . O'Connor , ) inasmuch as the hon . gentleman explained to tho House that , while there were eight millions of male adults , Household Suffrage would but enfranchise three millions and a half of that population , thus leaving four . millions and a half—a majority ofthe . whole—unrepresented in that House . He merely mentioned these facts , lest his support ofthe present motion should be construed into his acceptance of it as a substitute for the six points of the People ' s Charter . No part of the right , hon . gentleman ' s speech had given him ( Mr . O'Connor ) greater satisfaction than his expression of joy at the triumph of foreign nations

      over their despots . But what would England s old allies say , when they read those congratulations in our English press ; and what would the English people say , when they found an English minister- rejoicing in the . acquisition of popular principles abroad , and resisting the same principles at home ? ( Loud cheers . ) He ( Mr . O'Connor ) had always expressed his opposition to the ballot with the present standard of franchise . ( " Hear , hear , " from Lord J . llussell . ) Yes , but he voted for that , lest liis opposition to it may be urged . as further proof of the difference of opinion of those who advocate the four points , and those who advocate thc whole of the six points ; and he was determined that no factious opposition of his should

      create discord m the popular ranks . ( Oiieers . ) iiic noble lord , in his speech delivered at Bristol in 1840 —an able speech—adduced excellent arguments against the Ballot with thc present franchise . He said , —* ' The electors are but tho trustees of their votes , and . if von adopt thc Ballot you release them from popular vigilant control , and constitute them the owners , rather than the trustees , of that sacred property . " ( "Hear , hear , " from Lord J . Russell . ) Well , but surely if they had ; i right to exorcise that control over the trustees of their property ,, they have a perfect rig ht to exercise it for thenisehWwithout any such control . ( Cheers ) It was because he believed that what had been done by physical force in other countries could bo done here

      by moral force that he should advocate thc Charter But the right hon . gentleman , in referring to the hon . gentleman ' s having presented no petitions on this subject , had furnished him ( Mr . O'Connor ) with the strongest reason for not proceeding with his own motion tlTat evening . He had presented no petitions upon tho question , but he had received applications from nearly every town in England to postpone his motion until thoy could send up petitions to that House in order to show that they were still determined to persevere . They certainly would not have a monster petition like last year —( a laugh )—but the several members of the boroughs and cities who presented the petitions would have to vouch for the

      signatures attached to them . There was a mind m tins country looking to progress , and he would tell the right hon . gentleman and the noble lord not to hug themselves with the belief that , because foreign countries had made an evil use of the powers that had been conferred upon them , that would be justification for refusing to grant such powers in England . He should vote most cordially for the motion of the hon . gentleman , assuring him , in his own words , that it was but the beginning oi the end , and that , even if thc motion were enrriod , it would not prevent him ( Mr . O'Connor ) from supporting the principles of the Charter , or bringing forward his motion on that subject , as soon as he was backed by tho expression of public opinion , which would be

      conveyed in petitions from all parts of the country , and then he was sanguine enough 10 hope that the hon . member for Montrose would dismount from his quadruped , and mount his ( Mr . O'Connor ' s ) sexipod —( cheers and laughter)—a measure which he never would abandon in that House or on the platform so long as life remained , for , however slow its progress , like tho snow-ball , it would continue to iscrcase , until , at last , thc whole rational mind of the country would adhere it . ( Cheers . ) Col . Thompson was of opinion that the present government at a former period had achieved the most glorious , because the most successful triumph in parliamentary reform with wliicli this country was acquainted , and ho trusted that the House of Commons would be enabled once more to advance

      to victory under their old and distinguished leaders . Mr . Campbell made a finality speech in favour of the Reform Bill , " Go thus far , hut no further , " and with respect to tho present motion said , that even if it had the sanction of the noble lord at the head of thc government , he must meet it with a firm and indignant denial . Mr . Locke King , in a speech which was interrupted during its delivery hy loud cheers , energetically supported thc motion , expressing his belief that whether in this year or in the next , another Reform Bill must como , and wheii it did come it would he productive ofthe greatest good , by bringing a vast number of menfully fitted for the exercise of the responsibility within thc pate ofthe constitution , and would raise them to their proper rank as freemen and citizens . ¦ . ¦ ¦ .

      Mr . JJewbkoatk followed in opposition to the motion , his main attack being made on the new mode orig inated at Manchester of enfranchising forty shilling freeholders . He might remind the House that the hon , member for the West Biding ( Mr . Cobikm ) had , in the most emphatic manner , assured them that when the corn laws were repealed , the League , with its organisation for corrupting the constituencies—for it was nothing loss than a wholesale system of corruption —( cheers from the ' Protectionists ) —even worse than the old rotten borough system—( renewed" cheers)—would be . dissolved . Ho was aware that there was some difference . in the tactics now pursued by these gentlemen . There was something too trlarimr in importing strangers by

      wholesale into the constituencies . There was some danger that such a ' system might be mot by that llouse . The system now pursued was to facilitate by companies the purchase of freehold land , but not in the honest and straightforward manner in which thc purchase of land was promoted by the land companies established by the hon . member for Nottingham ( " Hear , " from Mr . !•' . O'Connor and laugh ter ) ' Some of the lion , gentlemen opposite professed'to bo great purists when anything like corruption was mentioned , and lies Mr . Newdegate ) , although ' he might be called a corrupt Tory , was SOinewnat irritated at seeing attempts made to disfranchise or swamp constituencies ' by " those wiio

      always had tho cry of "runty ot election" on their lips . ( Jtaar , hear . ) He felt indignant 011 the part of his constituents , and he thought he should be wanting in ; liis duty to them , if he did not warn the House and the public against the organisation directed by hon . gentlemen opposite . Mr . Bright gave a counter explanation of the system of enfranchisement referred to b y Mi \ Newdegate , and observed that it' was fortunate for the country , after the avowals of Lord J . llussell and Sir G . Grey , ; tuat there was a mode by which industrious and intelligent members of the working-classes could p lace themselves within the pale of the Constitution . In all civilised nations there was a movement in the

      direction of a government more under the control ofthe people , and more in accordance with their interests , The measure proposed by Mr . Hume was

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      —MM ———»¦—1 ^ J——— —^ M — . ' ' »«?! J IIIconsistent with tbe-thcory ofthe Constitution ; th existing mode of representation was not consistcn with that theory or with the interests of the nation ; it excluded masses of tho community , qualified by knowledge and moral culture for the . franchise , from just privileges and visrhts . The working classes had made great progress ol'late years , as was evi denced bv the ablv-writton newspapers and the chea p and moral literature which circulated among them , their energy in seeking employment , and the efforts thoy . made to educate both themselves and their children . ( Hear ; hear . ) There was no doubt that thc artisan of 18111 was a different being from the artisan of 1832 . and vet in „„„

      thc last-named year lus help in the way of petitioning and assembling , for carrying the-Reform Bill was not despised . ( Hear , hear . ) If . it should be said that tho working classes were so vicious that they ought not to he admitted to political power , he couhl g ivcsoine striking proofs that the working classes ^—hespokeof the manufacturingclassfs , whom they all seem to bo afraid of—were not so vicious that thoy ought to be excluded from their fair share of political power . Tiie hon . member here referred to a report of the commission sent down to Stockport , in which the working classes were described as-being pcrsons * of great intelligence and industry , avoiding as far as possible dependence on-the poorrate , and availing themselves , when in a state of

      prosperity , of provident institutions , in order to preserve their savings , lie also quoted ft mn a report of the chief constable of Stockport , with the view of showing the peaceable disposition ofthe working people , and the improbability , on account ( if theit advance in moral knowledge , of their being drawn into insane projects of physical force . He believed that to be the true character of tho whole manufacturing population . The hon . niemlmr then proceeded to review the circumstances under which tho principal measures of reform have been p assed , and showed that force , or the fear of civil war , had , in almost all instances , influenced them . Take thc agitation of the Anti-Corn-Law League ; it was not an agitation offeree , , but of conviction —( " Oh , oh" )—it was an agitation which did not so . much conquer opponents as convert them —( " Oh ,. oh !")

      —but he right hon . baronet ( Sir It . Peel ) , strong « 9 his convictions had become in 1815 , was notable to propose the alteration of thc corn law until he saw famipo coming upon Ireland : and it required the sacrifice of one of the most potent and able Ministers thc country ever had —( hear , hear)—before this boasted " constitution" would permit thu people of this nation to purchase their bread freely at the world ' s market price . ( Hear , hear . ) , Take the question of economy ; the House legislated as if there was no British nation—as if tax-paying was unknown ; whereas , if tho House at all represented the British people , no subject would be ho carefully and constantly discussed . ( Hear , hear . ) Ireland presented another great trial of our " constitution . " Tho noble lord ( Lord J . Russell ) and the ri ght hon . hart . ( Sir It . reel ) must both of them have boon aware for years that the laws with , regard to land in Ireland were in a most defective and

      mischievous ; state ; but it was not in the power of the Minister to propose tho changes ho had proposed , until calamities were imminent or had happened which shut the mouths of the cavillers at every good proposition submitted to the llouse . ( l ' ear ' hear . ) He had to wait till half a million of the Queen ' s subjects were underground , perished in the nineteenth century by a calamity which could only overtake a barbarous or ill-govWMed nation , ( lle . ii . ) He ( Mr . Bright ) had no respect for a constitution—( " Oh ! " )—or a system or state of parliamentary representation —( hear , hear)—which required civil war menaced in order to get Catholic Emancipation , brickbats to pass thc Reform Bill , an insurrection in Jamaica to abolish slavery , a famine to repeal

      the Corn Laws , half a million of men and families perished of . hunger , to improve the laws with regard to the tenure of land in Ireland . ( Hear , hear . ) But , perhaps , thc noble lord would say , tho system worked well out of doors .. From 1830 , when the people began to feci that they had been cheated of the influence they expected to acquire by the Reform Bill , there had been an incessant movement in favour of an extension of the suffrage , out of which had come the fri ghtful tiling called Chartism ( a hiugh ) , * not frightful because of the " six points , " but because ofthe passions stirred in the discussion , and the animosities engendered among a population believing themselves excluded from their fair share of political rights . ( Hear , hear . ) Ho ( Mr . Bright )

      had seen some ol tho fruits of that agitation—not an agitation all evil by any means—for whenever the people were stirred up to the contemplation of political questions , there was au admixture , often large , of good . He had seen them at torchlig ht meetings —( hear , hear );—ho had heard of ¦ them since in small , and it might be miserable , but not wholly to bo despked conspiracies —( an ironical cheer );—he had seen incipient insurrectionary movements —( cheer renewed );—and we all knew that there was a wide-spread discontent among a largo and intelligent class , and a hatred of the law which those who ' sat in that llouse ought to be the last to encourage . ( Hear , hear . ) Did the government deny it ? Ask the judges—the ;

      Attorney-General ; go to the prisons now , and you would find not a small number of men incarcerated who had been foolish and wicked to a great extent , but with whom a great many sympathised to no inconsiderable degree . ( Hear , hear . ) If the Home Secretary was alarmed 011 the 10 th of April last year—unless he was he practised great hypocrisy on thc country —it was because he knew that there existed great political discontent , and causes for it . ( Hear . ) Of the 6 , 000 , 000 of adult men in tho united kingdom , 5 , 000 , 000 were not electors ; a very large portion of them were not very much below the . members of that House in information upon important subjects ; they were men who stood about the hustings at au election aud longed to participate in it . ' ( Hear . )

      The noble lord said , the other night , in the debate on triennial parliaments , that the country had sufficient influence in that House '; if he meant by " the country" his own order , what he said was true ; but not if ho meant what others did , all below the titled class . ( Hear . ) Look at the composition of thc Cabinet ; if the House represented the nation , was it likely that the members of the government would all be chosen from one class—that thc Cabinet would consist of peers , and relatives of peers , and baronets ? ( Hear . ) Bon . members hadbeen accustomed to this from childhood , and no doubt believed it to be rig ht ; the winning side always believed itself in thc right —( a laugh );—but there was another side that would win some dav , and

      that was beginning to find out that this was wrong . ( Hear , hear . ) If the House was a fair representation of the grown-up population of thc country , or even of the middle classes , it would be impossible that the Cabinet could be so uniformly composed of one privileged class ; the Cabinet was aristocratic and not popular , because the House was aristocratic and not popular . ( Hear , hear . ) The five-sixths of tho population that were excluded from political power and influence in that Housewere thoy a body iu whom they had no confidence ? What would the country be if they were excluded from everything else ? All the virtue , industry , ingenuity , morality , religion of thc kingdom , were not to be found in thc one-sixth represented in thatllousc .

      Arc your schools to go tor nothing , your chapels for nothing , your churches for nothing ? Is that great mass ot the people which is between pauperism at thc bottom and privilege at the top to be considered nothing ? And can you conceive that your constitution is good , or that your institutions are worth preserving , if you arc afraid that this class , if once admitted , would overturn them ? I am not the friend of disorder or of violence , at any time or in any cause . I believe in my conscience that wc who advocate the proposition of my hor :. friend ( Mr . Hume ) arc truly the conservative party in this House . ( Hear , hear , and cheers . ) I am * satisfied that whatever is valuable in your institutions would

      bo consolidated by the passing ot the measure which ho proposes for your adoption . ( Hear , hear . ) Do not think that I am unmindful of the liberty we enjoy . ( Hear , hoar . ) 1 honour the memory and revere the character of those who have gone before us , and who gained for us thc personal and political liberty which wc possess . _ But , in' proportion as I honour them , am-1 anxious that wc should nob leave thc world without having done something to repair and to amend the institutions which have been left to us ; and I Vote for the measure of- my hon . friend on this ground , —that I believe if it became tho law of the land we should leave to . ' our children and our posterity the priceless heritage of a renovated and enduring constitution . ( Cheers . )

      Lord J . Russell paid a tribute to the moderation , which had marked the speech of Mr . Hume , the obscurity of whose scheme—for he still had not defined the term " householder "—had been cleared ug by Mr . Bright , who , whatever might be the intentions ami wishes of Mr . Hume , informed the House , that the franchise must bo extended to every adult male , and that only thc six points , of thc Charter Jvould content him . In considering the motion Lord John thought it necessary briefly to explain the intentions of those who framed thc Reform Bill , which was to amend the defects in the . representation in . the spirit of the ancient constitution . With regard to the franchise , if the electors we re not . independent and intelligent the object in view—namely , the good

      government ot the country—would not , be -secured , and much of the corruption of the unreformed' parliament arose from the want of these qualities in the electors . He was of opinion that the country , as a whole , was far better . represented- b y . a mixed and varied representation , than' if large counties returned only agricultural members , and' large cities members who represented . manufacturing interest ' s ; and'that ' ,. if theVhole . ' countri '^ were to be divided into districtsy . sp far from the ref re ' sehtation being more coinplcte ; it would'be less s . o ,-.. / Mr . Bright had admitted that' the working classes . had now the means of buying a franchise ' ; nut he , , ( Lord John Russell ) repeated that ut saw nothing in the Reform Act , or in any opinion he had expressed , that should debar him from adopting any . plan by which the base of the sutirasrc might be w > t-i . td IB

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), June 9, 1849, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_09061849/page/7/