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Northern Star (1837-1852), 9th May 1846, Edition 2 of 3, Page 4, REMEMBER THE MARTYRS! In memory of the M...

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    • THOBX&S COOFEE. THE CHARTIST'S I VTOKBSm ' \
    • RALLY FOR POLAND!
    • THE NORTHERN STAR: SATURDAY, MAY 9 . 1846.
  • Adverts (6)
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      L ! / • I' .. Fj)«¦ * "} 0 .Il S- 5 * <F...

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      Thobx&S Coofee. The Chartist's I Vtokbsm ' \

      THOBX & S COOFEE . THE CHARTIST'S I VTOKBSm ' \

      Ad00410

      To be had of John Cleave , and all booksellers . ( Price One Shilling . )

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      - "I ' -Works constantly on Sale at ~ * JOHS CLE AYE'S , Shoe Lane , Fleet Street . Ov <* atitrday MAY 9 th , will be Re-issued No . l , N P ^^ B ^^ VTHE ^ SE ^ HyYER , or , theMANOIt HOUSE of TBEFT HARLBY . "This is without exception Sue ^ s best work . "—National The above Work wiU be complete in Fifteen Numbers or in Wrapper is . 6 d . cloth 2 s . 6 d ., with Number 1 . is given a beautiful Wrapper . In Six Numbers , at one fenny each , or complete for Sixpence , profusely Illustrated , and with No . 1 . an ornamental cover , a New HistoricalRomanoeof deepinterest , the plot being laid in a place pregnant with natural events .

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      A GOODFITWARRANTED . UBSDELL AND CO ., Tailors , are now making up . a complete Suit ot Superfine Black , any size , for £ 3 ; Superfine West of England Black , £ 3 10 s . ; and the very best Superfine Saxony , £ 5 , warranted not to spot or change colour . Juvenile Superfine Cloth ' Suits , 24 s . ; Liveries equally cheap—atthe Great Western Emporium , Noi . l and 2 , Oxford-street , London ; the noted house for good blackcloths , andpatextmade trousers . Gentlemen can choose the colour aud quality of cloth from the largest stock iuLonden . he ar t of cutting taught .

      Ad00414

      UNITED PATRIARCHS BENEFIT SOCIETY . Four Hundred Persons have become Members in Six Months Open for a short time to Healthy Men up to FOR TY-FIVE ¦ years of Age , Answer this question!—Have you provided against the casualties of Life , Sickness , and Death ?—If not , haste and enter this flourishing Institution . Society House , Round Table Tavern * St . Martin ' s-court , Leicestar-square . Society ' s Office , 13 , Tottenham-court , New-road , St . Panetas , London , Enrolled and Empowered by Act of Parliament , to extend over the United Kingdom . To have Agents and Medical Attendants .. The Society is in Pour Divisions , for its Members to receive , according to their payments , the following Benefits : —

      Ad00413

      MUSIC FOR THE MANY . THE MUSICAL HERALD , edited by an eminent Writer . A New Periodical , containing four quarto pages of select music , and four ^ ef entertaining andinstructive Musical Literature , will be published en the Second of May , and every succeeding wsck , for the small charge of Twofescb . Notwithstanding its unprecedented cheapness , all lovers of music are invited to inspect this Specimen of a new Era . To be had of all Booksellers , This is another step towards the promotion of a musical taste in this conntry which deserve general encouragement The ^ Musi * is bath beautiful and correct ,

      Rally For Poland!

      RALLY FOR POLAND !

      Remember The Martyrs! In Memory Of The M...

      REMEMBER THE MARTYRS ! In memory of the Martyrs recently slaughtered by Poland's oppressors , and for the advancement of the Polish cause , a Public Meeting will be holden in the National Hall , Holborn , on Wednesday evening , May 20 th . Further particulars in future announcements , By Order of the Democratic Committee for Poland ' s Regeneration , G , Julian Harnkt ,-Sec .. pro , tern .

      The Northern Star: Saturday, May 9 . 1846.

      THE NORTHERN STAR : SATURDAY , MAY 9 . 1846 .

      The Struggle. The Conference.-The Strike

      THE STRUGGLE . THE CONFERENCE .-THE STRIKE

      Tbe masters have only to be firm , and thev muit con querintbeend . —Vide Times of Wednesday . The men have only to remain true and tbey must con oner in the end . —Northern Star .

      The Times , true to its savage calling , has attempted to reply to our article , of Saturday last , upon the strike still continuing among the building trades . It is evident that this champion of middle class oppression has been enlisted in the Masters' Union with the view of urging upon their order the necessity of meeting national co-operation by general resistance . The great central union for the protection of the rights of industry has not been in active operation for yet twelve months and behold its threatening justice to the labouring classes fills monopoly with alarm and calls forth the heaviest peals of the Thunderer to awaken the government to a sense of the danger that must result from the PRESENT UN ;

      PROTECTED STATE OP CAPITAL . There Is no principle of political economy , no rule of right , no form of justice , no code of morafa that the rfme * is not prepared to violate , rather than longer allow labour the poor privilege of suffering destitution in quiet rather than suffer degradation without a murmur . The Times has made some assertions so false , and ventured upon some so irresistibly ludicrous , that we think we best serve the cause of labour , by laying them nakedly before the thoughtful , and reasoning upon them calmly . This advocate ef masters * oppression insolently informs the world , that the great central union of the trades was established for the purpose of encouraging strikes , and that it now upholds them by a bonus often shillings a man per week to all who shall be on strike .

      Upon the contrary , the very reverse is the factthe central union being established , not for the purpose of promoting or encouraging strikes , but for the just and creditable purpose of preventing strikes , when injudicious or uncalled-for , and of maintain ing strikes only when they become necessary to resist the encroachment of employers . And will any man say , that a body organized for such a purpose , clearly within the provisions of all existing laws , was unnecessary or unnecded , when he knows the unfair advantage that has ever been taken of the unresisting trades by their powerful and protected masters . Hence , we very clearly show that the Timet is in ignorance of , or has wilfully mis-stated , the great central union .

      This journalist , arguing throughout as if capital was everything and labour nothing more than capitalists in their caprice deign to accord to it . Arguing as if society always suffered from labour ' s struggles for . protection , and never from masters ' tyranny , tells us that labour is not like its produce , that while it must be sold for any thing the bidder chooses to offer , its produce may be stored for speculation without loss or detriment until the necessities

      of society may yield to the speculator his anticipated profit . The words upon which the Times reasons are so truly applicable to the condition of the working classes , and so eminently susceptible of a different conclusion to that drawn from them by the Thunderer , that we offer them as a reasoning gem to our readers . The Times says : — " A day lost can never be regained . It is lest for ever and for every purpose to him who could hare produced it and to the country that should equally with the producer have profited by the production . It is utterly gone nntt passed away . "

      Now , leaving the question of preference for class out of consideration , and arguing upon the principle that time is money , and that " The value of anything Is just exactly what it will bring ;" and presuming fer a moment that the man who produces ( regardless of the necessity of society , that would merely use him as a means of ministering to its own comfort ) has just as good a right to uphusband and store his health , and speculate upon his labour , as the master who employs it , and who , without reference to the convenience of society , speculates upon its produce . Let us see , in such case , whether the day ' s labour lost for the day by him who strikes

      against a redaction , is LOST FOR EVER . ' A tradesman resists a reduction in his wages from £ 15 s . to £ 1 per week . He strikes for eight weeks and is idle , but in the end he triumphs ; or trade invites him to demand an increase In his wages of 5 s . a week—he strikes for eight weeks and succeeds . Then his position stands thus : he receives £ 55 f or the forty-four weeks he was at work , at £ 1 5 s . a week ; whereas , if he had not struck , he would have received , £ 62 for the whole year . Thus , by the strike , he has saved eight weeks' labour , and has increased his yearly wages by £ 3 . We would ask , then , if his eight week ' s idleness was time lost to him for ever ? or we would ask if there is an inheent right in the master-class to store the produce of

      The Struggle. The Conference.-The Strike

      his labour to the end that profit mayIfe ' mad ? of the necessities of society , while the legal right to protection is denied to the producer ? ' . Yes , we may be told that such has neier been the result of strikes ; but that , on the contrary , they ended with loss of time and reduction of wage * : True ; and it was to correct these abuses- ; to prevent the recurrence of such failures , that the Central National Association was organised ; and it is because the masters see the probability of the promised result being . realised , that they , too , have resolved upon forming themselves into a Central National Tyrant Association .

      • The Times speculates , as is its custom , upon the gullibility of society . This Ready Reckoner informs us , with laughable precision of the exact number of men who struck , the critical number of tnote who have returned to work , and the precise estimate of those who are willing to abandon the central union upon condition of being restored to their employment-It further informs ug that there are hands enough in the South UNEMPLOYED , to supply the place of the refractory . We will presume this guess to be correct , and , if so , we would strongly recommend thoso

      employed in the South to keep their idle reserve at home , until the struggle for their rights in the North is over , and in the end the trade generally will reap the benefit . We would further recommend the directors of the central union to send their ables ^ their best conducted , lecturers to the South without an hour ' s delay , in order to expound the nature of the struggle , the character of the proposed combination of capitalists , the objects of the central association , and what the inevitable result of a yielding upon the part of the trades must be .

      As we have been long in the habit of conducting great national movements , our opinion is entitled to somic weight and respect with the directing body , and we now tell them

      THAT THIS IS IBB HOUR FOR ACTION . This is the season for a generous and a timely , because a profitable , expenditure of their surplus funds . We take the following significant hint from The Times as indicative of the course the masters under the guidance of the Home Secretary mean to pursue : — It may very fairly be asked , and it probably was asked of the Home Secretary by the deputations that waited upon him lately from the principal scenes of this agitation , whether a system of combination and of terror such as the great central union appears to enforce and to exercise over the working population of England , is consistent With good order and sound principles of municipal government . - ¦ ; -

      Does not the above smell strongly of another , and perhaps a more tyrannical , Masters and Servants Bill ? And who doubts that the League and the Whigs will support their order in this new onslaught upon the rights of labour . And , again , we may ask , will tlie directing body allow us to be taken by surprise , or shall we not be prepared this , time ? We remind the directors that they owe their- origin and their power to the strength evinced in that combination which overthrew

      THE MASTERS AND SERVANTS BILL , and if they have becoming respect for themselves , they will not allow the country to discover that what labour accomplished without them it failed to achieve under their guidance . > We are informed by the CTwoMt ' cfe of this morning , that the masters see a terror in centralization which they do not recognise in sectional action . They have resolved upon making abandonment of the central association the qualification to slave and live . They acquiesce in the right of all to join their local associations , because the tyrants are aware of their sectienal impotency , because they are conscious of their ability to bring the whole strength of their united

      body to bear upon local strikes when ever they threaten danger to capital , diminution of profit , or overthrow to tyranny . , Yes , working men , we prophecied there was TERROR IN THE NAME OF BUNCOMBE , that there was danger in his consistency , damage to corruption in his eloquence , and ruin to sectional faction in his perseverance ; and now that he has made you great , powerful , and strong ; now that his honoured name is a tower of strength to the righteous , and a terror to the evil doer , they ask you to desert your leader , to abandon your directors , and to marshal yourselves in a pigmy warfare against giant capital , under officers whom they can delude , sycophants whom they can flatter , creatures whom they can overcome .

      The masters see danger in centralized combination , and whimsically enough the way in which they prove its injustice and inutility is , by constituting themselves into a central national union of oppres - sors . If they see danger in centrilization you must see a corresponding value in it . The Times tells us , that the organization of the Trades is more dangerous than it has been since 1834 . If there is danger in its power , it is only dangerous to oppression , and its danger to oppression should constitute its value in

      your eyes . The sword ot capital is drawn , and labour , to hold its ground , must throw away the scabbard . Defeat now is ruin for ever , triumph now is perpetual victory . Let us then , in our next number , be able to communicate the cheering intelligence that every district has its lecturer , and that an alliance has been formed with the Trades of Ireland , whose co-operation is worth courting , who are ripe for action , and who , when the struggle comes , will not be found wanting in the performance of their duty .

      If further proof of masters' determination to resist every legal protection for labour be required , it will be found in the following threatened resistance to the Ten Hours'Bill : — Meeting of the Association of Mill Owners . —A meeting of this association was held at three o ' clock yesterday , ' at Mr . Heron ' s offices , Princees-street , for the purpose of further considering : what steps should be taken in relation to the Factory Bill introduced into the House of Commons , The meeting was attended b y various mill-owners , representing the local associations of the neighbouring towns , as well as by spinners and manufacturers ef Manchester and the immediate neighbourhood . Mr . R . H . Greg presided , and after hearing from him some statements as to what bad passed in

      London with reference to the Factory BiU , the feelings of the meeting was expressed with the greatest unanimitya resolution being adopted without a single dissentient , expressive of the opinion of the meeting , that the bill now before Parliament was a measure impolitic and unjust , and opposed to the best interests of the operatives themselves . It was . resolved unanimously , that the most strenuous opposition should be given to the biU , and that a deputation consisting of the following gentlemen should proceed to London for the purpose of carrying the resolution of the meeting into effect : —Mr . Alderman Murray , Mr . Lewis Williams , Mr . W . R . Greg , Mr . John 8 hawcross , and Mr . William Taylor , of Preston , It ii expected that the deputation will be joined by one or two gentlemen now in London . —ifaiwliester Guardian of Wednesday .

      We trust that we have now said enough to em bolden the trades in their struggle , to impress upon the directors the necessity of courage , caution , and vigilance , and to inspire the trades with the conviction of the indispensable necessity of electing good men and true to represent them in the forthcoming conference' where labour ' s battle must be fought without flinching , where labour ' s struggle must be persevered in to the death , and where labour ' s courage may be crowned with success , and Labour ' s battle once begun , Bequeathed from bleeding tire to son , The * baffled oft is ever won .

      Every working man who can spareapenny or ahalfpenny , should send it forthwith to the central national association to enable them to cany on the struggle with credit to themselves and profit to the cause of labour .

      The Heart Of Erin. So Then The Man Who "...

      THE HEART OF ERIN . So then the man who " reigns in the hearts of his countrymen" is consigned , "like a cask of small beer , " as the Times informs us , to a coal cellar in the House af Commons , from which light is all but excluded , and with a Saxon menial , whose office appears to partake more of the spy than the attendant , as his only companion ; and this is the present situation of the lineal descendant of Bryan Boru , to commemorate whose triumphs for Ireland her Liberator selected Clontatf the crowning field of hi-

      The Heart Of Erin. So Then The Man Who "...

      L . ! ., V- - > - - / .,...- : ' - . ; - - < ' ' . renown—as ; thei spot to wind' up ' , Ireland ' s peaceful struggle againsther Sakon . oppressora ., Often as we have foiind it our duty to criticise and censure seme of the vagaries by which' Smith O'Brien sought to prove the superiority of the Repeal agitation over all other agitations , we are not amongst those who wou'ldnicely scan or punctiliously balance an Irish Member ' s regard and deference for parliamentary etiquette , parliamentary usage , parliamentary precedent , 'or parliamentary convenience .

      If we were disposed to measure Smith O'Brien ' s conduct by any of those whimsical standards / justice would compel us to take a more extensive review of the whole case , and its several bearings , than the Saxon press or the maudlin portion of the Conciliation patriots appear disposed to extend , ' to what appears to us one of the grossest insults ever offered to a nation , one of the most flagrant violations of parliamentary usage , as well as the most contemptible revenge upon a proud ,-unbending , daring spirit .

      The Coercion Bill is admitted on ail hands to be severe beyond precedent , and unconstitutional beyond defence . Added to which , the only colourable pretext for its hasty and inconvenient adoption by the Commons is , the respect stamped upon , it by the hasty and incon siderate- [ manner in which it was rushed through the Lords . The Bill is admitted to be unconstitutional . The Bill is allowed to be Anti-Iriahi The Bill is proclaimed impotent , inefficient , and incapable of arresting the offences against which it is aimed .

      These admissions , by many who have supported the first reading upon the principle of convenience , added to the loud denunciation of its provisions by the Irish liberals , would of themselves , in our judgment , sanction unconstitutional , unprecedented , and inconvenient opposition . England ' s weakness , quoth Mr . ; O'Connell , is Ireland ' s opportunity . Smith O'Brien ' s unprecedented courage and constitutional resistance to unconstitutional tyranny , was pre-eminently calculated to embarrass the English Minister , by arresting bis commercial policy until he had withdrawn hie fangs from . Irish liberty . ' How often has Ireland been told that her people should not stand

      upon the nicety of etiquette with her Saxon oppressors ? How often has Conciliation Hall re-echoed the plaudits of penniless beggars , when the Liberator has expressed his determination not only to abuse all the forms of the House , but to die upon the floor rather than permit the chartered privileges of a banking company to operate against the interests of the Irish people ? How often has be hurled defiance at the CONSTITUTIONAL call of the House , which , as an Irish Member , he' VOWED HIS DETERMINATION TO RESIST ; and how ; with tears in his eyes , he has clasped our hand , and thanked us fer unprecedented and unconstitutional resistance to the forms of the House of Commons . '

      Does he forget , when shuffling , trembling , and pleading in mercy , we marshalled the Irish Repealers upon the floor of the House , and in defiance of all the rules of the House ,, in defiance of the Speaker ' s call to order , we , with others , stood upon the floor , and not only cheered him but waved our hats in defiance of the Saxon threat to censure him ? Does he forget our unconstitutional uproar for more than ten minutes , which compelled the Speaker ,

      amid the renewed cheers of hearty Irishmen who denied obedience to precedent , forms and constitution , to withhold the threatened censure , and award him a triumph over his arrogant Saxon oppressors ? Does he forget , that in the fullness of his gratitude ho subsequently clasped our hand , and Tfith tears , in his eyes said , " If I offended you or insulted you on Monday last , if I beg your pardon will you forgive me ?—for , as William Finn says , Inow see the only time to know our friends is when we want them .

      YOU HAVE GAINED A TRIUMPH FOR IRELAND AND FOR ME ! " -Aye , we gained the triumph , but it was by the violation and not by the mawkish observance , of the rules and precedents of the House of Commons . Smith O'Brien ' s error was not that he loved Ireland too well to be a party to her oppression , but his error was that his zealous , energetic , proud , and

      consistent opposition , placed the mere truckling opposition of the would-be patriots in its proper light . However Ministerial convenience and free trade necessity may afford a passing euloginm to the dignified but constitutional resistance of O'Cossell , the yeung heart of Ireland will respond to the more generous and- genuine opposition of the descendant of Bora . Aye , in spite of the warm-faced patriot who boasted of Ireland ' s constitutional means of

      manufacturing a million pikes in the week ; in spite of servile obedience to his leader ' s commands , justice will yet be done to the man who has dared to carry into practice the theory that has constituted Ireland ' s great moral lesson for the last twenty years . If no other benefit accrues to ' Ireland from the courage of O'Brikn—if his absence shall . insure the easy transit of the measure through the house , the indifference evinced by those who have urged him to the course will have the inevitable effect of separating the zealous and sincere from the profligate and

      insincere . It was impossible much longer to preserve the c « nnection between clean hands and " an itchy palm . " It was impossible for a gentleman of character , and vith love for that character , to remain a party to extracting thousands from paupers , that idlers and profligates may revel upon the fund . The Irish people will recognise in the disgusting love of precedent urged by Tom Steele , the foregone resolution to dispose of Smith O'Bkibn ; but will Ireland tolerate such a course ? Will the Irish continue to hurl defiance at the Saxon invader and oppressor , and then nicely scan the forms of the house and the precedent of

      Parliament , in order to frame an indictment against one whose crime is . love of Ireland ? No ; if we know Ireland , we feel convinced that the attempt to smother sympathy for the insulted brave will burst into national regret for withholding timely justice , and the delay will but add to the triumph of the martyr . What is there degrading in being confined even in a felon ' s dungeon ? That ' s not the insult . The insult is in Irish acquiescence in the Saxon tyranny . The insult is not to O'Ehiew ; it is to Ireland : and the insult , if tamely borne , will justly entitle the Irish people to a harsher and more tyrannical measure than that for resisting which , O'Brib * enjoys his honourable distinction .

      If we could condescend to make a technical defence for one who is only accused by traitors , we would establish O'Brien ' s innocence upon the labour prin ciple pertinently set iorth in his own letter to his constituents . He was the . most vigorous leader—the most sincere leader , of the opposition to Ireland ' s Imprisonment Bill . He knew that time was every , thing to the Minister , and that resistance was every * thing to Ireland . He had pledged himself to resist the unconstitutional monster to the last . He knew not what draw duty might make upon his time and constitution ; but he did know that he owed a duty to Ireland which should not he impaired or

      imperfectly discharged by the performance ot * duty which he did not owe , but which was imposed upon him by the speculations of a set of trafficking plunderers . He knew that five hours given to the business of English traffic was five hours robbed from the defence of Irish liberty—from the assertion of Irish rights . He knew that Ireland had the first claim upon his vigour , his constitution , and his time . He knew that Ireland had but a scant y supply of daring spirits , while England had a surplus of horse-racers , cock-fighters , speculators , and traders , who best understood their own monetary concerns , and who may be the more safely entrusted with their

      adjustmeat , He knew those things , and therefore he uphusbanded his strength ibr the midnight struggle for Irish liberty . Aye , and Ireland will know those things too j and Ireland must further know why O'Brien in 184 G was imprisoned , and why he was not imprisoned in 1845 for the same offence , and the ready answer will be because in 1 S 45 THERE WAS NO COERCION BILL ; although in ISiS , when ho was spared , there was more railway traffic and more necessity ^ ibr his attendance on committees

      The Heart Of Erin. So Then The Man Who "...

      We cannot conclude withoutiexpressing our warmest thanks to the Naiios for its bold , its manly and uncompromising denunciation of ; the Saxon insult offered to an Irishman , nor can we abstain from ex . pressing our gratification that there yet remains a few bold spirits like O'Brien and Rocub who will keep the young blood of'Irelandin the straight path of freedom , | and who , despite tlie maudlin philosophy of mendicant patriots , and trafficking politicians , place hunters , and hacks , will raise the standard , not of Repeal BUT OF SEPARATION from the tyrant oppressor under whose laws Ireland is devastated , and in compliance with whose convenience her advocates are imprisoned .

      YOUNG IRELAND , awake , arouse , arise , your hour is come . The Saxon ' s embarrassment prockim . 6 your opportunity ; the Saxon ' s weakness proclaims your strength ; the English people WERE NEVER OPPOSED TO YOU , they have stoutly - fought your oppressors , they have magnanimously contended for your rights , despite the slanders your deceivers . Support your press in virtue , and its columns will become pillars of strength

      throughout the universe . The virtuous portion of your press now struggles for release from an irksome bondage , from a coercive despotism . Ireland never acquired a boon from English justice , your instructors have taught you , that she owes her triumphs to English fear , to English necessity . Make her fear you then , and she will do you justice , or allow hex tamely , and without remonstrance , to take vengeance on your advocates , and she will justly give

      you COERCION AS THE SLAVE'S PORTION OF BRUISE LEGISLATION .

      ENGLISH OUSTING OF SLAVES . While the virtuous press of England , and the virtuous middle class , are loud in their deiuuiciation of the tyranny of Irish landlords—a tyranny which we were the first to expose—it may be worth while to consider whether the sympathy of those philanthropists is real or pretended , and to inquire why their champion , the Times , abstains from condemnation of English mill-lord oustings and oppression , while it so truly characterises the abomination :, of Irish landlords . About three months ago , Mr . Buncombe moved for a return of all persons removed from tbe manufacturing districts , under the Settlement Act , or by other authority , during the years 1841 , ' 42 , and ' 43 . That return has been a long time making

      its appearance , but has at length come forth , but very imperfect , the returns from Stockport , Black * burn , Bury , and the Township of Leeds , not being made ; although it is three months since the order for those returns was issued , and although Stockport was the PRINCIPAL TOWN from which the honourable member required the return . However , as far as they go , we are in possession of them ; and let us now see the result . Within that short period , there were three thousam ) eight hundred and Firrr-six heads of families , consisting of ei ^ vbk THOUSAXD THREE HUNDRED ^ AND ^ TORT r-FOUR individuals , expelled from their habitations , many of whom had resided ten , iwbnty , thirty , thirty-five , and even fifty and fifty-four years , in the towns from which they were removed .

      When- tbe returns are complete We shall enter more largely into the consideration of this wholesale ousting . We have no doubt that a complete return will show that at least fifteen thousand persons have been thus brutally ejected by the philanthropic freetraders in two countries in a period of less than three years : and unless some peculiar privilege belongs to the mill , and some peculiar duty to the land , the clearance of the mill-lords will far outdo the clearance ef the Irish landlords . Let us suppose such a thing as fifteen thousand Irish cottiers being removed

      in two counties of Ireland , who had established some sort of title , by a ten , twenty , thirty , thirty-five , fifty , and fifty-four years' residence , what we should be glad to know , [ would be tbe amount of virtuous wrath poured upon the Irish malefactors b y the virtuous press and free-traders of England ? In each case the sin is committed in the name of lawin' ^ the one case , the defined law which enables the landlord to oust his tenant ; the other , the undefined law which enables the capitalist to dispose of his slave .

      The Times has often told us that the practice of ousting tenants would not be tolerated in England , although justified by law , but nevertheless we don't find a tongue to wag or a pen to scratch against the tyranny of the Malthusians . Perhaps we may be told that , in the one case , tbe wanderer is sent penniless in the world , and in the other Case he 19 ONLY RE « TURNED TO HIS PARISH after a fifty-four years absence , and when the rice of capital has squeezed all the blood out of his body aud the mar . row out of his bones . Bad as they are , give us , a

      thousand times give us , the EXPOSABLE tyranny of the Irish Landlords , compared to the concealei murders of the Mill-lords . For the present we must take leave of this disgusting wholesale clearance , relying upon Mr . Duncombe to make the most of it in the debate on the new Law of Settlement ; while we cannot abstain from stating the disgusting fact , that from page 4 of the return we find two Irishmen were transported from Ashton-under-Lyne , on tbe same day , the 24 th of February , 1841 , in the middle of

      winter , of the respective periods of residence of fifty , four and fifty years . This return is imperfect , inasmuch as it does not furnish the names of the several tyrant mill-lords who committed the havoc . It would have been well forxtfr . Gerrardand Sir Francis Hop kins , if they had been English Mill-lords instead of Irish Landlords , for in that case we would pledge ourselves , that the world would never have heard ot their clearances or the murder of psor Seery But surely a RECKONING day will come .

      .. -••¦¦ Parliamentary Review. Whatever ...

      .. - ••¦¦ PARLIAMENTARY REVIEW . Whatever may be said of our gratitude to literary , scientific , and philanthropic benefactors , nobody can allege stingiuessagainst us in our treatment of successful men slayers , whether by land or sea . The Army , Navy , and the Bar , monopolise all the good thinggthat John Bull has to give away . They are the only portals through which peerages , pensions , and fortunes can be reached , and viewed abstractedly , it is difficult to say whether the speedy destruction of war , or the life-long anxiety , heart-wearing , protracted , butsure ruin of a lawsuit is the worst evil of the two , It

      is , however , the fashion at present to reward these classes ; and this week Parliament has added the " solid pudding" of a large pension for their owa lives and two succeeding generations , to the " empty praise " formerl y bestowed upon Lord IIaudingeand Lord Gouon . Use , it is said , reconciles one to the greatest deformities , yet there was something ia the aspect of the House of Lords on Tuesday night , which suggested some reflections of a not over complimentary character respecting one portion of that assembly—we mean the Bishops . It is hut seldom that any of these Rev . Prelates are seen in the

      House , but their appearance there is always ominous ofmischief , either to be perpetrated or rewarded . To debates on such , matters as promoting the physical health , the domestic comfort , the intellectual advancement , or the political emancipation of the masses , they never lend tho light of their Reverend countenances . But if it is proposed to knock off some of the shackles which our untutored or bigotted ancestors imposed on the expression of opinion—if rewards are to be bestowed on some gory hero , who lias directed the slaughter of tens of thousands of his

      fellow beings , then be sure that their bench will be well filled . So it was on Tuesday night . There did tlicy sit , white robed and placid , listening with a sort of seraphic rapture to exultations over the wholesale destruction of human life , to details of the terrible struggles in which all the demoniac passions of man ' s nature were roused to madness—in which the masses of dead and wounded actually choked up the river , and dyed its miters red with blood : there , we say , did these Ministers of the Gospel of Peace sit calmly and smilinuly , as if the description were of some

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), May 9, 1846, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_09051846/page/4/