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    ^ November8, 1851, TH , E NORTHERN STAR ...

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    KOSSUTH.

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    THE WORKING CLASS DEMONSTRATION. On Mond...

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  • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

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    ^ November8, 1851, Th , E Northern Star ...

    ^ November 8 , 1851 , TH E NORTHERN STAR y

    Kossuth.

    KOSSUTH .

    The Working Class Demonstration. On Mond...

    THE WORKING CLASS DEMONSTRATION . On Monday the working classes of the metropOjis had the opportunity of expressing their sympathy with the principles for which the chosen Dead of the Magyar nation has contended . As we jiave stated Russell-square was selected as the most soa venient locale in which the members of the various crafts should meet , and shortly before the lour appointed ( eleven o ' clock ) each of the Streets leading thereto was the scene of a lengthened procession , wending its way to the trystiug place , and adding to the density ef the mass of humau beings already assembled there . By half-past eleven some 32 , 080 or 15 , 000 persons had congregated together in the space between the railings of the square and joe i ouses , arranged in order according to their trades—bootmakers , tailorsplastererscarpenters

    , , , Ac—each distinguished hy appropriate banners , and all bearing mottoes expressive of welcome to Sossuth , and hatred of the tyranny which has made him our temporary guest . The members of the Central ^ Demonstration Committee , under whose direction the ai rangements had been made , arrived in the square about this time , and , proceeding to the east side , formed in order of procesgion , and _ taking the lead , accompanied by a band of . music , were followed by the immense multitude assembled , marshalled five abreast , in ibis order making their way round the north and to tho west side of the quadrangle , leaving it slowly ( and not without some difficulty , in consequence ot the impediment which thousands of Spectators , brought together the major part of them by a rumour that

    Kossuth would meet and join with the cortege at its outset , occasioned ) by wajr of Keppel-streer . Tlie flags and banners displayed throughout the WhOlfi length of the procession were numerous , picturesque in appearance , and most of them evidencing good taste as well as warm feelings . Hrst came the Hungarian colours , with the motto " Welcome jLossath . ' Then followed a large banner , also with the red , white , and green ground , carried by four Or five men , bearing on it the inscription " There is no obstacle for him that wills . " This was followed by the Turkish flag , after wbich came in succession the Union Jack of England , and the stripes and stars of the United States , and , following later in the procession , a large silk banner , having on it tlie words " Kossutn and Mazzini—Italy and

    Hungary , " ana another , a blood-red flag , " with an inscription in Italian , " Tbe Democratic Republic of Italy and fraternity of the people . " A sort of gallows was also carried in the procession , from which was suspended a number of copie , of the " Times " newspaper , and a placard inscribed " The ' Times ' and Haynau—burn them both . " The Tower Hamlets contingent , which came up as the general yody was leaving the square , anu fell into the rear , exhibited several beautiful flags , and added materially by its numbers to the length of the procession . Prom the time the leading rank commenced its inarch , until the rear turned into Keppel street , nearly three quarters of an hour had elapsed , so numerous was the body of which the assemblage was composed . Passing along Keppel-street and

    Store-street the procession turned into Tottenhamcourt-road , and wended its way along tbe Hanipstead-road , High-street , Camden Town , the Camdeu-road , and soon to Copenhagen-house , the place appointed for the uieetiug with Kossuth . The whole tine of these great thoroughfares was crowded with people . The shops were all closed , tbe windows were tilled with spectators ( mostly ladies , many of them wearing the Hungarian colours ) , and from several of ihe bouses ^ . » gs with appropriate devices were exhibited . Copenhagenfields presented an appearance of animated excitement , which , since the memorable gathering of the Trades' Unions some fifteen years ago , has not been witnessed in that locality . Notwithstanding the extreme coldness of tbe day , the . large area in front of the tavern was crowded with anxious sympathisers . The railway and other engineering and building works , now or recently carried on in tbe

    neighi . ourhood , have left a number of mounds of earth , which were seized upon by US many as could Had standing room upon them , as convenient platforms , from which a sight of the person , if not a sound of the voice , of the great Magyar chief might be obtained . From a front window of the tavern a sort of balcony had been thrown out , where , under the protection of the British flag , Kossuth was to receive the address of the working classes , and from which he was to speak his acknowledgments . In the immediate vicinity of the balcony , and for several hundred yards round- it , the density of the crowd was so great , long before the hour appointed for tbe business of the day , that we wondered how the thousands who officially represented the Jc mo > tration would find room . In addition to the flag which floated over the balcony , there was in the front of-it the following inscription : Uy united effort much is accomplished . "

    At about half-past one o ' clock M . Kossuth arrived , accompanied by several Hungarian friends , among-t whom we recognised AIM . Vukovicz , late minister ot Justice , Gorove , late secretary of parliament j General Tetter , General Czecr , Colonel Azlatos , Colonel Ihasz , A . D . G . to Kossuth ; Major Count Tay , Colonel Count Bethlem , Colonel Count Teleki , Colonel Count Kiss , and one or two Others . ML Kossuth and party , immediately on their arrival at Copenhagen-house , retired to a rcoia were refreshments were laid- out , and there awaited the arrival of the central committee with the address .

    At half-past two the distant sound of music and tbe gleam of numerous banners announced the approach of the cavalcade , and inn few minutes after it approached tllO balcony , When the committee alighted and repaired to M . Kossuth's apartment . After a few minutes spent in introductions the party proceeded to the balcony , where a sight awaited the illustrious exile wbich must nave assured him of the active £ yii > parliy felt by the working classes Of England , for himself and his cause . The balcony was set apart lor the use of the representatives uf the daily journals . The only persons in addition to them being One or two Of M . Kossuth ' s personal friends , Mr . Thoruton Hunt , Chairman-, Mr . Pettie , Secretary of the Central Committee ; and Mr . Fleming . E-iitor of the " Xoritiern Star . " The

    wholeof the space in frontof the balcony was densely packed with human heads , of which ihe upturned faces when M . Kossuth made his appearance had a most singular effect . Here and there the banners of the different metropolitan associations flaunted gaily above the crowd , and another series of objects , wbich attracted much curiosity and amusement , where numerous copies of the " Times" elevated on poles , to whieh the crowd applied - -i light and consumed amid vollies of groans and hisses . It is almost superfluous to say that M . Kossuth was received with the most deafening and enthusiastic cheering , fle fcowed gracefully in Acknowledgment , snd at last having obtained silence by an expressive gesture , turned . round to the committee and Jktened attentively while Mr . 3 . Petty read the address .

    TO 10 EIS KOSSUTH THE ADBBEES OF THE 15 HABITA : * TS CF

    UlKDo . V , XHEESESXIT ) J 5 S IHE CXDEBSIGSED . Patriot citizen aud worthy repiesentarlve of a great l eopie , —y \ , y approach jou with sentiments of hopeful Joy ; we hail xsiui satisfaction your restoration to freedom aud to your country ' s service , as we beard with sorrow the tidings of jour espatriatvso . In tb . c war se-heroically sustained by the Hungarian nation against tbe united t » orenunents of Kusaa and Austria , the j-vmpathy of the ln-ople of Britain with the people of Hungary was so universally express-Adas lobe historical , but we de-ire that x * may be recorded tbat , liad our wishes received Governwtmal aid , the intervention of Russia would not iiave been mtt alone by protests upon paper , but upon the field Of action bj the force of Britfch arms . Ourregtetfor UMpast is mingled with humiliation for the futility of our desires , but it is siUeviated by our hopes and our resolves fthe future

    or . Chosen as the guide of a brave people in the path of freedom , your liberation tires hope not alone to Hungary but to nnmaury . In " the brolherbood of peoples rests the hope of civilization , the assurance of our pw-ressin the peaceful arts , and the free development Oj man's noblest faculties . Iu tlie brotherhood f peoples there also exists the rertaintv of success in resisting the encroachments of despotic Powers . Disunguisbed alike for wisdom as for integrity , if we liave said so much to you it is because your name and that of your country are linked iu . our hopes and our prayers to the names of other men « id other nations . Stedwe nama them ? JJo ; your true heart has already responded—Italy , Voland , Germany , and— . here is a nation wbicu lor half a century has expiated its love of freedom in berea-. emem of its sons , in Ihe tests of its mothers and daughters . Its cup oi bitterness is fulL While the arms ot the people were ext

    ended to embrace you . you were repelled from their sfcores . As we believe in a future for Hungary , so ako do we believe in a future for France . While congratulating Hungary , anu 3 OU , Sir . freely chosen Governor , on your ? a t 5 on » turn with ssntiments of fraternal gratitude il-ia Vla , ion whieh , despite of menace and intrigue , smeldtdytnin the adverse hour , and has restored you to tree action and fre . lt hope in thefulfilmeut of vour glorious -v ™ ™' -. ™ thecinzeL-s of the great HtpubHc wbich has v Z V * arouna JOu .-linked , as we are , by ties of ^ inured , —we aresKwe closely linked in ourmutaal esteem lor too , and sympath y for jour countrv . We rejoice with tbeai m the honour they have won ; but we lament that * e should have destmd that honour less . Velcemeto jut country ; Our words are but the poor echo cf a mu ion voices which , from the extreme limits of our land , wess your name , and , in blessing you , Hess Hungary .

    1 L Kossuth listened with deep attention , and at the words "Welcome to our country , " placed his iiand on his heart and bowed profundly . The crowd also caught up the words , and . the otaeering tuat ensued showed how heartilv all present joined in the welcome . The address which was neatly engrossed and mounted on a handsome crimson roller , was presented to M . Kossuth on the termination of the reading , and by him handed to oue of the gentlemen in attendance . M . Kossurnthen came forward to address the vast assemblage . He was dressed in a close-fitting black velvet frock coat , and a military cloak ; and -tootedlas if rapidly recovering from his recent indisposition Mr . Thornton Hunt accompanied hira on the piatform and by repeated calls of " silence , " at last procured a cessation in the cheering ; M . Uossuth , then proceeded to address the assemblage aswllowfi ;—' Gentlemep , I » . «* warmly tbau &

    The Working Class Demonstration. On Mond...

    you for your generous sentiments of active and operative sympathy with the freedom and Independence of my native land , so closely conneoredas you two rightly judged-with thef reedom and independence of other nations on the European continent . It is to me highly gratifying to know that a large party of the present meeting belongs to the working classes . It is gratifying to me , because , if to belong to the working classes implies a man whose livelihood depends oh his own honest aud industrious labour , then none amongst you has more right to call himself a working man than I so to call myself . I inherited nothing from my dear father , and I have lived my whole life by my own honest and industrious labour . This , my condition , I consider to have been my first claim to

    my people ' s confidence , because well they knew that being in that condition I must intimately know the wants , the sufferings , and the necessities of the people . ( Loud cheers . ) And so assuredly it was . It is , therefore , that I so practically devoted my life to procure and to secure political and social freedom to my people ; not to a race , not to a class , but to tbe whole people . Besides , I d .-voted all my life for many years by tbe practical means of associations to extend the benefit of public instruction to the working classes , and to forward the material welfare of the agriculturists , of the manufacturers , and of tbe trading men . ( Hear , hear . ) Amongst all the enterprises to that effect , at tbat time of my life , when I waa yet in no public office , but a private man , there is none to which I

    look back with more satisfaction and pride than to the association for the encouragement of manufacturing industry—to its free schools , to its exhibitions , to its press , and to its affiliations . Besides conferring immense material benefits , it proved also politically beneficial , by bringing in closer contact aud more friendly relations the different classes of my dear native land , by interesting the working classes in the public political concerns of our nation , and by so developing a strongly united public Opinion tO support me in my chief aim , wbich was conserving the municipal and constitutional institutions of . ray country—to substitute for the privileges of single classes and olitical emancipation of the whole people , and substituting freedom to class privileges—to impart , to the people the

    faculty of making the constitution a common benefit to all , for all—in a word , to transform the closed hail of class privileges into an open temple of the people ' s liberty . ( Cheers . ) This being my early connexion with the working classes , I had at Southampton already occasion to say , that amongst all the generous testimonials of English sympathy which honour me , and my nation ' s past struggles , which console our present sufferings and assure our future , there is none dearer to my heart than when I see that those classes whose only capital is their honest labour and their time , stop in their work and sacrifice that valuable time for the purpose , openly and resolutely , of expressing that tbe great principles of freedom can reckon upon the sympathies , the co-operation , and the support of the people of England . In the streets of London , afew days ago , and here on the present

    occasion , this great phenomenon presents itself 011 a still larger scale , in a still higher degree ; it is therefore the more gratifying to me , and consoling to my country , tbe more have I the pleasurable duty to acknowledge the high value of it , and to thank you the more fervently for it . ( Cheers . ) I said at Southampton that in these demonstrations of the operative classes I recognise that natural instinct of the people , before which every individual greatness must bow down with respect . The same acknowledgment 1 have to make on this occasion , only on a larger- scale , and in a higher degree . Allow me , firstly , to congratulate you on the attention which you have hereby proved that yon devote to public matters , to the glory as well as to the interests , of your country , and to tbe freedom and interests of humanity May this public spirit never decrease , may every Englishman for ever feel tbat it is the basis of all constitutional

    organisation , be it under a republican or a monarchal form , tbat it is the public opinion of the people whieh must give direction to the policy of the COUntry , aud that it is therefore not only the right , but also the duty of ever honest citizen to contribute to the development and expression of that public opinion , of which the legislative , as well as the executive authorities are , and must be , faithful representatives . ( Cheers . ) Allow me , secondly , to congratulate you on the just and happy instinct with which , bestowing your attention OU public concerns , you have seized the very poitit which really is the most important amongst all in which the mind and the heart of Englishmen i-. tn be interested . That point is tbe freedom oTthe European Continent . I said it IU the Common

    Council of tbe City of London , I repeat it here : there is none amongst your internal questions which outweighs in importance the external . And bow may be summed up the external interest of ihs British empire on the European Continent ? ( Hear , hear . ) It is to be summed up in this question : by wbich principle shall the Continent of Europe be ruled , by the principle of freedom or by tllO principle Of iibsoluiism ? Can England , or can \ tU 0 t , remain indifferent to the approacliingstruggle and final decision of this question ? And it it cannot remain indifferent , without losing its position in the world , endangering its own freedom and hurting its own interests , with which principle shall England side ? "With the principle of freedom or with the principle of aggression ? Shall it support

    the rights , freedom , and happiness of nations , or the oppressive combinations of arbitrary governments ? Tbat is the question ; a question the more urgent and the more important , that no man of whatsoever party can dissimulate , Still less deny , tbat ibe situation of France , of Italy , of Germany , of Austria , of Hungary , of Poland , and of Eussia is so annatural , so contrary to the human and national interests of the respective people , that it is utterly impossible it can enduro . ( Hear , hear . ) Yes ; no man can dissimulate the conviction that France , Italy , Germany , Austria , and Hungary are already on the eve of those days , when the great , and , I hope , final battle of these adverse principles will be fought out . ( Hear , hear . ) Now , the people of Great Britain , by its loudly proclaimed ' symuathy f

    with the cause of the reedom and independence of Hungary , has pronounced itself willing not to remain indifferent , and to side not with absolutism but with liberty , by supporting and protecting against all interference of foreign governments tbe sovereign right of every nation to dispose of itself . ( Loud cheers . ) You yourself have pronounced by this demonstration , and by your generous address , in favour of this principle ; so thanking you most fervently for it , I beg leave to congratulate you on the sound judgment and on the comprehensive views you give , and that you entertain , on the duties of England towards Europe , and on the proper interests of England itself . You have rightfully considered that the

    freedom of England , and that happy condition which you feel assured that your institutions , your freedom , and your public spirit , will go on peacefully developing—morally , materially , and politic > lly—that ah this is intimately connected with the victory of the principle of freedom on the European Continent . ( Cheera . ) Iu a word , you have pronounced for that truth I , since in England , on no occasion have onltted to express , viz , that there is a community in the principle of freedom as there is an identity in the destinies of humanity . Besides , you have duly considered that tbe material welfare of Great Britain is also in the highest degree dependent on and connected with the victory of the principle of Freedom in Europe , And truly it is so . On Several occasions I have discussed

    already this important topic , and will do so more amply yet on another occasion . Here I beg only leave to state briefly a few plaiu facts . You live by honest labour . You have your manufactured products to dispose of , for which you want large free markets and free trade . ( Hear , hear . ) Jfow , it is as obvious as that two and two make four , that Without Europe becoming free , England can have no free trade with Europe . 1 will show you by facts that the amount of trade with absolutist Russia and Austria is 7 d . per head , whereas tho amount of the trade of England with a free country —with the republic of the United States of America , is 7 s . per head . "What a difference ! Absolutism gives to your trade and industry a market of 7 d . per bead , freedom gives a market of 7 s . per head .

    ( Loud cheers . ) Is not the freedom of Europe , then , a question of vital interest to you ? Let us look to consequences . Suppose the " price of the bread which one of you consumes be three' or four pounds upon this price you have , by the repeal of the corn laws , probably not gained more than from fifteen shillings to a pound . Certainly a great benefit . But suppose the 120 millions who inhabit Russia , Austria , Italy , and Hungary , to become free , and , being free , * to consume as much of your manufactures as tbe United States ( though in part highly manufacturing themselves ) consume per head that would give a market of at least £ 60 , 000 , 000 sterling to England , which would prove a benefit of two or three pounds a year per head to you . ( Hear . ) I will not with my aching chest dwell further upon this subject now , but will cheerfully ackowledge that you were animated in

    this noble demonstration by higher motives—by such generous sentiments as betoken the noblest fesliugSi and bv that moral dignity of . man which is the revelation of mankina ' s divine origin . You say in your kind address , that it is . the brotherhood of the people in which rests tbe hope of civilisation , of our progress in the peaceful arts , and of the free development of man's noblest faculties . ( Hear , hear . ) Xow , these are noble sentiments , told in noble words . I thank you that you have expressed so nobly what I feel so warmly . It is niy heartfelt creed . You say tbat in the brotherhood of people is the certainty of success in resisting the encroachments of despotic power ( Hear , hear . ) Trulv it is so ; take tho interference of Russia in Hungary , of the French government in Ro ' jie , of Austria in Romaena and Schlesrrig EoUneiu , wd of Austria wd Russia in Hesse

    The Working Class Demonstration. On Mond...

    Cassel , wbich made only tbe mo » t loyal , the niOSt tnoileMte , the most lawful opposition to the absolutist encroachments of its petty tyrant , and yet was crusheddby Austro-Rusaian arms—take all this together , an the fact is olearthat the despotisms are leagured agai nst the freedom of the world , that there is no hope against them but in the brotherhood of people headed and protected by England and the United States of America , uniting in the principle of acknowledgment of the natural rights of every nation to dispose of itself , and uniting in the principle not to admit any interference of whatever foreign power in the domestic Ooncems of any nation against its own will . ( Hear ) By taking such a view of the brotherhood of people , you are the interpreters of my most warm desires : and by assuring me to hope arid to be resolved for the future that Russian intervention

    in the domestic coacerna of any country , shall , by England , not bo permitted more— ( cheers)—by this you have anticipated all that I , in my humble quality of a representative of tho principles of freedom in the name of my country , and in the interests of all oppressed nations , have again and again entreated from the people of England since I have been here . And here 1 meet again another noble idea of your address , where you say that tbe name of my country is linked in your prayers and in your hopes with the name of other nations . Bless you for that word . You ennoble my name and my country ' s by it . ( Cheers . ) Yet you speak the truth . The very moment that Russia first inter , fered in Hungary our struggles grew to Earopean height * we struggled no more for our own

    freedom , for our own independence , but altogether for the freedom and independence of the European continent . Our cause became the cause of mankind . My nation became the martyr of the cause of European freedom in the past ; of other nations it will be tho faithful champion of that freedom for tbe future , I , ( or my own humble part , whom my people aud tha public opinion of the world took for the personification of my people ' s sentiments , I know where my place is . I know what duties are entailed upon me . I shall ensure the sympathies of England by my devotion totny country ' s European cause . ( Hear . ) England will find me faithful to that place and to those duties which my people ' s confidence having assigned to me , foreign violence could hinder me from

    exercising , DUt WIIOSB legitimate character no violence could destroy . Let me also hope , that whilst Hungary and I are aware of the solidarity of our cause with the causes of European freedom and independence ; and whilst Hungary is resolved to st : ind manfully in its place , the other nations , and England itself , will not forget that the freedom and independence of Hungary are indispensable to the independence Of Europe against Russian encroachment and preponderance , and so neither the other European nations nor England will allow Russia again to interfere in , or to uphold that detested house of Hapsburg , with which , eternally alienated , Hungary will never , through time , have any transactions , unless to ban it , expel it , or to hurl it in the dust . ( Loud cheers . ) Amongst the nations

    linked to my country in your hopes and prayers , your address especially names France , Poland , Germany , and Italy . To be sure there are some of those events which may he scented already in the air . As to France , my sentiments are known ; I have declared them openly . 2 will be true to those sentiments ; and can only add , that it is a highly important step in mankind ' s destiny to see brotherly love between nations so substituted for the unhappy rivalries of old , as to elicit in England also such brotherly welcome to the French as was seen at the late Great Exhibition , and to elicit such sentiments in England . And so certainly it should ever be . The French nation in great enough for the pulsation of its heart to be , and to have been always , felt over the greatest part of the European continent .

    Till now it is true that the expectations have never been realised which Europe's oppressed nations had in France —( hear , hear)—but it must be remembered that the French nation bus fallen short in the realisation of its own domestic hopes also . ( Hear , hear , ) It would , therefore , be unjust to make a reproach of that which was a misfortune , which they themselves deplore most deeply . I attribute their mischance to the unfortunate propensity to centralisation which the French nation during all its trials conserved—centralisation which leads ever to the oppression of liberty—centralisation with wliieli the guarantees of liberty / rest rather upon personalities than upon principles ; and when an omnipotence of power is centred , be it in one man or in one assembly , that man must be a Washington ,

    or that assembly bo composed of Washingtons , riot to become ambitious , and , through ambition , dan-« ei 0 US to liberty . ( Uear , hear . ) Now , Washington ** are not so thickly sown as to be gathered up everywhere for the reaping . ( Cheers . ) I would , however , solemnly protest , should any nation attempt to tneddlo in the domestic Concerns of my fatherland ; SO , Of course , I cannot hove the arrogant pretension of mixing with the domestic concerns of any other nation , and least of all , of the great French nation , which ia powerful enough to onie j at last triumphantly out Of its trials and sufferings . I have only the warm wish and hope that the glorious French nation will soon succeed in making that which is now but a name—the Republic—a reality , and will succeed soon in achieving that work so as

    to see upon the basis of common liberty established the contentment of the people , and , secured by that contentment , a lasting social order ; which cannot fail to be secured when it is founded upon liberty , but which , without liberty , is impossible ; and , secondly , I hope that the greutFreueh nation , in case it realises the name which it bears , Will not forget that it is for her , for England , and for the United States to check the encroaching spirit of absolutism wherever it should dare tu threaten the independence of nations , and their right to dispose of themselves . ( Hear , hCiUi ) That is what oppressed , humanity expects from the French Republic as well as from England and the United States . As for Poland—that sad mart ) r to the most sacrilegious of ambitions , it is enough to

    say that Poland and Hungary are neighbours , and have a common euowy . Though it is utterly false to call our past struggles a Polish conspiracy , still lean own loudly in the name of my country that there is no people on the earth which could feel more interested in the future of Poland than the Magyars . Wo feel also gratified to see ourselves united in your prayers , and hope with Germany . We are kindred in sufferings , united in hopes , united in your sympathies . Germany and Hungary must feel united in name and in design . Now , as to Italy—Italy , in so many respects dear to my heart ; I frill not dwell upon its terrible woesthey are known and appreciated through the world , and elicited , even in those quarters where it was least expected , the strongest indignation of

    generous mrn , proving that questions of humamly can , in England , be no party questions . I will not dwell upon the horrors of Naples , out of which even your government publicly foretold tbat a revolution must arise . I will not dwell upon the scaffold which Radetzky reared 3 , 742 times in three short years in Lotnbardy . 1 will not dwell upon the just hatred of Venice , nor upon the intolerable humiliation and nameless suffermgs of Rome . I will only say tbat it is not even possible to imagine a stronger identity of interests between two nations thaa that existing between Hungary and Italy . ( Hear , hear . ) The freedom aud independence of these two nations have the same enemies . Tbey are like two wings of a single army ranged against one enemy—the victoiy of one wing is a victory to the other , the

    defeat of one a misfortune to the other . One cannot become independent and free without the other also becoming so , else there would be no security to their freedom and independence . ( Henr . ) So it is not possible to imagine a stronger link of bio . therhood than that which between two nations needs must exist . 1 confidently believe that this imperious necessity must be equally felt on both sides ; and that both nations must be penetrated'by tho conviction of it as strongly as myself—the more because there is a happy incident which must further strengthen tlie harmony , hopes , feelings , and wishes , between Hungary and Italy . I will tell it . to you . There are new doctrines agitated hi certain countries , which , by what right it is hot mine to . investigate , are considered by many to be incompatible

    with social order and with theprinciple of security of property . Now , Hungary has , aud will have , with these doctrines nothing to do , for ' the most simple and more decisive reason—because in Hungary there is no occasion—there is not the slightest opportunity—for them , We have not the disease , so we want no medical speculations about the remedy . We want freedom and independence , and . we will be rescued from the evil—the Au-trian dynasty . But we want no theoretical " speculations about property—we want them as little as the citizens of the LTnited States , whose institutions we wish to have established in our country , ' with the difference hat Hungary is and will hot be-divided in states , but will be one country , composed of free municipalities . ( Hear , hear . ) And 'I am confidently assured that all this ' . is the very case also with Italy . ( Hear , hear . ) Italy has also no occa

    sion to share those doctrines , therefore neither its people nor its popular leaders have any tbingto do with them ; and I am theroforo glad by my own feelings to know that this happy coincidence of circunut & nees can only strengthen the harmonyj brotherly love , and union which between these two nations must exist , in consequence of the identity of their interests . So in response to your wishes , hopes , and sympathies , I will only siiy that my restoration to personal freedom I value chiefly on account of seeing myself restored to activity and to my country ' s service . I have , the full conviction of my c ' ountry'sTreedom and in-: dependence being intimately identified with tho free- ' doni and independence ^ Europe ,-arid even wifc > i some very important interests of Eagland itself . Resolutely I accept in my position all duties as well 7 s all dangers of this persuasiouj and my country , as well . as all other peoples who share this identity , " will always sua jae faithful ft tlkea . m ear . ) I wish

    The Working Class Demonstration. On Mond...

    ^ V ^^ 5 ut ^ intt y od ' ^* W feeble m faculties , will for ever conserve the merit of unwavering consistency and of disinterested resignation , I unite with you unchangeably in' the fraternal sentiments which you express in this your address towards Turkey , and I decidedly declare tnat 1 never will join any combination , however promising which might do that country injury . S , I Will rather promote its interests , fully ? B ^* ^ Urke y not in o « m ' raai « ' « wi with the interests of Europe , as the Czar and the Hapsburgs are , but rather in several respects necessary to Europe , and Chiefly to England and to Hun 4 rv . UirRey is a neighbouring country to my fatherland . . h !« rtil 4 enem ' ' <> ugh . I am no impractical theorist , to make of a neighbour a

    new enemy , instead of respecting his interests , but would have him , 11 not an ally , at least a friend for his own I ™ 4 ake As to the glorious republic of the united states , which has thrown its protecting flag around me , let me hope that the common svmpatby which these two kindred nations , England * aud the United States , bear to the cause of my country and 0 myself , will be the first link of a closer union of tne politics of the two countries in respect to liurope , which union , convenient as it is both to your great , g . orious , and free countries , would make a happy turning point in the destinies of humanitv . ( £ 11 $ heel's- ) * sh <> uld not have lived in vain should I have lived to be the instrument of such a consummation . And here I would not , were it not my dutj to reflect upon certain circumstances

    which I consider so extraordinary as to feel obliged to avail myself of this first opportunity which offers itself to meet openly . The circumstance is that I considered , and consider ID Still , t 0 1 ) 6 my ( luty U 0 t to mix with any great party question of England , or ot any other country . . I wish the non-admission of foreign intervention in my own country , eo 1 must have clean hands myself in respect to other countries . That ia my position , to which I will conscientiously adhere . 1 consider ,-therefore , that my duty , as well as the respect to your laws , bonesty as well as prudence , oblige me not to play here tlie passionate part of an agitator , not to coquet with the reputation of being a revolutionist . In fact , I came hither not to get this reputation , but rather'I decisive my conviction to be that

    England wants no revolution at all : because , firstly , it wlsbea but a progres 3 ivedevelop ) nei ) t ;; md , secondly , because England has sufficient political freedom to ba insured that whatever England may still need it will not only carry out , but will carry it out peaceably . ( Cheers . ) Now , this being my duty and my resolution , I act consistently—my ground was , is , and will be , in England , this—sucti and such are tho true facts of the past struggles of Hungary . These facts I confidently hope , are certain to secure the generous sentiments of England to my country ' s cause . I stated that , in my opinion , the form of government can be different in different countries , according to their circumstances , tbeir wishes , and their wants ; England loves her Queen , and has full motive to do so ; England feels great ,

    glorious , and free , and has full motive to feel so I but England being a monarchy , that can be no sufficient reason to her to hate and discredit republican forms of government in other countries , differing in circumstances , in wishes , and in wants . ( Cheers . ) On the contrary , the United States of America , being likewise a great , g / orious , and free country , under republican government , tho circumstance of being republicans , cannot give them sufficient motive to hate and discredit monarchist ! government in England . ( Hear . ) It must be entirely left to the right of every nation to dispose of its domestic concerns . Therefore , all I claim for my country also ia , that England , ' seeing out of our past tbat our cause is just , should acknowledge the sovereign right of ' every natioa

    to dispose of itself , and , by acknowledging this , England should not only not interfere , but also not allow any power whatever to interfere with the domestic matters of my country , nor of any other nation . The rest should he left to the respective nations themselves , tho more because it is worthy Of that independence and freedom for which We struggled . I therefore thought that this was not the place for me to speak about the future organisation and form of government of my country , because that is a home question of ours , with which nobody ought tointerfere . But my behaviour was not everywhere appreciated as I hoped . I met rather in certain quarters the remarks that I am slippery , and evade thequestion . Now , on the question of sin . cerity , I am particularly susceptible . I have the sentiment of being a plain , honest man , nnd I would not be charged with having entered by stealth into the sympathies of England without displaying my true colours . Therefore , I must state

    clearly that in our past struggle we made no revolution . We began to transform , in a peaceful , legislative manner , tho monarehico-aristocratical constitution of Hungary into a monanchieo-democratical constitution ; we conserved our municipal institutions as our most valuable treasure , but gave to them as well as the legislative power , for basis , the common liberty of the people ; Instead of tbe class privileges of old , we established tlie personal responsibility of ministers ; instead of the Board of Council of old , which , being a nominal body , was of course a mockery of that responsibility of the executive , which was our chartered rights on paper , !> ut no reality . However we but conserved that which was due to us by constitution , by treaties , by the coronation oath of every king , to be governed as a self-consistent , independent country by our down native institutioi . s , according to our laws . We established the freedom of thought , of the word and pen , and secured the freedom of conscience . We introduced with the

    abolition of exemptions equality in duties and rights before the law . Wo obliged all to contribute to the public necessity , every man according to his faculties : we omjinoipated tbe peasants , or rather gave them tbe land they tilled , to be their free property . Wo made the soil free , the labourer free , the industry free , trade free ; but we spared all existing material interests of every class , and rewarded full indemnification for every material loss . We established trial by jury , provided for the independent administration of justice , cared for Cheap government , and took care that the national army Should not become a tool . of ambition amongst ourselves , or an instrument of oppression against foreign nations , ( Loud cheering . ) All this we did peacefully by careful legislation , which the king

    sanctioned and swore to maintain . But this very dynasty in the most perjurious manner attacked these laws , this freedom , tins constitution , and our national cxiatence by arms . Wo defended ourselves by arms victoriously , nnd after the perjurious dynasty called in the armies of Russia to beat us down , we resolved to defend ourselves against this tyrannical invader also , but Of COUtSC declared the perjured Hapsburgs not to be more our Sovereigns—deposed them , banished , and declared ourselves a free and independent :-: ation , but fixed . no definite form of government—neither monarchical nor republican—declaring rather to be willing to follow the advice of the European powers . ( Hear . ) These are facts which cannot be altered / . hecause they are facts . By this you see

    that in the past we made no resolution at nil as to the future , Every just man must acknowledge that Hungary has fairly exhausted every peaceful means of preservation ; it is not under the rule of the King , but under the iron oppression of a tyrant who conquered Hungary hy calling in sacrilegiously to his aid the armies of the Czar . So Hungary is not under government , but under a foreign intruder , who is not King of Hungary , being neither acknowledged by the nation , nor sanctioned by law . Hungary is , in a word , in a state of war against the HapsOurg dynasty . Hungary can jn nodthor way regain its independence and freedom but in that way in which it was deprived of it—by war—as every nation which is free and independent conquered its deliverance from its oppressors , like

    Switzerland , Belgium , Spain , Portugal , France , Sweden , Sorway , Greece , the United States , and England itself— ( cheers)—that is by a revolution , as sbine would call it—by a war of legitimate defence , aslcall . it . I will ever respect the laws . of England , and do nothing here contrary to them ; but so much I can suite as a matter of fact that niy nation will never accept and '" acknowledge theperjtired House of ilapsburg to become again lawful sovereigns of Hungary—never will it enter into any transactions whatever with that perjurious family , but will avail itself ' of every opportunity to shake off its yoke . Secpiidly , that though the poople of Hungary . were monarchical for a thousand years , yet the continued . perjury of the Hapsburgs during 300 years—the sacrilegious faithlessness by which

    it destroyed its" own historical existence with . the historical existence of my ' nation , as also my country ' s present intolerable oppression—have so entirely plucked but of the heart pf my nation . every faith , belief ,., and attachment to monarchy , . that there is no power on ' earth to knit the broken tie again "; and , therefore , Hungary wills ana wishes to be'a freeand independent republic ; jbut a republic founded'on the rule of law ' ,, securing ' social , order , security to person and to property , and the moral development as well as the material welfare of the people—( cheers)—in a word , a republic like that of the United States , fouude ' d oh , institutions inherited from England itself . This is the convioiion of my people , which I share in the- very heart of- my

    heart . I confidently hope that tho people , of England will appreciate the justice of these remarks , and appreciate the honest convictions of my heart ; neither will it ' falter in its sympathy , to . that cause which it honoured with its sympathy ,. which it judged to be righteous arid true , and which it consoled by its . wishes and hopes . All I . entreat is that tiie people of ' England may not give a charter to the Czar . to dispose of the world , but rather make respected , by its powerful ' position , the right of every nation to dispose of itself . With this hope I thank you once more for your sympathy . 1 beg leave , fatigued as I am , to retire , confidently trusting your noble-minded feelings cannot have the will tc divert this demonstration of your sympathy ir '&

    The Working Class Demonstration. On Mond...

    any party discussions in which I consequently could not participate , but which still could not fail to increase the difficulties , and do harm to my country ' i ! cause , fftuca you honour by your sympathy . ( Gheer » . ) , BUD littlebf this admirable speech was heard by the vast proportion of tbe multitude ; but those who were within the compass of Kossuth ' s voice cheered many passages in the address , and the cue being taken from tbi ? , the whole populace j lined in . The address was once interrupted with a slight episode which excited alternate groans and laughter . The " TimeV which had been exhibited in the procession on a gibbet , was burnt , and its ashes thrown into the duck . pond . In accordance with the resolution of tbe committee no one addressed the meeting but Kossuth , and the proceedings in Copenhagen-fields , therefore , closed as they began , with lusty cheering ,

    The procession was re-formed after Kossuth had retired , and those who joined in it proceeded to Highbury-barn , where the occasion was to be celebrated by a public dinner . M . Kossuth , after a . few minutes spent in his apartment in conversation with tho committee , proceeded to his carriage , which drove off at a very rapid pace , amid the enthusiastic cheering of tile Crowd , which dispersed soon after in the most tranquil and orderly manner . Indeed their deportment throughout the day was most exempl . iry , the only " interruption to the general de-COl'Uin . being the occasional immersion by the pressure of the crowd of youngsters in tho pond which lies immediately in the front of Copenhagen House .

    BISJJER AT HIGHBURY BARN TAVERN . In the evening a public dinner was given at the Highbury liarn Tavern , Mr . Thornton Hunt in the chair , The spacious room was crowded , and the company was graced by the . presence of a fair sprinkling of ladies . Probably not fewer than 800 persons sat down to the substantial repast which was provided for them . Most of the banners which had figured in the procession were now displayed on tbe walls , and a powerful brass band was in attendance , which played a number of popular airs during the evening ; of these the " Marseillaise , " " The Roast Beef of Old England , " «< Yankee Doodle , " and "Kossuth ' s March , " appeared to be the favourites , and were received with several rounds of applause . The tables having at length been cleared ,

    The Chairman said it was usual to begin the list of toasts with one of a purely formal character , and that expressed generally the feeling which animated the whole assembly . In th » fc sense he would propose the following : — " The People "—( vociferous cheering)—the enthusiasm of the meeting had prevented him from finishing even tbe first word , The whole toast was "The Peoples : may they ever be allied in tho defence of liberty . " ( Three times three . ) The Marsaillaise waa again played , and was rapturously applauded . At its conclusion a temporary platform was erected for the convenience of the chairman , . The Chairman said his first duty was to state the

    result of some of the invitations which had been sent from the committee . They had issued a very limited numher of these invitations , and they had received a still more limited number of replies ; for by far the larger portion of tho immense assembly present were volunteers in the cause of liberty . ( Cheers . ) Their invitations had been dictated by a desire to avoid any appearance of party selection ; for the committee thought that their choice should be in accordance with the ' spirit of . the immense demonstration they had seen that day . ( Cheers . ) A large number of persons , of very varied political opinions , were present ; and he believed that , throughout the kingdom , all classes and all shades of politics , except a very few , had supported

    Kossuth . ' ( Hear . ) That , therefore , was the principle upon which they had acted . Amongst others , an invitation had been sent to Lord Dudley Stuart , who stated that he did not consider hia presence at a banquet , where Kossuth was not present would be useful . In the course of his letter his lordship spoke of the pleasure and pride with which he regnrrfed '' the noble demonstration made by his fellow countrymen of the working classes in favour of the great Hungarian patriot . " An invitation had also been sent to Mr . Bancroft Davies , the committee knowing that from his political position , as well as from his perfect knowledge of the United States , he would be able . to tell them what be ( the

    chairman ) might also state ,, namely , that in 8 U | l ' port ol the free peoples of Europe there would ho , between the Conservative ( or Wilis ) party of the United States , and the Liliei-nls ( or Democrats ) , but one feeling . ( Cheers . ) Mr . Davies had declined , 119 they knew that gentleman in au official position must do . ( Hear . ) Mr . W . J . Fox stated that-be was leaving town upon engagements which he could not postpone . He expressed , however , bis perfect COtlOUrrenee-in then intended proceedings ., ( Cheers . ) Ml " . 6 . Dawson had an engagement in Ireland , Mr . Chas . Gilpin stated th-it a special engagement , by which ho hoped to be useful to their illustrious visitor , prevented his attendance . ( Hear , hear . )

    The StoRKTART ( Mr . Petty ) then read the address , which had been presented to M . Kossuth , and which was loudly applauded by the meeting . The Chairman said he need hardly report to them the proceedings of the day . He did not know whether all present had been at the house in Copenhagen-fields , but he did know that there was a gathering so immen ; -e as to defy calculation ill those who were not accustomed to view large masses . ( Cheers . ) The numbers had been variously estimated . One gentleman , whose report they might , perhaps , see to-morrow , had estimated them 6 , 000 . ( Great laughter , and criesof" 000 , 000 , more likely . " ) If , indeed , the spirit of Europe was reduced to such a forlorn hope as that he would

    call on them to give that nohle 0 , 000 , who had met that day , three cheers . ( Laughter and applause , ) But his own imagination went rather further ( and he was used to public meetings , ) so that he did not speak without-experience , nor was he unsupported by others in hia view . His opinion , then , was that the number would be understated at 75 , 000 . ( Cheers and cries of 'More . " ) He believed , indeed , that they might fairly state it at 100 , 000 . ( Loud cheers . ) Three cheers , then , for the 100 , 000 ! ( Loud applause . ) That immense assembly was too large to catch the full tones ol Kossuth' s voice , enfeebled as it had been by his unjust captivity —( hear , hear)—but so far as lit ) had been heard , he / Mr . Hunt } dad n ^ ver seen one whu

    had spoken with more effect . ( Cheers . ) lie was perfectly delighted to witness on two points the heartiness , the suddenness , and thespontanity with Which tt « S anpl'AU & ft had fftllfe ' wed ihe sentiment . One of these was where M . Kossuth had said that England would not permit Russia any longer to oppress the nations . ( Cheers . ) Tho other point was where he said , what he ( Mr . Hunt ) knew to be the truth , that the United States would stand by England in combatting tbe despots of tho world . ( Cheers . ) Mr . Hunt concluded by culling upon Mr . G . Masset , who proposed as a toast "Kossuth and Hungary . " ( Cheers . ) He rapidly sketched the Hungarian . contest , and said that Kossuth came among us defeated in his lofty struggle , and

    he was enthroned in the hearts of h ; m the world . ( Loud cheers . ) They welcomed this glorious leader amongst them , and well he knew how the tyrants of Russia aud Austia would gnash their teeth in Impotent rage when tbey heard of that day ' s proceedings . ( Cheers . ) The scandalous " Times" had attempted to blight his fame ; but let it lie on . ( Cheers . ) Let it , like the viper , bite the file which would one day draw the teeth of many such . ( Loud cheers . ) Let not the people , however , stand idly by in the great struggle which was approaching , but let them labour , not only in tbe cause of Europe , hut to make our own country one that should be worth living and dying , for . ( Loud cheeiv . ) ... ' the

    Dr . UvAciNTiiK Rosay ( an Hungarian ) said present was the first , occasion in which he had spoken in their language—the language of a free and generous people—the language of a country whose hospitable shores had received tbe Hungarians , and protected them from the cruel persecution of tyrants . ' ( Cheers . ) What should he say then ? What , but as David had said of old , " Israel is slain upbn the high places ; how is the mighty fallen ? , " ( Cheers . ); He trusted they would let him speak shortly of Hungary , his dear and over memorable fatherland . There came a nation out of the cradle . of tho human race—out of Asia—and they conquered the mighty rivers , the fertile plains , ancb the rich mountains ef Pomerania . They were

    called Hungarians ; and their ne ^ ihozae Hungary . They were free at all times—frefeand independent , By their own choice tbey choso- »• king from the family of Hapsburg ; but all the emperors were obliged to swear te respect ihe privileges of the country . Every king of the Austrian line had given his word , and every king had . broken his-word . ( Loud cheers . ) Every king had taken a holy oath , and every king had been foresworn . But there was a GodinHeaveai , andHe wasjust . ( Great applause . } They had fought lor their freedom and ; fcr religion , as well for their Protestant as for their Catholic brethren ;• . tbey fought for their freedom , for their happiness * for their Jives . ( Cheers . ) ¦ Upon the

    rums of their holy churches had risen the freedom of their country .. ( Cheers . ) But base men could not heal * holiness and goodness ; and ' tyrants , could not euduxeThappiness and peace . The .. Russian came , ; ai * . d their fathers , their mothers , their brethren , tb ' eir sisters were killed . But , as he said before , -ihere was a God hv Heaven , and he ' was just ; the d . ay 0 f retribution could not be far distant ; and he invoked , in his oountry ' a cause , the justice and ^ . n erosity of the English people . ( Loud cheers . ) lie trusted that the sympathy which they met with ; ' in the palaces of tho rich and the cottages of the poor would support them . ( Cheers . ) He trusted they would all remember tho words of their immor-

    The Working Class Demonstration. On Mond...

    tal Nelson— " England expects tbat every man wil do his duty "—( cheers)—aud would once more gain , tbe victory over tyrants , and secure freedom and happiness all over tho civilised world , ( Cheers . ) He would not detain them longer , and he hoped they would excuse the imperfect manner in which he had laboured to express his sentiments . Ho could assure them that be should feel eternal gratitude towards them . He was an Hungarian , and an Hungarian never forgot his friends . ( Cheera . ) England for over ! ( Loud cheers . ) A number of Germain aere entertained tho com « pany with a part song .

    Mr . W . Coninoiiam , of Brightm , next proposed " Italy and Long Life to Joseph Mazzini . " ( Loud cheers . ) He , as well as thechairman , had had great experience in public meetings , and it was hia deliberate opinion that the demonstration that morning had been attended by at least lSO . OOo persons . ( Cheers . ) Why was it that these immense manifestations in 184 S in favour of Hungary had had no effect ? Simply because the people were not represented in the House of Commons . To so

    cure that ought to be their chief object . Why were tho political parties higgling about household suffrage and the like ? Why aid they not demand universal suffrage ? ( Loud cheers , hisses , and cries of " Question . " ) Mr . Coninghain declared this was tho real question , and proceeded then to glance at Italian affairs , and concluded by pronouncing a warm eulogiuttt OU M . nlazz . ni . ( Cheers . ) Mr . David Masson , a member of tho Friends of Italy , " ably replied to tho toast .

    Mr . PiETTiBtheu proposed " France , " coupling Willi tllO toast the name of M . Louis Blanc , who replied in an eloquent speech in French .. The Chairman next read a letter from Mr . R . Owen , who excused himself on the ground of the Shortness Of tho invitation , and concluded by the ) following toast , which was forthwith proposed to the meeting and loudly applauded : " The permanent peace of the world through tho federation of all nations under a constitution which will secure perpetual equality according to ngH , and justice to every one ; with health , long life , and great success to Kossuth , late Governor of Hungary ;" The Chairman also reiwi the following letter ftOul M . Mazzini : —

    "Sir , —Your kind invitation reached mo very late on Saturday , and I regret that both previous engagements and other merely personal motives will prevent me from availing myself of it : but ia heart , soul , and wishes I am with you , and with all those who advocate the principled contained in your address to Kossuth , ' that on the brotherhood of the people rest the hopes of civilisation and the free development of man ' s noblest faculties . ' A truly holy alliance of the nations on the basis of freedom , and equality , for the moral , intellectual , and

    physical progress of mankind has been the foremost thought of all that I have , during twenty two years , spoken , written , done , and endeavoured . Let that foremost thought live and act through all your manifestation , God and the people—truth and right—will help you on your way , on which the blessing and friendship of all now bleeding and struggling nations will welcome the English nation . —Believe me , Sir , with cordial thanks , ever faithfully youra , " Joseph Mazzini , " A letter of excuse from M . Hebratiano was also

    read . Mr . Brontcrre O'Brien , M . Gog , Mr . Walker , Mr . Holyoake , Mr . Fleming , editor of the " Northern Star , " and other gentlemen , addressed the meeting in proposing and responding to the toast of "Germany , " "Italy , " the "United States , " & c . ; and the meeting was not concluded till a late hour . A ueep sense of ghatitupb ( says the " Globe " of Monday night ) is felt by the family now resident under the hospitable roof of Mr . Massingberd , at Eaton-place , at the arrival of Sir James Clark , on Saturday , with the offer of his valuable professional services , should tbe illustrious exile wish to avail himself thereof , The country will appreciate the kindness as well as delicacy which suggested this visit , not without its significance .

    It now appears that M . Kossuth has refused to accept tho general invitation sent to him from Birmingham , and the mayor has declined to invito officially , because his year of office is so near its termination .

    INTENDED DEPARTURE OF KOSSUTH . The following communication has been received by the American consul at Southampton : — " 30 , Eaton-place , Oct . 30 , 1851 . " My dear Sir , --1 have seen the telegraphic despatch addressed by you yesterday to Lord Dudley Stuart ; I write to say that 1 will certainly proceed to New York on board the Washington , if you can make arrangements for that ship to Sail from Southampton on the 14 th of Jtovember next , in the afternoon , ' I am , my dear Sir , yours truly , "L , Kossvm , "J . R . Croskoy , Esq . . "

    M . KOSSUTH AND WALTER SATAGE LAKDOU . " Winchester , October 25 . " Sir , —ft ia with peculiar satisfaction that I accept the address from the citizens of Bath , at the head of whose names 1 find one so distinguished , and so long familiar to urn , as your own . Be assured that the sentiments you express -. vre those which have ever animated me in all my efforts , and in every trust which my countrymen have confided to uie . ' . Social order' I believe to be consistent alone with constitutional freedom . I have sought to ensure the one by strengthening and enlarging , in peaceful and legal methods , the other . In this I have been consistently supported by my countrymen ; it has been all we aimed at . Your allusion to the potentate to whose firm and upright do « meanour I owe so much , touches feelings of respect and gratitude , which can never he effaced .

    * ' 1 have the honour to be , sir , with feelings of tlie highest esteem , your obedient servant , " L . Kossuiu . " Walter Savage Landor , Esq . " " Bath , Oct . 23 . " Sir , —The chief glory of my life is that I was the first in subscribing for the assistance of the Hungarians at the commencement of their struggle ; the next is that I have received the approbation of their illustrious leader . I , who have held tho hand of Kosciusko , now kiss with veneration tbe signature of Kossuth . So other man alive could confer an honour I would accept , " lielieve me , air , ever yours most faithfully , " Walter Savaob Landou . "

    THE KOSSUTH FUND . Tlie trustees Of this fund , desirous of making as much progress as possible before the Illustrious Hungarian leaves this country for America , have requested that subscriptions may be paid to Currio arid Co ., Conihill ; Coutts and Co ., Strand ; or tho Commercial Bank of London . This request is signed for the trustees by Lard Dudley Stuart . M . Kossuth had an interview with M , Mazzini on Tuesday . On Tuesday evening another meeting of gentlemen from the various metropolitan boroughs was held at Mr . Saunders ' s , Charing-cros . " , for the purpose of receiving tho report of the deput .-. tion apT pointed to wait upon Kossuth , to learn his pleasure as to the time and place of receiving the addresses

    from the metropolitan boroughs . Mr . Geesen ,. of St , James ' s , having boon culled to the chair , Air . Lewis stated that the deputation , headed by Lord Dm ! ley Stuart , had that day waited upon Kossuth at his residence in Eaton-place , and upon the intention of the committee having been explained to him , heat once coincided in their views , and consented to receive the addresses from the metropolitan boroughs . whichare to b * presented on . Thursday week , at the Hanover-square Rooms * which will be the last occasion the illustrious Hungarian will address the English people .. It was intimated to the illustrious exilft that as he had seen the demonstration of the working men , they were most desirous that he should ; i ! ss > witness a middle-class demonstration , composed of 1-esidenta . iu the metropolitan boroughs

    . THE INVITATION & F KOSSUTH TO MANCHESTER , The Mayor of Manahester has refused to call a meeting of the- towa council to address Kossuth . A , great deal of dissatisfaction- has been caused throughout the boroagh and neighbourhood by this proceeding ; . because it is said that , upon other questions equally foreign to the proper business of the corporation , the same amount of squea ' mishhets has hot been manifested . Hosvevor , the demonstration in favour of tho Magyar' hero ; will gain rather than suf §& r from thia course . The answer of M . Kossuth was not knswn in Manchester until

    Saturday , when an effort was made to forma committise , to ren-aer the demonstration complete , am " ? it has been succes & Jul beyond all expectation Upwards of 250 gentlemen' of all p arties have CQ & o forward and put down their names . . ; , " -. . M . Kossuth , accompanied' by Count ' Francis Pulzsky , visited Messrs . Henneman and Co . ' s Phttographio establishment , 122 , lVegeht-streeti Oil Tuesday , when M . Kossuth sat for his portrait , whioh will he published in a few days , exclusively for the benefit of the Hungarian refugees in England . ,

    The "Official Milan Gazette , " ofthe 27 tb ult ., announces that cries of " Kossath for ever 1 tho republic for ever ! viva Muzzini ! ' ? having . been heard at Stradelia on the occasion of a . ball-ueing gmn at a theatre , and similar acts having -takoit Place at Montio do Gabbi , judicial proceedings have been commenced against the persons supposed to be the guilty parties . _ :, '¦ ' "'"' •" . „' . A Madrid fetter of the : 87 th vli . says ; - ' A letter of the 23 d from Lisbon states that Queen Donna Maria was very dissatisfied at the interest which the Count de Sobral , the governor of Lisbon , and M . Magalhaens , the Minister of the Interior bad shown towards Kossuth during bis short so

• Citation
  • Northern Star (1837-1852), Nov. 8, 1851, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_08111851/page/7/