On this page
- Departments (4)
-
Text (17)
-
¦ ' '' ¦ ¦ ' ¦¦ ¦ .. .. . . . ^ -. ... _...
-
fflvzifpi $ib&nnnit&
-
« And 1 will war, at least in wards, (An...
-
* "Eastern Europe and the Emperor Nichol...
-
THE CAUSE OF POLAND AND THE EDITOR OF TH...
-
LITERARY ASSOCIATION OF THE FRIENDS OF P...
-
Supposed Death from Patent Medioinb. — On Tuesday afternoon, Mr. W. Baker held an inquest at
-
tne uorse fchoes, Buckle-street , Whitec...
-
american working-men's ¦; ,:movement. .....
-
* B IT ,? 0t be ° xactl * l'r«oticable f...
-
INDIA AND CHINA. IMPORTANT NEWS FROM LAH...
-
Fatal Accident at Poktsmoutii.—A melancholy accident happened on board the Winchester, 50, on
-
Tuesday, whilst lying under tne sneers t...
-
;;;:, :::;. TEN1 HOURS * JBILL. ; ' !' "...
-
KIHBARCHAN. . Co-opebation.—This village...
-
Banknipts, %t*
-
' BANKRUPTS..Joseph Milla'. Whittleburys...
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
-
-
Transcript
-
Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.
Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.
¦ ' '' ¦ ¦ ' ¦¦ ¦ .. .. . . . ^ -. ... _...
¦ ' '' ¦ ¦ ' ¦¦ ¦ .. .. . . . ^ -. ... _ rf I ' . ftii , ?«•« r . e f'J * p rr /"> , ~ / r r-i x'f -T' ' . m ; 0 184 $ . _ ... ^ ^ ^ ... _^ ^ . -.: ^ . ^ ; . ^^ y , ^^^^^ ^^^^ , ^ . ^^ - - .,- ¦ — 7 ^
Fflvzifpi $Ib&Nnnit&
fflvzifpi $ ib & nnnit &
« And 1 Will War, At Least In Wards, (An...
« And 1 will war , at least in wards , ( And—should my chance so happen—deeds , ) ffim all who war with Thought !" n i think I hear a Utile bird , who sings ¦ The people by and by will be the stronger . "—Braoic
EASTERN EUROPE AND THE EMPEROR NICHOLAS * so . rr . The first volumeof this work treats of slavery in the Russian dominions—the Russian rule in Poland—and the Polish emi gration . The author answers an objection by those opposed to his inquiries ; these objectors urge that , "Either Russia is dangerous to her neighbours on account of the strength , which p laces her beyond the reach of western interference , or that she is weak , and not to be dreaded . ' These objectors thence infer that whichever of thesepositions an author takes up , must considerably diminish the practical importance of his subject , whilst any attempt to prove both must involve self-refutation . But what sajs the author of this work ? THE SCSSIA 5 GOVEESMEST IS AT 03 CE BOTH WEAK AKD
' DANGEE 0 C 8 . That is to say that with inherent weakness it derives a real and formidable strength from the very terror which exaggerated notions of its power inspire . * * * * Tear , far more than corruption , is the instrument hy which the Russian Cabinet spreads its influence abroad . The weak and . the timid in the immediate neighbourhood of its empire , crouch toils will ; aud the prudent in more powerful states , so long as it shows some moderation iu its ambition , forbear from all interference , fearlul of provoking a struggle which in reality the Bussian
government dreads much more than themselves . It is on this account , at least as important to point out , and to popularize the weakness of this demdraliang power , as to shew the dangers which exist of its extension ; or to detail the sufferings of those actually beneath its rule . So salable is the Bussian Cabinet itself of the urgency of teeptug up the exaggerated ^ idea of its strength which it las succeeded iu disseminating , that any revelations on this sotgect are & r mere dreaded than the disclosure of soch acts of tyranny and violence as tend to draw on it the attention of civilized Europe .
In opposition to those who believe that ^ Nicholas is a mere creature of the Russian nobility , or at least list lie maintains Ms position in spite of their power ; the author of this work contends and proves that ^ Nicholas is in every sense of the word an autocrat , governing for himself ; and following in this respect in the footsteps of Peter the Great , and his grandmother Cathehisb . The struggle for mastery over ihenob ! estommeneedbyP £ iBB was consummated by Nicholas on the 12 th of December , 1825 , when the nobles were crushed by their conqueror . "The p uwer of the nobility , in which so many people obstinately persist in believing , has become as comp letely matter of history as that of the Janissaries or ef the . Mamelukes . " Tbe church has become
converted into a powerful instrument of domination , at the head of which is the autocrat . Thus politically and religiously Nicholas alone reigns and rules ; be , therefore , is responsible for the acts of his government . All EuglishmeH , when speaking of the Russian em pire , are of course aware that that empire comprises the peo ple of several distinct nations ; bnt , we believe , bnt few are aware of the distinction between the Muscovite and the Ruthenian , commonly called
little-Russian population , to which the Cossack tribes belong . Rut , although possessing a common religion , and almost common language , the two races widely differ . The Muscovites number about thirty-six minions , the Ruthenians ten millio . s » these latter , however , form . the military strength o the empire . "From the Ruthenians sprang all those numerous hordes of . Cossack , rather encamped than settled at hundreds of miles of interval from the Don , across the whole width of Northern Asia , —the con querors of Siberia , —tlie tamers of the Tartar . "
THE KUTHENIAXS Though distinct iu character and idiom from both the Poles and the Muscovites , have far more analogy to the former than to the latter . Scarcely tivo centuries have elapsed since the separation of this people from Poland and its incorporation with the Bussian empire . Originally driven by the hatred which civil , aud religious wars engender to seek the protection of the . Muscovite , ¦ me -riruleat antipathy of the Buthenians towards th « Teles has in the course of time subsided , and is being fist succeeded hy all the sympathies to which analogy of character and identity of interests can give rise . j
The devotion of this race to tie Tsars , under certain circumstances , is daily becoming more problematical . The Russian despotism has failed to digest this antithetic aliment . The efforts of a century have not sufficed to blend the Muscovite and Little-Russian . * # * Should the growing sympathies of the Buthenians for the itst of their Slavonic brethren he kindled . at any critical juncture , a consuming fire will thus be lighted in the very vitals of the state ; and on the probabilities of su : h an accident , we shall elsewhere dwell at greater length , .
TBE HCSC 0 V 1 TES . TFith many redeeming qualities , there exists nerace more fitted to become the blind and submissive tool of despotism . In this respect it differs even from the most servile branches of the vast and varied Slavonic family . Though any sincere devotion to the Tsars may be confined to the serfs , the proportion which this class bears amongst the Muscovites to the free population , is very far greater than for the whole empire . The collective population is reckoned at sixty-three millions . , and of these tfirty-sre are Muscovites . The slaves amount to forty-five millions , and of these nearly thirty-five are Muscovites—the conquering and absorbing race thus aEordingthe unprecedented spectacle of remaining iu a .
thraldom more complete than those absorbed and conquered . * * * These blindly obedient millions would no doubt themselves furnish a Bussian sovereign with unprecedented elements of power , were it nor , as the author has striven to show elsewhere , for the utter corruption so hopelessly ingrafted on aU ranks of the people , as to deprive the government of any means of-effectiug the organization of this material . "What avail hmdreds of thousands , of which only tens can ever reach the scene of action , onaccount of that consummate venality which has become a second nature to the Kussian , aud which renders it so impossible to move these formidable masses , that a Bussian regiment suffers more before it reaches its own frontier , than an English corps after \ ears of service iu India ?
But there is another equally important feature to be fonndin the character and temper of this Muscovite people , ' which tends to diminish very much the value of its submissive fidelity to its rular 3 viz ., its pacific disposition and its absolute want of national ambition aud pride . There exist other races even less warlike , —there are Others whose degraded condition is lower than even that of the Muscovite , but there is no people in the world which exceeds Mm in apathy for the national glory or advancement . Most of those who have noticed this peculiarity —which all who have any intimate acquaintance with the Russians never fail to observe , —are apt to attribute it Wholly to the profound servitude in which he is plunged . But though servitude aud oppression may go far towards
exringuisuing in the inuividaal that pride and interest m the welfare of the state , which can enly find its full deve-1 lopemeutin thebreastef a freeman , still the past history Of the world , and the present condition of some of its races , proves incontestibly , that patriotic pride , or at least national amWiion , is notincompatible with a state of bondage . The thirst for conquest has been in all ages the most successful means which despots have ^ employed to reduce their subjects to this condition . An ambitious people , regarding absolute submission as a means , has been prone tolook forward only to the end , which excused in
its own eyes the humiliation of the joke which it endured . The Polish serf , sunk in a state of servitude as degrading as the Muscovite ' s , was yet always keenly alive to the feeling of which the latter has always been insensible . Beneath the rule of Islamism , the hope of conquest and extension has made whole natioss bend in contented slavery . Pur this lure held out b y the prophet , the Arab sold his birthright , abandoning the freedom cherished for tens of centuries in his deserts , to prostrate himself at the footstool of the despotism which promised him the subjugation of the world .
Without entering into the question of how far a race may iu the long run be affected by the condition in which it is forcedly placed , it is evident that this feature in the Muscovite character is sot wholly to be attributed to his servile state , but arises in some measure from an inherent tendency . The Muscovite , in fact , is in temper an Armenian . Vttiere left tolas owniree agency , he sets no -value upon power or glory . He does not wish to rule 5 he seeks not for precedence ; he only aspires to be allowed to trade , and to be let to live in peace . This irresistible propensity te traffic , and to intervene betwixt the producer and consumer , is one of which tbe gratification has ofcoorie become national ! v impossible
by the very extent to which bis people has multiplied . There is no room in the world for thirty-six millions of Muscovites to plaj the partef the Hebrew and the Armenian . But though his strong instinct leads him to trade and brokerage , he is well fitted lor agricultural pursuits , —and the nature of the country he inhabits would aUo w him , in following this avocation , to well in accordance with his pacific genius , to attain that wealth which he seems alone to prize . Something , however , of this apathy and indifference , no doubt is owing to the severity with which the Bussian Tsars have bent aud broken the national spirit to their will ; but by a . strange inconsistency , after using every iniagmahle effort to reduce their people
* "Eastern Europe And The Emperor Nichol...
* "Eastern Europe and the Emperor Nicholas . " By Uie Author of " Revelations of Russia . ' London : T . C . Sewhy , 72 , ilortimer Street , Cavendish Square .
* "Eastern Europe And The Emperor Nichol...
11 the condition of automatons , ' they imagine that they ca n breathe at pleasure " into them the life of animation for a given purpose . .- > . . '¦ . . ,. .. ¦ . Nicholas , who has been more unremitting than any of his predecessors in extinguishing the faintest semblance of independence or opinion , has sought most arduously to inspire the nation with a thirst for war and for extension aud appears surprised to find that it should remain mute and unmoved by this appeal . " Again , " says the author of this work , " there is no Russian Tillage , of which the serf population would not sooner see the independence of the Poles , reestablished , and all the old Polish provinces
restored to independent Poland , than send two additional recruits , chained hand and foot—as they arc always sent—to the imperial armies . So indifferent are they to every political question , even with regard to Poland , that there is not a landlord who would give one percent of his serfs to prevent a similar result , even in the few instances in which a positive satisfaction would not be felt by liim at anything which thwarted the imperial government . What , therefore , can be more unjust than to excuse the violence and cruelty of Nicholas towards the Poles , by attributing it , as we see frequently done by bis apologists , to a necessity entailed upon him by the prejudice and hatred of the Russian nation ?"
In our next number we shall investigate the state of the slave population of the Russian empire ; in the meantime we request the attention of our readers to the communication given below from our respected friend , Captain Stoizman .
The Cause Of Poland And The Editor Of Th...
THE CAUSE OF POLAND AND THE EDITOR OF THE LIVERPOOL MERCURY . to the editor of the northers star . Sir , The editor of the'Liverpool Mercury inserted in his number of April lftb , the following article headed " Poland " : — The unhappy fatherland of Sobieski and Kosciusko , whose partition had almost blotted it out of political space in the map of memory , has once more loomed into the dear ttwiWQf the actual , and as rapidl y andsuddenl y . again become a dissolving view . Thefact is , that the "Poli & h insurrections do not mean risings of the people to recover their liberty , for that they never had but emetdes of the nobility , aristocratic rebellions , to recover the social consequence ' which the partition had destroyed . The masses of Foland have , by its ' conquest , been , indeed , protected by . their foreign rulers from the cruelty and neglect of their domestic governors , and their only appearance in the tragic drama on which the curtain has
just fallen , has been in the character of voluntary partisans of Austria and Prussia arrayed against their own masters , and sizing the opportunity which anarchy gave to pay back the wrongs they had se long suffered at the hands of their own nobility . If the Polish noble * long to be free , let them first strike the manacles from their own slaves and fellow-countrymen . If they desire again to have a country , let them make it a countiy worth living in , and struggling for , by derating the character of its people . If they would roll back those waters of bitterness in which a foreign yoke has submersed tbein , let them remember that Airs . Partington ' s broom wiU not drive back . that political Atlantic—that they must have help , and that the only efficient help is that , not o £ slave gangs , but Spartan hands of freemen . . They must create a people before they can ever again be a nation , and they neither can , ner deserve to be free , until they have redeemed their fellow-countrymen from slavery , ignorance ,
physical misery , and moral aggradation . Finding thls > rticle ouite contradictory to truth and reality , I found myself bound to send to the editor the following letter : — " Sir , —In vour valuable paper of the 17 th instant , in an article headed ' Poland , " I found assertions which are in flagrant contradiction to reality and facts well known to the world ; I therefore beg leave to answer them through the medium of your own columns . " In the above-mentioned article you say 'thefact is , that Polish insurrections do not mean risings ef the people to recover their liberty , for that they never had , but cmeutes of the nobility , aristocratic rebellions , to recover the social consequence which the partition had destroyed . '
" Do von call the republican confederation of Bar , which for six years , from 1763 to 1773 , ( struggled for the independence of Poland against the Russian invaders , an emeute , an aristocratic rebellion ? "Do you call also an emeute of the nobility , < fec , the revolution of 1794 , made under the guidance of our immortal . Kosciuszko ? But this revolution took place in order to deliver the country from the Russian and Prussian invaders , and to recover the ancient limits of Poland , of which she was deprived by the two partitions of 1773 and 1793 . But Kosciuszko proclaimed then the emancipation of the peasantry without any restriction , and as a symbol of the movele
ment being undertaken in behalf of the peop , dressed himself in a peasant ' s frock , . , . and it was under his dictatorship that several aristocrats , both of the high clergy and of the high nobility , were condemned and executed at Warsaw , as traitors to the whole nation , and not to the priviledeed classes , of which the executed were members ! It was preciselv at the same time that Kiiinski , a shoemaker of Warsaw ( who afterwards , though a jjroktarian , became colonel and commander of the 20 th regiment ) at the head of the Warsavian working men , rose against the Russian forces , and killed about 8 , 000 of the enemy in a coup le of days !
" Is the insurrection of 1830 and ' 31 , and our struggle , which then lasted nearly tea months against the whole force of the Russian Colossus , whose power even now induces your Cabinet to pursue towards it a diplomatic conduct which is not altogether , I suspect , in accordance with the feelings and wishes of the majority of the British people , —is this insurrection , I repeat , and the whole campaign of 1831 , with its numerous battles , nothing more in your understanding than an emeute of the nobility , & c .. ? But the manifesto issued by the Polish Diet of that epoch ,
and published by the whole press oi the woria , tens you quite the reverse . " Is finally , the last outbreak at Cracow and GalUcia , which still continues , in your eyes also a mere emeute of tbe nobility , & c ; , even in spite of the manifesto of the 22 nd of February last , of which nobody can be ignorant ? A manifesto showing clearly the intention of not only emancipating the peasantry , but also of providing them with means enabling them to enjoy the liberty , and not to die by starvation , as very often happens under our own eyes , in certain free countries !
! "If so , if all the insurrections I have quoted , besides the risings of 1807 and 1809 , and the numerous battles fought , as well as the thousands of victims belonging to all classes of tbe nation , who during the last 11 years , since 1832 up to the present hour , have perished on the scaffold , or have been sent to Siberia , for having conspired against the foreign yoke , are not risings and endeavourings of the peop le to recover their libertv , but only cmeutes of the nobility , and aristocratic ' rebellions , to recover the social consequence which the partition had destroyed , then , sir , one of us must necessarily be wrong , and must not hare a clear idea of the meaning of either the words insurrection or emeute .
" JBut in the above passage you assert also , that the partitionshave * destroyed the social condition , ' which was favorable to the nobility and detrimental to the lower classes of Polish society . How was it ? Where was it perfornvsd ? It was done by the Polish government of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw in 1808 ; but as to the partitioning powers , except Prussia , who did it not long ago , the two others have , until now , strictly maintained tbe serfdom of the peasantry , and whenever the Polish proprietors manifested their sincere desire of emancipating their peasants , the Russian and Austrian governments immediately interfered and put their veto upon it , as was the case for examp le in 1818 , when the nobility of Lithuania , by the organ of their JDietines , presented to the then
reigning emperer Alexander L , a petition praying him to grant them leave to emancipate their peasants , and which petition was answered by this monarch , not only by a refusal bnt a severe reprimand . This was done by Russia : and Austria did the same , for , when in 1844 the Gallician Diet moved the same proposition , they met also with a refusal , and a reprimand from the ' paternal' Austrian government . "Are those facts not a sufficient proof that the Polish noblemen intended really * to strike the manacles from their fellow-countrymen / and can we say that the partitions have , destroyed the social condition of both , the nobility and the peasantry ? Evidently not , because Austria , for example , instead of destroying this abject condition , maintained the serfdom in vigour , and moreover forced the proprietors to be the official fulfillers , not only of the consequences of this state , but also of other vexatious governmental measures ; and after the very detailed
statement of this fact given lately by M . Montalembert , in the Chamber of Peers , and M . Castellaue , in the Chamber of Deputies , in Farm , nobody is reasonably allowed to be ignorant of it . But one may ask , why did Austria this ? Because it was her Machiavelian policy to divide and to keep the peasantry in a constant state of hostility against Hie nobility , especially as she saw that they intended to emancipate the peasants , and that they were good patriots . And she succeeded wonderfully , as the last events show;—but in order to obtain this result , she was obliged to recur to base means , by disguising , as peasants , exciting agents , and by promising a price for the heads of tbe proprietors : means which , no doubt , would produce similar results even among the lower class of Western Europe , if used on a similar occasion : and individuals gained by such infernal means to perpetuate such diabolical deeds , you do not hesitate to call * voluntary partisans of Austria . '
" You conclude , Sir , your article with the following words directed to tbe Polish noblemen : — ' They must create a people before they can ever again be a nation , and they never can nor deserve to be free until they have redeemed their fellow-countrymen from slavery , ignorance , physical misery and moral
The Cause Of Poland And The Editor Of Th...
degradation . ' Well , Sir , but tell mi how they can possibly do all these beautiful and necessary things when , as , I have already shown , the spoliators under whose yoke my " fatherland groans , do their utmost to prevent the creation of a real people , and to keep the lower classes in ignorance and degradation ,, even b y forbidding the formation of temperance societies ? It must not be forgotten that Poland presents in the middle of the 19 th century , and to the shame of the civilized world , nothing more than a vast prison , of which the three spoliators with : their innumerable tools , backed by the friendly alliance of the governments of free countries , are the most barbarous jailors ! Can you , Sir , indicate the means of
creating apcople in a jail ? Can slaves themselves redeem their brothers from slavery . " Ah 1 sir , if Poland were as England , surrounded by seas , instead of unhealthy bogs , formed by a triple enemy not only to her but to all mankind , she long ago would have enjoyed the blessings of a real freedom , and she never would have been involved in a situation such as the present , which furnishes many foreign politicians with the opportunity of calline ; the extraordinary and continual efforts of our nation , mere ententes of nobility , & c " " As it happens that I am [ not a member of the nobility , I trust , sir , you will not accuse me of being a partial defender of them , but a lover both of truth and my fatherland .
, ' Sib , Your most obedient Servant , n i / ...... Chakles Stoizman . Captain of Artillery of the last Polish Army , and Delegate in England of the United Polish Emigration . " 17 , Norton Street , Portland Place , London , April 22 nd , 18467 , The Editor of the Liverpool Mercury not only refused to insert the above letter , but in his number of May 1 st , gave , amongst others to his correspondents , the following reply : — Poland . —On the subject of our few parting words to the Polish nobility , we have received two verylong let . ters . Whatever may be the conclusions to which thead . missions in them are calculated to lead , respect for the courage , and . patriotism , and sympathy with the misfortunes of the Polish refugees , induced us to abstain from
re-opeuwg a subject which no friend of rational liberty , and no enemy to the despotism of the . three partitioning powers can approach without regret . We are not insensible to the advantage of having in Poland a mine to spring on the autocratic Governments of the continent of Europe . We believe that in partitioning Poland they " Did but teach bloody instructions , . Which being taught , return to plague the inventor . " We are aware that too much obscurity hanging over the later events of Polish history , and too much mere assertion and party colouring offsets , to enable the impartial spectator , as yet , to judge with clear intelligence , of the conduct of either party . But enough is known of the state of society in Poland to bear out the statement of Mr . J . S . Stephens , in his incidents of travel , that " Society consists altogether of two distiuct and distant
orders—the nobles and the peasantry- ^ without any intermediate degrees . The peasantry are in the lowest state of mental degradation . The nobles , who are more numerous than is any other country in Earope , have always , Jn the eyes of the public , formed ( he people of Poland . " Now the peasantry , the most numerous class , are the people of Foland ; and their conduct in Gallicia sufficiently proves what sympathy they had with the recent movement for Polish independence . But we ' have no wish to pursue this topic further . To those who do , we would refer to the article Poland , in Maculloch ' s Geographical Dictionary , and the authorities therein referred to , for an account of the treatment of the people , that is , tbe peasantry of Poland , by the partitioning powers , as contrasted with the way in which they were used by the nobility when Poland was an independent kingdom . Mr . Cobden ' s England and Russia may also be advantageously consulted .
Whether such a proceeding on the part of the Editor is a fair and a justifiable one , I leave it to you , sir , and to the English public to decide . . Believe me , Sir , your ' s faithfully , Charles Kolzmak . May 4 th , 1816 .
Literary Association Of The Friends Of P...
LITERARY ASSOCIATION OF THE FRIENDS OF POLAND . ( From the Morning Advertiser . ) The annual meeting of this association , designed to keep before the public mind the claims and the struggles of Poland , took place on Tuesday afternoon , at the rooms of the Association , Duke Street , St . James ' s . Lord Dudley Stuart , the Vice President of the Society , took tbe Chair , as usual ; and among the gentlemen present we observed—the Earl of Zetland , Yiscount Sandon , M . P ., Lord Beaumont , Lord Foley , Lord Charles Fitzroy , MP ., W . J . Dennison , Esq ., M . P ., John Abel Smith , Esq ., M . P ., Mr . Williams , M P ., Captain Townsend , R . N ., Rev . Dr . Worthington , Edward "Romilly , Esq .,
Frederick PJgou , Esq ., Edmund Beales , Esq ., W . Lloyd Birkbeck , Esq ., J . S . Buckingham . Esq ., W . Pritehard , Esq ., Lamie Murray , Esq ., G . Wilbraham , Esq ., John Pickford , Esq ., II . Edlin , Esq ., & c . The proceedings commenced by the honorary secretary , Mr . Birkbeck , reading the annual report , which upon the whole was of a satisfactory character . The Earl of Zktlanb shortly moved the first resolution in favour of the adoption of the report , which was seconded by Mr . Johnstone , in an able speech , in which he remarked upon the grasping and ambitious designs ef Russia in all quarters of the globe , and during all ages of history .
A series of resolutions were then moved , one of which , expressive of the necessity of the re-establishment of the independence , of Poland to the general tranquillity of Europe , was proposed by Lord Beaumont . —His Lordship stated that he discharged this duty hot influenced so much by any fee ings of partiality to Ppland , as impressed with the conviction that that country had not been dealt with upon those great principles of advancing conciliation and international policy which ought to influence the great European family , and pledging himself to use any constitutional means _ in his power to assert the claims and advocate the rights of Poland . After eloquent addresses from Mr . Beales , Captain Townsend , Lord Foley , Mr . Edward Beaumont , and Mr . W . Adam Smith ,
Lord Dodlev Coons Stuart addressed the meeting at great length , lie went over the reasons which had induced the association to discourage the project of a public demonstration with reference to the late events in Poland—a demonstration which Prince Ciartoryski , aware as he , was of the state , of public sentiment in England , had expressed a strong feeling against . Although , however , no public demonstration had taken place , an address , drawn up by himself and the honorary secretary , Mr . Birkbeck , bad been issued in order to make known the opinion of the association with regard to the outbreak . In reference to that event , his Lordship proceeded at great length to detail the cruelties and oppression of the Austrian Government , who had fomented the insurrection by every means in their power , and . as it was proved by
undoubted evidence , had encouraged it , and rewarded the Galician peasantry for the murder of the nobles of the district . The retirement of the Austrian forces from Cracow was but a feint to induce the belief that a formidable resistance had been offered to them , which , in fact , was not the case . It was difficult to believe the atrocities connected with Russian and Austrian rule in Poland , but the late horrors were quite in keeping with the whole course of cruel policy which had been so long persevered in towards that oppressed country . With reference to the nuns of Minsk he had strong reasons to believe in the truth of that terrible narrative . He was from time to time receiving fresh information upon tbe subject , and he pledged himself never to let the matter drop , whatever difficulties he might have to contend with ,
until he had arrived at the exact and literal truth : ( Hear . ) The noble lord ' went on to remark on the continued highly exemplary conduct of the Polish refugees , in this country—on their patience , industry , and perseverance under the most trying circumstances , and concluded his speech by expressing in fervent terms his conviction , although it was possible none of them mig ht live to see the day , that the wrongs of Poland would be avenged , and that that cruelly oppressed country would be at length restored to her former high and rightful place among the nations . ( Loud Cheers . ) After addresses in conformity with the spirit of the Association from Lord Sanson and Mr . John Abel Smith , thanks were voted to the noble Chairman , and the meeting separated .
Supposed Death From Patent Medioinb. — On Tuesday Afternoon, Mr. W. Baker Held An Inquest At
Supposed Death from Patent Medioinb . — On Tuesday afternoon , Mr . W . Baker held an inquest at
Tne Uorse Fchoes, Buckle-Street , Whitec...
tne uorse fchoes , Buckle-street , Whitechapel , on the body of Caroline Julia Hurst , aged three years . The deceased was the daughter of a watchmaker residing in Buckle-street , and for several weeks past she had been ill with hooping cough . About a week since , the mother hearing of the efficacy of a patent medicine prepared by a chemist in Whitechapel , called "Brodie ' s Hooping-cough Drops , " she procured a bottle , which she administered according to the directions around the bottle , but the deceased got gradually worse and on Saturday afternoon last , Mr . Liddell . asurgeon was sent for , who found the child in a dying state , and sheexpired in a few hours afterwards , from effusion on tbe brain , which may have resulted from disease , or from the effect of the drops . The jury returned a verdict of "Natural death . "
The Atmmmsb Muadeh w D « urt-i , ane . —Since the examination of Graham at Bow-street on Saturday , the unfortunate man Blewett has become gradually worse , and on inquiry at King ' s College Hospital on Monday , it was stated thai he had a very restless night , and is unable to converse with any person . Io may be recollected that Mr . Drummond , who was a few years ago shot by Macnaughton at Charing-cross , rallied for a few days , and some hopes were entertained of his recovery , hut lie died a very few days after the relapse took place .
American Working-Men's ¦; ,:Movement. .....
american working-men's ¦; ,: movement . .. / :. ' ,:
EMANCIPATION OF LABOUR AND THE " •; . ; ¦ ' LAND . ¦ ; ' . . The following able and most excellent article is frem the pen of Mr . G . H . Evans , editor of Young Ammea . -Ihurarticle , unveils an appalling picture of the state of New York , and powerfully describes the dangers that threaten the Republic . It is certain that unless the measures of the National Reformers are speedily adopted the American Commonwealth is doomed . All the social evils that afflict European communities already exist in the United
States , and are dail y becoming more-and - more formidable ; and , unless they are speedily rooted out , political tyranny will be added . The state of American society , as pictured in the following article , should teach us that even universal suffrage will be comparativel y valueless unless the people are prepared to insist upon such social reforms as will save the community from the evil : of riches and tyranny on the one hand , and poverty and serfdom on the other . As . the first of these reforms the Land must be restored to the people . national MPonu _ THBriK 8 T 0 F befokms-its present
roSlTlON AND BBlOHT PSOSPECTS . Reformers , even the most radical , have a great truth yet to learn , which is this ; that fragmentary reforms which might be proper as parts of a whole system , may be mischievous out of their proper order . Two or three illustrations will suffice ' td show my meaning . ' The chattel slave has a right to be free ; but he has a rig ht also to land upon which to enjey arid maintain his freedom ; to the property he has accumulated above his consumption ; and , in . addition , if it were possible , to compensation for his oppression . Now , it might be good policy to liberate the slave without the right of property and compensation ; but it would not bo policy to liberate him without his right to land , because he would then come in competition with the wages slave , " and both might be worse off than ; they were before . The proper policy , therefore , would be to put the chattel slave inpos . session of his land and'personal liberty at oiice , either with or without his other rights , as might be most pr ' acticable .
Again : The wages slave , robbed of a home , and coerced to toil for others , has a right to his land , where he was born if practicable ;* and if not , on the nearest uncultivated land he may choose ; and he has a right to the proceeds of his labour above his consumption , if he has laboured , and whether he has laboured or not , to compensation for the privations he has suffered in consequence of the denial of hia right . He has also the right to exchange the products of bis labour with the products of labour in any foreign country without government interference . But what folly it would be for the landless man to spend half his lifetime contending for free trade , instead of exerting all his energies to acquire his fundamental right to the soil . It mi ght be policy to compromise his rights of property , compensation , and choice of location , the sooner to obtain his right to the soil somewhere ; but , as free trade without free labour would merely send a few factory slaves to still ( to them ; harder servitude on board of ships , it would be bad policy to contend for free trade before free land and free labour .
One more example : the people have a right to choose their own officers . The w / wfo of this right is , that every family shall be oh their own inalienable freeholds with nearly equal means , leisure , and capacity to choose from among themselves such few agents as may be necessary to regulate their local affairs . But in New York , where eighty thousand families are crowded into a space that ought to be occupied by one or two thousand ; where , in consequence , not one in a hundred are freeholders ; where one in seven . are paupers or dependent on public relief , and can think of nothing but how to get their daily bread ; where a large portion are either voluntarily or through necessity without any thought or desire of making it a permanent residence , ( though most of them get disappointed , ) and therefore feel no interest about city affairs ; where a large portion of them are gamblers , swindlers , and thieves , and therefore have interests of their own in the choice of public officers ; where a
considerable portion live on the labour of others by moneyusury or land-usury , and have also separate interests ; where the . officers , in consequence of this state of things , ate very numerous , and the office seekers , In consequence of the struggle for leave to toil , much more so ; and where the labouring classes , thus in fierce competition , merely live from hand to mouth by incessant toil ; where this state of things exists , to talk of the people's right to choose their own officers is , te use the mildest expression , nonsensical ; and for two lawyers to amuse a parcel of them a whole Evening , as they did a few days ago at Tammany Hall , on the question ^ whether heads of departments ( who choose hundreds of officers ) should be chosen by the people direct or by the Mayor and common council , was ' an exhibition , it seemed to me , not merely bordering on the ludicrous , but going right into it , and I have no doubt they heartily enjeyed-the joke at their oyster supper after the extravaganza was over .
Dwell for a moment longer on the funny idea of a New York lacklander choosing his own public officers . He is bom in the cellar or garret of somebody else ' s house , for which his father or mother , as the case may be , pays a dollar or two a week , lodging now and . then on the sidewalk when they cannot raise the rent . He arrivts , somehow or other , at the age of nine , after seeb'g one or two younger brothers . and sisters buried'in ground , for the use of which the last cent m the family exchequer was paid , and having- learned the w » y to the nearest thoroughfare , he > is now employed to sell matches or pocket combs , or to beg . Perhaps , by some strange chance , he sees the inside of Astor House or a Public School , both of which are open to him . At nineteen , having acquired his
education , he is promoted to the sale of a brothel directory or obscene books , ornamented with cuts in the travellers' rooms of the Hotels , * and attaches himself to some engine company as a volunteer . At twenty . one having for several years been a regular attendant at the cheap theatres , and thus seen a little of oil kinds of civilised life , he is persuaded or bribed , by Mr . Spokeshave , a custom house officer ( wot chosen by the people ) , to vote for Lawyer Lookahead for member of Congress , and having learned the party doggerel and joined in the party procession he is now firm in his political faith , whatever that may be , and of course ia well qualified , and has plenty of leisure , to select and to vote for about fine thousand . officers , from street sweepers up , to be chosen to administer the city , state , and general governments S
If one man can own a whole county and make thousands pay tribute to him year after year for the right to use the earth ; if another can inherit land in 45 out of 59 counties of a State ; if . another can monopolise laud , buildings , and property enough , to enable him , while tottering on the brink of the grave , to rake into his stores the product of a million of days' labour annually ; while thousands upon thousands are born without the right to walk the earth except by sufferance ; if our best agricultural counties can be covered over with mortgages and the farmers driven off or subject to a perpetual bondage , and
their sons driven into the cities ; if our city populations can be rapidl y accumulating with all the evils of monarchical populations in full proportion ; if our lines of communications can gradually pass into the possession of chartered companies , subjecting the people to a perpetual rent for . these also as well as for the lands and houses ; if the rich can get richer and the poor poorer ; if wages can lower and rents rise in proportion as improve . ments are made by labour , skill , and industry ; if all this can go on , just as in a Monarchy , how are we better off than a monarchy , except in the somewhat reduced pay of our public officers ?
It is plain enough that all is not right , and equally plain to many that wo are going from bad to worse . It requires but half an eye to see that our trifold system oi government is becoming far too complicated ; that the apex is becoming too large for the base ; in short , that the tendency Of the present system is to a monarchy . We must simplify and economise , if we would preserve tbe Republic . We must cut off numerous offices and reduce the pay of the rest ; we must " abolish the Custom House entirely and collect the revenue by direct tax , abolish the Army and Navy , confine the general government to absolute necessary poweis , and . shorten the sessions of Congress . In theStntee wo must get rid of all our lawyers and threefourthsofour laws . by abolishing laws for the collection of debts ; put an end to all chartered privileges , aud invite tke city populations . to the country instead of driving more people to the cities : take away from the legislature
all power ef special , local , or class legislation , and thus diminish their sessions two-thirds at least ; and secure to every citizen a heme on the soil sufficient fur the exerise of his industry , independent of every man ' s will and pleasure . In the elties , then , wages would rise , rents would lower , population would become less and less dense , houses would become tolerable residences by having gardens around them , and all the present anturepublican tendencies would be reversed . But , first and foremost in this plan of reform , two measures are necessary : the one is , to make the public lands free to actual settlers ; and the other , to limit the quantity of land that any individual or corporation may hereafter acquirem the States ; and nothing short of this can by any possibility preserve the Republic , because nothing short of these will secure to each citizen a ri ght to the soil , and there can be no such thing as freedom or equal rights without the right to the soil .
The several reforms now advocated , and by many called radical reforms , nve evidence that we are going wrong ; and it would not be for out of the way to say that the numerous bands of reformers are now the chief obstacles in the way of reform . There must he , if not a Parent . Evil , a " Giant Wrong , " one greater than all the rest ; and they have not taken sufficient pains to find out which it was . The National Reform rs are the lust band of political reformers iu the field ; they ought , therefore , in due course and without any particular merit of their own , to be the wisest , having the experience and knowledge of all the others . AU other true-hearted reformers , therefore , ought to listen to them : if they have explained or elucidated » truth not before understood , it is useless to persiotinthe advocacy of any plan of reform which runs counter to that truth or is defective for want of it .
That the National Reformers are not following a phantom , may bo inferred from the accession to their ranks of two other bands of refoimwa . almost in a body , within
American Working-Men's ¦; ,:Movement. .....
the past year . The assooiationisti and the Communists , two powerful hosts " of radical reformers , now recognize unanimously the right of . man to the soil , and almost unanimously adopt the National Reform plan of restoring that right . The Anti . Renters , too , organized at first to mist oppression , have discovered that they stand on much stronger ground than they at first supposed , and are how nearly all National Reformers . Peace men are beginning to see that there can be no peace until human rights are somewhere acknowledged , and that a government acknowledging and scouring equal right to the soil wools ! have the . moral force to establish peace gradual !} over all surrounding nations . Temperance men , and all other moral reformers , are becoming acquainted with the fact that intemperance , vice , ' and crime keep pace
with inequality of condition , and that inequality of condition keeps exact pace with the monopoly of the soil . The native party , in ( ill probability , would not have had * uexistence , had the National Reform movement commenced two years earlier , so completely would our success remove the circumstances which gave that party strength . The abolitionists , a party of discordant elements , some wanting cheap labour , or , in other words , to transform the chattel slave into a wages slave , and thus render still more intolerable the slavery of wages , and some actuated by truly benevolent designs ; this party , the latter branch of it , which comprises the great majority , is fast rallying under the National Reform banner ; but whether
the friends of cheap labour will see their own selfishness is a matter of doubt . Lastly , even the Whigs and Democrat ! , who are not at all to be classed as Reformers , though continually stirring to reform each other , but are mere creatures of education , like Hindoos and Mahometans ( whose religion might have been changed by a transfer of cradles ;) even these are beginning to understand that to deny the right to the soil is rank Toryism ; and there is no doubt that when called upon to declare for er against , the great bodies of both those parties will declare for a Free Soil ; after which there will be but two parties * the great Republican party of Progress , ' and the little Tory Party of Hold . backs , which latterperhaps may then be useful by way of contrast . ; ;
Reflect , then , Reformers . ' Oiico more we call your ' attcntion to the subject of a Free Soil , by which we mean an Inalienable Homstend for every family , ' Consider . this proposition iuits moral , social , and political bearings . By uniting upon it you may carry it at once ; by delay , you may alio w a war to interfere and postpone it an age . Carry it , and every other reform would bo much easier accomplished afterwards . ' Let there be a union of Reformers to secure land for a home for every family of the Republic ; and then let us proceed with the reform next in order .
* B It ,? 0t Be ° Xactl * L'R«Oticable F...
* IT , ? 0 t be ° xactl * l ' « oticable for all on the island of Now York to have a sufficient Homestead on it but those born on the Putro ' on Manors might and should have Homes there . t These things are now of regular occurrence
India And China. Important News From Lah...
INDIA AND CHINA . IMPORTANT NEWS FROM LAHORE . Despatches in anticipation of the Bombay mail of the 1 st of April , received on Monday , bring the gratifying intelligence of India being at present in complete tranquillity . The late rapid campaign on the Sutlej has terminated in . the-complete subj ligation of the Sikhsi . Hl \ e Delhi Gazette Extraordinai-y o f the 23 rd March , contains several most important documents connected with the treaties which , were signed for the pacification of the Punjab . The first is a notification published by the Governor-General , and contains a note of the conference held on the 8 feh of March between the British Diplomatist , Mr . ' Carrie , and the Minister and duel ' s of the Lahore Durbar , and also translations of two applications on behalf of the young Maharajah Dhuleep Singh , praying for . the protection of the British troops .
The second document gives an account of the proceedings attendant on the treaty . - The third is a memorandum of the proceedings of the Durbar ( public levee ) held at Lahore on the 9 th of March , in the state tent of the Governor-General , during which he delivered an address , which was interpreted sentence by sentence to the Lahore Chiefs and Minister , by Mr . Currie . The address explains the policy of the British Government , and the stipulations which are required from the Sikh Government . . ' ... ..:.
The fourth document is the treaty of peace between the British Government and Dhuleep Singh . It is comprised in 1 C articles , and cedes all the territory south of the-Sutlej , and also the hill country which lies between the Beas and the Indus , including the provinces of Cashmere and Husarah . The Maharajah is to pay 50 lacs ( half a million' sterling ) on the ratification , and engages to disband all the mutinous troops of Lahore , and to keep 20 , 000 infantry and 12 , 000 . cavalry , and no more . The British armies are to be allowed to pas * through the Lahore territories , and all the guns pointed against the British are to be surrendered , as in fact they have been .
The costroul of tlie rivers Beas and Sutlej to the Indus is vested in the British . No European or American is to be employed by the Lahore [ Government without the sanction of the British . Rajah Ghoolab Singh is to become an independent Sovereign in the territories which the British may cede to him . All changes in tbe frontiers of tbe Lahore State are prohibited , and all its disputes are to lie referred to the British authorities , who are not to interfere in its internal administration . This treaty is also remarkable in not using the title Punjab or Five Rivers . The dominions of Dhuleep are confined to the Lahore State . '
The fifth document is the memorandum of a State visit paid by the Governor General to the Maharajah Dhuleep Singh , at which the Lahore Minister , Dewan Deed a Nath , pronounced an address of thanks to the British leader for his generosity . The sixth is a note of the proceedings of the Minister and the Chiefs of Lahore , assembled together on the 11 th of March in Durbar , during which articles of agreement were signed for the occupation of the city of Lahore during 10 months , in order to , protect the Maharajah while organizing his army .
The seventh is a copy of a treaty entered . into by the Govenor General with the ( now ) Maharajah Ghoolab Singh , to whom the British give over , in independent possession , all the hilly or mountainous country lying between the Ravee and the Indus , including of . course the valley of Cashmere and the { rovince of Husarnh and Chumba , but excluding lahool , Ghoolab Singh is to pay half a million on the ratification of : the treaty , and a quarter in October , next , and-is not to employ any foreigners . The British undertake to protect him against aU foreign enemies ; while he nnd all his forces are to be ready when called on to aid the British . In acknowledgment of British supremacy he engages every year to present a ; horse , twelve snawl goats , and three
pair of Cashmere shawls . . Thus the Jamoo Chief , who contrived to , obtain possession of the greatest part of the treasures of old Riinjeet , has been able to raise himself into the iankbf an independent Maharajah . While he was Wuzeer of Lahore he in February last promised to pay £ 1 , 500 , 000 to the British ; but when the day of payment arrived , in March , the money-was not forthcoming , and new treaties became necessary , by which , the Lahore Government was deprived of the < Kohistan ( hill country ) , and Ghoolab or Gholab , ( for his name is written both ways , ) having undertaken to pay half a million down and another sum of a quarter of a million seven months afterwards , was declared an independent Rajah ( or rather Maharajah—Great king ) , with the far-famed valley of Cashmere as his dependence . .
There is a remarkable omission in the Lahore treaty , to which it may be useful to awaken attention —viz . ' . that' no mention is made of the province' ol Moultan , whiclr is known to have been always independent of Lahore until the reign of Runjeet Singh . The non-mention of this important commercial entrepot leads to the belief that some further military movements for the occupation of that province may be expected after the rainy season shall have passed ovcr- ^ that is , about October next . Tho Scinde army , which had reached Bhawulpore , was ordered to be broken up on the 10 th of March , and most of the regiments returned to Sukkur , & c , in order to be stationed in Scinde , while the Bengal
troops proceeded towards Ferozepore . Sir Charles Napier , who by a most rapid march had reached the Governor Gifneral at Lahore on the 3 d of March , and where he was received with every distinction , was to return to Scinde as Governor . General Sir J . Littler , at the head of 10 , 000 men is to occupy Lahore for the remaining mouths ot 1840 ; the Lahore Government has to defray the expense of the British troops there . The Governor General was expected to quit the Lahore State on the 20 th of March , and to proceed into the newlj--acquired provinces to the east of the Beas in company with Sir Charles Napier , where they will have to regulate the cantonments . It appears to be expected that the Governor General will pass the hot and rainy months at Simla .
No mention is made in the Lahore treaty of the province of Peshawur , of which the AfT g hans , under Akhbar Khan , are anxious to repossess themselves . The Nizam ' s finances are still in the utmost disorder , and must speedily require the application of a strong remedy by the government of India . The hot months had begun in India , and great complaints were heard of tbe wants of water , in consequence of the scanty fall during the last monsoon . A famine was feared in various districts during the two months which had to elapse before the rains set in . The news from China is only to the 27 th of February , which we received by the last mail .
Fatal Accident At Poktsmoutii.—A Melancholy Accident Happened On Board The Winchester, 50, On
Fatal Accident at Poktsmoutii . —A melancholy accident happened on board the Winchester , 50 , on
Tuesday, Whilst Lying Under Tne Sneers T...
Tuesday , whilst lying under tne sneers to oe dismasted . The ship was unrigged , and the ropemen were emp loyed getting off the top . It had been un . bolted , nnd one side had been sent down . By some oversight , from want of lashing , the port side of the top canted , and fell on deck , carrying one man , second captain of the top , Richard Blake , along with it ; and fell on Stephen Gray , the first captain of the top , killing the latter instantaneously , and dreadfully injuring the former . Another seaman , Richards by name , had nearly half his foot cut off by the top rim . Blake and Richards were taken to Haslar Hospital . The former is dreadfully hurt , but some hopes are entertained that his life will be saved .
;;;:, :::;. Ten1 Hours * Jbill. ; ' !' "...
;;; :, ::: ; . TEN 1 HOURS * JBILL . ; ' !' " ' ; ^ i / At a general meeting ; of the Central Short Time Committee ' of the West . Riding , of Yorkshire , held at Bradford ; oh ' Monday last , May 4 , Mr . Isaac Bottomley in . tlie , chair ,, the following resolutions , were unanimously adopted : — J , ¦•< ' ' ¦; Resolved ,, . . . : •" 1 st , That this meeting is more and more fully eonvvinced of the desirableness and necessity of a legislative enactment to proleotyoung persons from being worked in factories Jmore than ten hours per day , believing as they do that ten hours ' of actual labour per day is , the proper period to which the daily labour of all minors ought to be by law restricted , and therefore this meeting pledges itself to use every legitimate means in its power to promote the passing of the Factory Bill now before the House of Commons .
2 nd , That our Secretary be requested to proceed to London forthwith , iu order to represent to the government and , to members . of parliament the real wishes and feelings ' of the factory operatives , as well as many of their masters , on this important measure . 3 rd , That this ; meeting cannot separate without expressing their disapprobation at the course pursued by Mr . Joseph Hume in the House of Commons last Wednesday on the debate for the second reading of the Factory Bill , and therefore resolve that a vote of censure be conveyed to him for his opposition not only to the Ten Hours' Bill , but to any diminution in the present long hours of labour of young persons and females employed ha factories , although it has been abundantly proved both by experience and medical testimony , that such protracted toil is injurious both to the development of their physical strength and their moral culture .
Kihbarchan. . Co-Opebation.—This Village...
KIHBARCHAN . . Co-opebation . —This village not being lighted with gas , a considerable portion of , the inhabitants , principally weavers , have been in the habit of co operating annually , nud iu the summer season purchasing , " when oil was at the cheapest , " as great a quantity , as their individual circumstances would permit . them-to do of this indispensable article against the coming winter . At a meeting heldinthe summer of . 1845 for the . abovenamedobject , the subject of conversation , as might naturally be supposed , was of an enlightening character , it was there stated , that by a combined . and proper direction of the co-operative principle , the working men of this village had all the necessary elements within their grasp of establishing a gas work , if it was the opinion of the inhabitants that such an institution would be of general benefit .
A . public meeting was accordingly held in the Chartist Church , Mr . J . Wilkle , a highly intelligent working . man in tho chair , who , in a clear ana concise manner , stated ihe objects of the meeting . , A number of statements were given by different individuals regarding the profits realised by gas companies in -Paisley and other places . It was unanimously agreed that we should have the nets light , if the necessary funds could be had . A person in the ' meeting then stated that he was authorised to state from one individual that be would sink £ 500 in this speculation . From this and other statements made to . the meeting , it was evident that plenty of money could be got , if we were willing to allow the profits to be monopolised by . a few . The chairman then stated , that when he came to this meeting he was coavineed of the pro * priety of making the gas , andrealising the profits , if any ,
for ourselves ; if anything was wanting to strengthen thot conviction , the statements given this evening hndj to a certainty , produced that result . He then proposed a plan ; which was in effect as follows : —There are a number of Sick Benefit Societies , and a Mutual Protec . tion Society against Fire , in the village . These societies had as much money in the bank , at a small per centage , and otherwise lent out , as would do the whole business . The meeting broke up ; but the . chairman ' s suggestion was not lost sight of . Meetings were held of the various societies , necessary monies were voted , and a board of directors chosen to conduct the ibusincss , to be elected annually , proportionably frqm each society , by Uni . versal ¦ Suffrage . ' i A : proper < ij . site was next selected ^ and . the work immediately commenced . Friday , the 1 st . ofi ; May , was appointed for laying the founds ^
tion stone , it ,-was arranged that there should be a procession , and that the ceremony . should be performed with masonic honours . There were prasent the Kilbarehan and Johnstone . lodges , and- 'the . members of the different societies ;' -. The instrumental music was of the most enlivening character , and altogether the procession was such an imposing spectacle as has not been seen here since Mr . Feargus O'Connor ' s visit in 1839 . On the procession arriving at the appointed place , Mr . Wnu Greene held up a bottle , and said , this bottle is to be deposited in the foundation stone of this work ; it contains a , variety of current coins of the present reign , and as there can be no harm in letting future ages know the conflicting opinions that are prevalent in the middle of the nineteenth century , there is in this bottle a few of the leading journals of the day—the Post and Reformer , the Renfrewshire Advertiser , The Northern Star , and Tlie Times . lie then put tho bottle with its contents into ahole cut in the stone for the purpose . The grand master of the
masons being unwell , his deputy , Mr . Mathew Houston , then . laid the foundation stone , ; when the procession moved off through the : ; different strfeets , after which a dinner was held at Miss Margaret Oalbraith ' s . Mr . "Wan . Greene chairman ; Mr . P . Craig , juii ., croupier . . After dinner . a number of toasts were given— "Prosperity to the Qas Works , " by the chairman ; " « Prosperity to the Public Library , " b y Mr . Craig , croupier ; " Richard Cobden , " by Mr .-Tr " , Love ; "The speedy enfranchisement of the producing classes , of 21 years of age , " by Mr . J . Davie ; " Feargus O'Connor , the unfliching advocate of the people ' s charter , " by Mr . J . Hill ; "Mr .. Montgomery , the architect , whose valuable services have been given gratis to this work . " The above ,-with-a number more sentiments , were respondedto with the utmost enthusiasm . A number of appropriate songs were sung in fine style . The band played a few airs , and the meeting was conducted with the best erder till about twelve o ' clock , when they separated highly pleased with the proceedings .
Banknipts, %T*
Banknipts , % t *
' Bankrupts..Joseph Milla'. Whittleburys...
' BANKRUPTS . . Joseph Milla ' . Whittleburystreet , Ilampstead-road ' painter—Jules Valle , Manchester , silk pvhvtcr—John William Pilsuh , Sackville-street , Piccadilly , tailor—John Tiailey and Alfred lnskipp , Lohg-lane , Bermondsey , leather-manufacturers — John George Ufford , Holloway , common brewer—Joseph Willis , -Bucklersbury , eating , house keeper—James Weston , Bishopsgnte-street Within , hatter—William Thompson , Minories , ship chandler—Henry Walters , Bristol , licensed victualler—William Brook , Manchester , stuff merchant—John Taylor , Huddersfield , commission agent—Edward Joseph Staples , Bristol , surgeon—Samuel Mosley Wade , Liverpool , cotton merchant—Joseph Taylor , . Liverpool , merchant .
DIVIDENDS . May 28 . E . and T . Iiolpb , Upper Brook-street , Grosvenor-square , " builders , at half-past one , at the Court of Uankruptcy , London—May 29 . W . Parsons , Bristol , brewer , at eleven , at the Court of Bankruptcy , Bristol-May 26 . , W . Jones , Usk , Monmouthshire , - linendraper , at eleven , at the Court of Bankruptcy , Bristol—May 20 . A . Mathe and S . Moore , Liverpool , merchants , at twelve , at the . Court ol Bankruptcy , Liverpool—May 20 . J . Webster and J . Harrison , Liverpool , merchants , at twelve , at ' the Court of Bankruptcy , Liverpool—May 26 . G . F .-Fairclough , Liverpool , ' banker , at eleven , at the Court ot Bankruptcy , Liverpool—May 20 . J . H . Pemberton , Liverpool , merchants , at half-past eleven , at the Court of Bankruptcy , Liverpool—May 2 ( 5 . J . Threlfall , Liverpool , banker , at twelve , at the Court of Bankruptcy , Liverpool—May 27 . J , Roberts , Plasytf Derwen , Denbighshire , miller , at one , at the Court of Bankruptcy ; Liverpool—May 28 . J . Sill and W . -Watson , Liverpool , merchants , at one , at the Court of Bankruptcy , Liverpool—Muy" 27 . W . 11 . Bell , Kingston-upon-Hull , seed crusher , at twelve , at the Court . f Bankruptcy , Kingston-upon-Hull .
CEKTIFICATES . May 29 , T . Dow-glass , Vigo-street , cloth manufacturer , at half-past eleven , at the Court of Bankruptcy , London-May 27 , R . C . Turner , Ifouudsditch , builder , at half-past eleven , at the Court of Bankruptcy , London—May 27 , It . Childs , Queen Ann-street , ' Cavendish-street , tailor , at twelve , at the Court of Bankruptcy , London—May 28 , HWard , Burford , Oxfordshire , paper manufacturer , at one , at the Court of Bankruptcy , London—May 28 , II . G-. Spedding , Qucen . street , Cheapside ,, zinc manufacturer , at eleven , at the Court of Bankruptcy , London—May 26 , W . Urhvin , Waford , fellmonger , at one , at the Court of Bankruptcy , London—May 26 , J . Roberts , Plasyu Derwin , Denbighshire , farmer , at eleven , at the Court of Bankruptcy , Liverpool—May 29 , S , Littler , Liverpool , draper , at eleven , at the Court of Bankruptcy , Liverpool .
PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED . S . Glendinning and A , Glcndinning , Huddersfield , Yorkshire , woollen cloth merchants—I . Reading and R . Hill , Brown's-court , Edge ware-road , St . Mai-ylebone , coach builders—( r . Pile / and 6 . Mend , SVhite Hardcourt , Bishopsgate-street , wine ' merchants—J . ileppenstall and If . Hills , Sheffield , Yorkshire , stock-brokers—W . Spilman and G . Hunter , Lincolnshire , curriers—J . Scarnell , and W . Naish , Moovgate-street , City , boot aud shoe Yniunvi ' acturers—YJ , Blaekwell , and C C . B . Williams , Old Montague-street , Whitechapel , lueifer manufacturers—J . Burgess and T , Leach , Manchester , joiners—G . Hartley and J . Heath , Yorksbirc , attorneys—T . Hibblethwaiteand G . Hibblethwaite , Yorkshire , maltsters—J . 3 . Page and W . A . Calrowy Nottingham , lace manufacturers—T . Fothergill and J . Willi , Manchester , wholesale grocers—W . Marshall and W . Marshall the younger , Nottingham , painters—F . St . John and Co ., Woreester , Encaustic tile manufacturers—R . Parker uivd F . Hebden , Yorkshire , tick manufacturers
—II . A . Johnson and W . Pearson , Lincolnshire , druggists —A . Oldham and Co ., Kingston-upon-llull , millwrights —J . Hutchinson and Co ., Liverpool , glass bottle manufacturers , as far as regards the said J . Hutchinson—J . Scholes and Co ., Dog-lull , near Oldham , coaiproprietors —J- Scholes , and J . Gartside , Sholvermoor , near Oldham , coal merchants-Mi Phillippo and W . B . Francis , Norwich , surgeons—J . Hill and Co ., Exeter , druggists , as far as regards J . Hill—J . B . Blackaller and IV . Short , Liverpool , sail makers—S . A . Butt and S , Satchell , Cambridge , mil . liners—A . F . Eden and E . W . Hollis , Fenehurch-build . ings , City , opticians—M . Richardson and J . Richardson Liverpool , coopers—J . Soft'e aud P . Stride . Eling-mill ' Southampton ) millcrs-lt . Anderson and II . Anderson ' linendrapers—J . Solomot and J . Solomon , Exeter , tailors ' —G . Sykes and Co ., Almondbury , Yorkshire , fancy cloth manufoeturers , as far as regards L . Jagger—T . Butterworth and Co ., Shaw Clough , Lancashire , wool carders—J . Waites and F . Holroyd , Wakefield , twine mnntfacturers G . Holt and Co ., Liverpool , common carriers .
SCOTCH » go , UZSTBATIONB , George Brown , Edinburgh , writer—AndrewRu therg ! en > . Glasgow , bookseller—John Richard Fraser , Edinburgh , china merchant—William Macintosh and Co ., Glasgow , ship brokers—J . and W . Stevenson and Co ,, Knows Renfrewshire , power loom mauufasturers .
-
-
Citation
-
Northern Star (1837-1852), May 9, 1846, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_09051846/page/7/
-