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    T of xhk Palace ano Marsualsea 8 _____ :...

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    Ix is found that, in Cardiganshire. onU-...

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    Utiitftet*, &c.

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    CORN. Makk-Lase, July 2.—English wheat c...

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    Printed bv WILLIAM KTT)rr. nf\ T o. s. Mnwiosfield^treet.

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    in the parish of St. Anne, Westminster, ...

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  • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

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    wonlu be justified in the row which they would that night come to , iu rejecting the proposition that had been submitted to them . ( Hear , hear . ) He would only oiferone remark more . It was that the speecli of the honourable member for tho Tower Hamlets , and . the vote which the honourable member for Montrose had announced his intention of giving on this occasion , had the effect of throwing a new light on the movement of the oth of June . Doubts had existed as to the cxtcntto which the hon member for Montrose intended to go in hringing forward his motion of the 5 th of June , but tlie honourable gentleman and the honourable member for the Tower Hamlets had had the honesty to-night fully to solve that problem . He trusted the House would pardon him for intruding with these few brief remarks . ( Hear , hear . )

    Mr . SsABMiif Cbawfom ) said that the honourable and learned member for Nottingham having referred to him as one of those -who had signed the document on which the Charter was founded , he was desirous of not giving a silent vote ou this occasion . He was quite willing to avow having signed that document ; and he would also avow that all bis experience since then had confirmed him iu the opinion that the true principles of public liberty were defined in it . ( Hear , near . ) His experience told him that the Hberty of the people was not regarded in that House ; that a further reform ofthc legislature was necessary , and that the principles set forth in the resolutions of the hon . and h arned member were the true princi p les on which that reform ought to be established . ( Hear , hear . ) Hut while saying

    this , he did not mean to say that he would be unwilling to accept of any qualification of those princi p les which it would he possible to get public opinion to agree to . He was . not one of those , who wished to carry reform by force , or hy any means except the influence of public opinion in its favour , and he was therefore willing to accept of even a portion of these measures in the first instance . Hut above all , he thought that the great principle of reform should be an extension of the suffrage . ( Hear . ) In advocating these principles he did not consider that he was advocating any invasion on the coustitution . He believed that he was only going back to the original principles of the constitution , which they had departed from , and which it was most desirable to restore . ( Hear , hear . ) The resolution stated other preliminarv doctrines that had his

    entire concurrence . It declared that labour was the source of all wealth , and it must be admitted that there was no wealth which was not founded on labour . It also stated that the people were the source of all legitimate power ; and how , he would ask , could there be legitimate power that was not conferred by the people through their representatives ? The nest proposition was also true , that the labourer was entitled to be the first partaker of the fruits of- his own industry ; for what Gould be more just than that the labourer should get a fair return for his labour ? The next was , that taxation without representation was tyranny ; and he would ask if that also was not a fair proposition ? All these propositions met with his fullest concurrence ; and he also thought that the mode of reform to be founded on them recommended in the resolution of the honourable and learned member

    was the true one to be adopted . He had presented a petition from the inhabitants of Rochdale that day , and they had instructed him to say that the reason why the petition had been signed by the chairman alone , was that the people had determined to send no more petitions to that House , because they had learned by experience that their petitions were totally and systematically disregarded . If the House , by its vote to-night , confirmed the people in this impression , they could not be surprised if hereafter there was a return to those scenes which they had before witnessed with so much regret . ( Hear , hear . )

    Sir G . SrniCKLiXD believed there was no member of that House who was inclined to go further than himself with regard to the extension of the franchise . He had given his vote on a former occasion in favour of the motion submitted to the House by the hon . member for Montrose ( Mr . Hume ) , with whom he then entirely coincided ; but he could not follow the course which that hon . gentleman declared he would adopt to-night , for , though he ( Mr . Hume ) had stated that he did not entirely concur in this motion , he had said that he would vote in its favour . The hon . member for the Tower Hamlets ( Mr . G . Thompson ) -had also said that , though he did not coincide in all the points of the motion , he

    would give it his support . Now , he ( Sir G . Strickland ) would not support the motion , though he wished to see the franchise very considerably extended . Even the hon . member for Nottingham ( Mr . O'Connor ) had abandoned some of those principles which he formerly advocated . The hon . and learned gentleman was formerly a supporter of the ballot , which he ( Sir G . Strickland ) fcelievcd would xelieve many honourable and conscientious voters from great embarrassment , but that hon . gentleman stated that he was not now friendly to the ballot , -unless it was accompanied by the widest possible extension of the franchise . Although , then , he ( Sir G- Strickland ) in many respects agreed with the motion , he felt it his duty to vote against it .

    Mr . ~ W . J . Fox said , the hon . baronet who last spoke seemed to imagine that there was some exiJaordinary contrariety between the motion now before the House and that brought forward on a former occasion by the hon . member for Montrose . But both motions were in harmony in one respect . They both aimed at one thing—tho representation ; and it was for representation , real , whole , and fair , that he ( Mr , Fox ) intended to vote on this occasion , as he had done when he went out into the lobby with the hon . member for Montrose . It had been objected to this motion that it was an abstract proposition , and also that it tied the House down by its adoption to a minuteness of detail which could not afterwards be altered . These two objections were certainly greatly in opposition tho one to the other .

    Ihe motion was an abstract proposition in the sense of all general propositions . Every great measure of reform must originate in an abstract proposition . It must be an assertion of some great and important principle . It did not consist with reason , or with the forms of the House , that by the adoption of this motion they would be precluded irom taking any liberty with the details of the measure , which must , of course , be liable to particular amendments . To some of these details he ( Mr . Fox ) would assuredly object when they came under consideration in the regular course of business . But what he wished to support was representation , which he took to he that principle of- self-government to wliich every nation was entitled , . Representation was a principle of the British constitution ; but it was also a

    principle to the advantage of which every nation was entitled whenever a nation had the opportunity of obtaining it . A great mistake had been made by an hon . gentleman in representing this motion as one for the adoption of extreme democracy . Nothing could be more distinct than extreme democracy and representation . Under a system of representation people generally looked out for something above themselves , —for a candidate above themselves in station , in Intelligence , and in those qualities of government which would best insure the objects they had in view . Extreme democracy , the mere preponderance of a numerical majority acting directly , "was as unlike this as possible . Representation was a result at which , after a long series of ages , mankind had arrived ; it was that union of popular

    influence and popular satisfaction -with the exercise of practical wisdom and far-sighted views which all friends of good government must greatly desire . The principles of the British constitution , in their enunciation , in their germs , in then-primitive forms , were to be found in the history of a very early period ; but all these principles were gradually developed . The responsibility which was so marked a feature of government in this country , the toleration which distinguished this nation , had been gradual in their progress . They were principles of the constitution at the time that constitution began to take a defined form ; but the full developement of those principles was not in the past , , but in the future , and there , he apprehended , they must look for the foil developement of . the principle of representation .

    It had been aUeged against the motion before the House that this was a peculiarly unfit country for its application , because they had an ancient monarchy , an ancient church , an ancient aristocracy and a landed proprietary . These were the very reasons which necessitated representation in these -realms , and which showed the intense want of popular principle to create some balance to these mighty interests . It was not only true that representation -was a principle of the British constitution , but it -was also , unhappily , too plain that they had not yet arrived at the enjoyment of representation . The House had already heard , even to weariness , calcu lations and statistics on this subject , but he asked their indulgence while he offered some further illustrations . A return had been presented on the

    motion of the hon . baronet the memberfor Marylehone , giving alist ofthc different boroughs and cities in England and Wales , with their population and the numbers of their constituencies . He ( Mr . Tox ) had taken two groups of boroughs—the one at the commencement of the document and the other at its conclusion . The first group comprised fourteen boroughs , returning twenty members to Parliament ; and the second comprised nine boroughs , also returning twenty members . In the first fourteen boroughs the number of voters was 3 , M 9 ; in the last mne boroughs it was 141 , 664 . The population of the first fourteen boroughs was 6 f , 329 ; ofthc

    other nine it was 2 , 156 , 493 . In the first group , therefore , each member represented 172 voters and a population t-f 3 , 366 ; while , in the other group eaL-ninemow-repres ented 7 , 083 voters , and a population of ld / , 821 . lie alsofound that thirty-six of the members returned to that house at the last electioft were returned at . contested elections hv 5 , 184 voters , ?„ ? iT miT ge ° P * tn elec ^ s « " *• * ^ e majority m aU cases was under 200 ; m sixteen cases it was under loO ; and in three cases it was under 100 . Aow , was not this an absolutcburles queon the vei-v notion of representation so far as the people were soncerncd ? if these anomalies produced results

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    m unison with the feelings and interests of the country , and if the country were persuaded of that , he did not think it would be worth while incurrin" - tho difficulties which would attend their change and rectification . But , under existing circumstances , were the result of ihe change only to be the return of the self-same members as were elected under the present system , still there would be this most important difference , that the millions now excluded would be satisfied instead of being dissatisfied . ( Hear , hear . ) Our government was a government of opinion , and the continuance of a disaffected opinion arising from one cause , and prolonged from generation to generation , was of all things to be deprecated . On this very topic there had been

    discontent for a century and a half ; there had been discussions on it within that House , and agitation after agitation without its walls , and the discontent connected with it spread to all other topics . Those who would bestow confidence , if they had a full share in tho representation , withheld that confidence when they had not such share . The exclusion produced an antagonistic bias , and created an unfriendly disposition of criticising the proceedings of that House ; and a friendly disposition would be substituted by . a general participation on the part of the people in the elective franchise . ( Hear , hear . ) AVhile every item of discontent flowed to this source , ? n agitation was kept up which gained strength and bitterness by the postponement of the required concession . Of all modes of government which ever existed he thought that the very worst which to a certain extent had prevailed in this country—he meant the accomplishment of improvements only by

    means of agitation . It withdrew men ' s minds from the topics on which they mig ht most wholesomely be employed , and created professional agitatorsmen who lived by that work , and were ready to stimulate the people for their own purposes . ( Hear , hear . ) From time to time it occasioned a danger of breaches of the peace , and caused bitterness between class and class , and utterly destroyed that unity of feeling which ought to exist between the representatives and the constituencies from which they emanated . He knew of nothing which could check this enormous evil except giving as widely as possible to the people a share in the nomination of the members of that House ; and it was not on account of agreement with any points of the People ' s Charter in detail that he supported the , present motion , but he cordially gave his vote for it , as another attempt in the series of attempts to realise a full and free representation of the people . ( Hear , hear . )

    Lord John Russell having had more than one opportunity of addressing the House on matters of a nature somewhat similar to the present one , both in the last and during the present session of parliament , he did not know that he should have risen on the present occasion to trouble the House with the expression of sentiments with which it must be now fimiliar , had it not been for some assertions that had been made in the course of the debate to-night , which , if he were to allow to pass uncontradicted , might leave a very false impression on the minds of all who had heard them , with regard to the government to which he belonged—to the majority of that House—and to his own political conduct as a minister of the crown , or as a private member of

    parliament , on the question of parliamentary reform . ( Hear , hear . ) And first he must advert to an assertion that had been made , that night , by the hon . member for the Tower Hamlets , who seemed to think that he ( Lord J . Russell ) bad-pledged himself and the government to which he belonged , to resist any attempt to carry any further measure of parliamentary reform , or anv proposition for the extension of the elective suffrage , whether brought forward by any member of her Majesty ' s government for the time being , or any other member of that House . The hon . gentleman , in support of this assertion , had especially adverted to a speech which he ( Lord J . Russell ) had made in the year 1857 . ( Hear , hear . ) Gentlemen would , doubtless ,

    recollect that when the proposed measure for the reform of parliament was brought forward by him , as the organ of the government of the late Earl Grey in that House , its announcement had excited a great deal of enthusiasm among a great body of the people ; and , at the same time , liad occasioned very considerable alarm among other classes ; who were indeed , prepared to adopt measures having a reform of parliament for their object , but who considered the bill for that purpose thus submitted to the legislature so extreme , so very extreme or democratic in its tendencies , that they were prepared to withhold their support from it , sincerely as they would have espoused the principle , and to run all risks that might result from tneir putting

    themselves in opposition on that subject to the declared and unequivocally avowed wishes of a great majority of the people . On its success the same parties , still fearful of its results , seeing ' on the one hand tlie perils which they thought must attach to the principles that Earl Grey had sanctioned with his authority and support , and on the other the perils that might attend awy further resistance to the clear manifestations which had been given of the popular will on such a subject , and in a free country like this , addressed a question to Earl Grey , as the head of the government in the other House , and to Lord Althorp as the ministerial leader in this , " whether it was intended by , the government that the bill should be the basis of a series of other measures ,

    totally desti-oyinof the existing scheme of parliamen tary representation ; or whether the government intended it as . their measure of parliamentary reform , and upon which they meant to stand ?" ( Hear , hear . ) Earl Grey and Lord Althorp both replied to this question by a solemn declaration that their bill was a measure by which they did mean to stand . ( Hear , bear . ) But no pledge was given that in the event of the Reform Bill thou before parliament being carried , no proposals for further alteration , that mi ght be called for in the representation of the people , provided they should be founded on the basis established by tliat bill , would be entertained by any member of the government . On this declaration so made by Earl Grey and Lord Althorp , who , in their several capacities were of course

    entitled to be regarded as speaking the sentiments of the government they represented in both houses of the legislature , many persons of moderate opinions who had not beon , up to that time , parliamentary reformers , declared their adherence to the plan of Earl Grey , and gave such support to it as enabled Lord Grey ' s government to carry their bill , first through this , and finally through the other House of parliament . It was some five years after this event that he ( Lord J . Russell ) was asked to give his-consent to a totally new and different scheme of representation from that which had been established by the Reform Bill . He replied—as was surely natural

    that he should do , and as he was bound to do—that he had been a member of Earl Grey ' s government , and as such its organ in bringing forward the Reform Bill ; that he was , therefore , not prepared , after so short a period had elapsed since it had passed into law , to be the organ for tho introduction of a new and different scheme of parliamentary representation . But he had said , at the same time , that it was very possible some siich measure might be called for by some change in public opinion , but that he did not feel that he could properly he the party to propound it to parliament . ( Hear . ) The hon . member for the Tower Hamlets has said that

    because of that answer so returned by him , ho ( Lord J . Russell ) stood pledged to resist every proposition for any , even the slightest alteration in the Reform Bill as it now stood . But this was surely no fair construction of his answer . It was possible that others might have adopted it ; hut , at the same time , he ( Lord J . Russell ) was bound to state , that he did not think the Reform Bill quite perfect—it had many imperfections , and was therefore susceptible of amendment . ( Cheers . ) Ho thought it was a measure open to improvements hereafter at the time , and he adopted a course wliich he thought due to himself , both as a minister of the crown and a representative of the people , in a letter he wrote to his constituents , wherein he stated that , in course

    of time , certain alterations might be advantageously , perhaps , introduced into the Reform Bill ; that some of the alterations which had been proposed were well worthy of consideration ; such as giving the working classes a greater share in the choice of the representatives , " and investing many with the elective franchise who had hitherto not been able to exercise it . That to the proposal of such alterations duly brought forward , he should be disposed to give every consideration with a view to their - adoption , if found expedient , under all the necessary precautions of careful inquiry and adaptation . After this statement he really must say that he thought he could scarcely have beeu fairly liable to such imputations as had been brought against him

    by the member for the Tower Hamlets , —and particularly after the letter to which he had just referred . ( Hear . ) Having stated thus much as to his own former conduct in reference to the Reform Bill , and as one who for a period of thirty years had been a good dealmiscdup with all questions relating to parhamentrry reform , he would now proceed to state very shortly his opinions with regard to the question at present before the House . He was not surprised that an hon . friend of his ( Sir G . Strickland ) should think the course which the lion , member for Montrose proposed to take on the question was an inconsistent one . The hon ; gentleman ( Mr . Hume ) supported it as a step only , he said , to other

    measures , to the adoption of which many members on that side of the house were avowedly favourable . But he ( Lord J . Russell ) conceived that although it might he but a step , it was one which would carry them all a long way to the affirmative of all those extreme principles that were comprised in what was called the " six points of the Charter . " life hon . friend could not be surprised that he ( Lord J . Russell ) should be unwilling , therefore , to vote for the motion of the hon . member for Notting ham . That hon . member , not content with introducin g a bill to carry into effect the objects proposed by ( Tho advocates of the six points , had thought proper to preface it with resolutions affirming certain principles , " That the people were the source of all wealth '* - " That the people were the source of all

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    legitimate power , ilG ( Lord j . Russell ) was not prepared to dispute ; but that "Labour should be permitted to take the fruits of its own industry before capital received its own profits , " ho did hot understand . What was the meaning of such a proposition ? ( Hear , hoar . ) ' Generall y speaking , labour agreed to g ive its aid for certain wages ; when this was given , and the wages were paid , then ( and he thought the hon . member lor Montrose would agree with him in this V the contract was fulfilled . The labourer usually did not work for anything beyond his wages . ; He knew , indeed , that a similar principle to that involved in the hon . member for Nottingham ' s resolution had been upheld for some time oast in France ; and , for auarht ho knew , bv

    some of those who had been most instrumental in advocating these doctrines of tho rights of labour , in recentperiods of great political trouble , butit was never known to be upheld in this country . The noblo lord proceeded to ridicule the notion of charging the existing representative system witb tyranny and injustice , on account of its withholding from very ' large classes of the community tbe elective franchise . The time was when Englishmen were accustomed to call themselves free-born Englishmen , from their conviction , he presumed , that so long as they continued to act and live within the limits of the law , they might act , and do , and say just what they pleased . He never heard before that Englishmen considered themselves to be slaves because

    some of them were debarred from the privilege of electing members of parliament . One hon . gentleman ( Mr . G . Thompson ) had talked about the 28 , 000 , 000 of the English people who were concerned in this electoral question ; did he propose that every male of a week old , who went in addition to the adult males to compose this aggregate , should be invested with the rig ht of voting ? ( A laugh . ) And what did he propose to do with the ladies —( laughter)—a part of the 28 , 000 , 000 ? Were they to be excluded 1 For his own part , he was convinced that tliere were very many indeed who , like Miss Martineau , were full y as well qualified to exercise this important privilege as a vast number of those adult males who would be most disposed strenuously to refuse it to

    them . The noble lord proceeded to contest the propositions advanced hy the hon . member for Montrose ( Mr . Hume ) with regard to the expediency of so large an extension of the elective franchisees he advocated . It was true that in a democracy it had been found practically that such an extension might be safely conceded ; bub believing , as ho diet , that our constitution was an exceedingly good though complicated one , he thought that in tho varity of interests that under it were always in active and sometimes antagonistic motion , results might follow that would be found quite incompatible with its security . With regard to tho doctrines that had been advocated in France touching the right of the labourer to participate

    with the employer m the profits derived from his industry , he was quite sure that they would find , however plausible as abstract principles , no support in that House . He had seen them , indeed , advocated occasionally in some of the papers , even to the extent upheld in the letter which they had heard read by an hon . gentleman . In like manner , with the exception of some articles in the Daily Neivs , he was not aware that there was any disposition among any great portion of the community to support the extreme principles upon which the arguments for such an extension of the elective franchise as his hon . friend ( Mr . Hume ) advocated was based . As for universal suffrage , or anything approaching to it , he did not say that it might not

    work well in a democracy , but it could not under such , a constitution as ours , ff its introduction were attempted that constitution must perish . ( Hear . ) In that event , he was not prepared to say that a very powerful democracy might not be established upon its ruins ; but this would soon pass into a dictatorship , which would prove also very powerful , very absolute , and very terrible . For these reasons , therefore , he did not concur in the proposal to establish universal suffrage . With respect to the only other topic upon which he should touch , namely , equal electoral districts , he at least thought that the proposition of the hon . memberfor Nottingham was more intelligible than that of the hon . member for Montrose . ( Hear , hear ) He

    could understand very well a proposal that they should divide the country according to its population , and each district should have one or two members . That was an intellig ible proposition . That they would thus put an end to the influence of the aristocracy , which seemed to be the bugbear with some hon . * members who had spoken , he did not at all believe ; because if there were representatives in the agricultural districts , as according to the plan ofthc hon . member , there would he—where there was considerable property in the possessions either of one gentleman or several gentlemen living in the country , that influence would tell upon the election . ( Hear , hear . ) It would tell with universal suffrage almost as much as with tho present mode of election ,

    and there could be no doubt that it would greatly controlthe return of members to that House . ( Hear , hear . ) He did not himself think the system would be so good an one as that which now existed . The hon . gentleman who spoke last had , for the hundredth time , stated the discrepancy between the number of the constituencies , the population in some cases consisting of sixty or seventy thousand persons , and in others being comparatively small . He ( Lord J . Russell ) had never denied that such was the fact under the present system , of representation ; what he said was , however , that although the existing representation was not a representation of numbers , it was more a representation of the whole community of this country than would be a

    representation of districts divided exactl y according to population . ( Hear , hear . ) Under a division into districts they would have many members from the freat towns and many members from the country istricts , discussing the questions which came before them : and they would possibly find at the first that those who had expected a great democratic change were disappointed , and that there was a great majority belonging rather to the Conservative party than to any other political body . ( Hear , hear . ) But then , supposing this great change to have been made , had they any guarantee that satisfaction would be given by the alteration ? ( Cheers . ) Did they believe that those persons who were chiefly dissatisfied , those who were busy with petitions in

    some of the great towns , would be satisfied with such a representation ? ( Hear , hear . ) They ought not to keep altogether out of view what had been seen in a neighbouring country in the course of the past year . ( Hear , hear . ) Experiments had been made to its cost by a neighbouring nation . That nation bad established universal suffrage and equal electoral districts . A large majority had been returned holding what were called in this country Conservative opinions . But had that majority inspired universal satisfaction ? ( Hear , hear . ) Had the minority sat down contented , as the hon . gentleman who spoke last assumed that thoy must have done ? ( Hear , hear . ) The hon . gentleman said that if this country got nothing else bv the

    proposed change , it would secure contentment ; that , complaints having been made for a long series of years , those complaints would cease if equal electoral districts were established . Well , in a neighbouring country tho plan had been tried , and what was the result ? ( Hear , hear . )' One party then said that the constitution had been violated ; the question was brought before tiie assembly , and the majority , chosen oy universal sutfragc , declared that it had not been violated . Where was the contentment ? ( Hear , hear . ) Those persons , who , according to tho hon . gentleman , ought to have been contented , immediately laid plots for carrying bloodshed through the streets of Paris , and asserting by force that which they could

    not obtain by legitimate means . ( Cheers . ) Such was the result of the experiment . Nor had such effects been witnessed in one couBtry only . They were the natural fruits , let him tell the House ,, of making great changes from which great results were expected immediately to follow ; they were the fruits of proceeding on the doctrine of universal suffrage , and holding out , thus by . means of certain changes in the laws of property , all men would obtain at onco the advantages of perfect ease and prosperity . It was that that had been done in France . The doctrine had there been hold that those who were engaged in manufactures need never have a period of adversity ; that to provide for a time when , from want of demand , the manufacturers

    could not supply work , and the workpeople would naturally be , with their families , in a state of suffering , the order of society ought to be so changed as to secure that no suffering should follow . By certain most artificial , most absurd , and impossible regulations , the manufacturing industry , not of France only , but of every country in the world , was to be so regulated , so restricted to the entire demands of the world , that a period would never come when the supply would exceed the demand , and artisans and workmen were never to be without the employment which was necessary to enable them to obtain a livelihood . ( Hear . ) The consequence of holdin " out such a doctrine in France was that numbers of workmen had been disappointed as to the effect of the changes which had taken place in that country . ( Hear , hear . ) Having got universal suffrage , when they found that these impossible results did not

    follow , they went into the streets , to the number of twenty or thirty thousand , prepared to sacrifice their lives in defence of this impossible theory . ( Hear , hear . ) He might be told that no such occurrence could take place ia England , that the English people were better instructed than other nations and would not entertain such an expectation . But however the hon . gentleman mi g ht talk of tho greater portion of the people ' of this country bcin < * slaves , he ( Lord J . llussell ) must own that he did not think the advantages wliich they had to partwith were so trifling that they should run tho immense risk they were asked to do . ( Loudcheering . ) He might be quite mistaken in that respect ; it might be that this country would be much happier , more prosperous , and more free , if it adopted these propositions ; but what ho saw" was , that this country was very fsoe- ~( hoav . hear ) -that-ithadthe

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    enjoyment ' of-great liberties . ( Hear , hear . ) If tli ' ey were wrong with respect to any of the economical laws which had been adopted , still thoy had boon adopted with the consent of tho great body of the people and not against their will . Feeling this , he was not disposed to adopt the change which the lion , irentlemah recommended . He believed it would he for their advantage if a greater numberof the working classes had the suffrage . ( Hear , hear ) if any change of that kind could be made with no such risks " with no such sacrifice of all the mam principles of their constitution as he had mentioned . Ho must , therefore , oppose the pro position of the lion gentleman , conceiving that if adopted it would tend

    to produce the greatest evils , and that tney were n the enjoyments of benefits which , if they lightly parted " with , they would be a most foolish and unwise nation . ( Cheors . ) . ¦¦ " ...... ... Mr . Muntz said it was with great satisfaction that he had heard the noble lord declare that they were at liberty to make groat alterations , notwithstanding the passing of the reform bill .. ( Hear , hear . ) He remembered a declaration of the noble lord on that subject , which had the effect of giving him the soubriquet of" Finality John . " ( Great laughter . ) Lord J . Russeix , —Perhaps I should explain to the hon . Pontleman that the word "finality" was

    never used by me . ( Hear , hear . ) It was , no doubt , a very good nickname —( laughter)—but I never used the word "finality" at all . ( Hear , hear . ) Mr . Muntz was very glad to hear that declaration . ( Hear , hear . ) He also rejoiced to hear the noble lord declare , in the latter part of his speech , that he was in favour of an extension of the suffrage , provided it could be made with advantage and safety —( hoar , hear ) - —and hoped ho would not allow a very long period to elapse before he put his views in practical operation . He was satisfied that the great majority of the people of this country felt that thoy were at present under a great privation .

    Sincerely did he wish that ho could make up his mind to vote for the motion , but in some of the propositions he could not concur . He agreed with the noble lord that the proposition that the labourer should be the first partaker of the fruits of his industry was very ambiguous . ( Hear , hear . ) He strongly objected to the proposal to have annual elections ; he could not conceive how , under such circumstances , the business of the country could be properly carried on . He was quite prepared to vote for tho ballot , if accompanied by a large extension of the suffrage : without that he doubted whether it would produce any good results . ( Hear ,

    hear . ) As to electoral districts , it certainly appeared a very great anomaly that one man should represent thousands and another only scores , and lie would like to prevent an improper use of what were called the rights of property . The property qualification seemed to him nonsense . ( Hear , hear . ) It was a notorous fact that many . gentlemen had sat in that House with a nominal qualification , who had not a shilling ' s worth of property in the world . ( Much laughter . ) He regretted that he could hot record his vote in favour of the motion , feeling that there was a great deal which ought to bo given to the people , and which , if it were not given , they would take . ( Hear . )

    Mr . O'Connor then briefl y replied . The noble lord said that tl \ c reform bill was passed in deference to the popular wish ; and five years afterwards he said that more concessions ought to be made . Yet , from that time to this , none had been made ; and he would ask the noble lord when ho thought the proper time would come for making any further concessions to the people ? He would ask whether the Lord Grey and the Lord Althorp , pledging themselves for the mind of seventeen years ago , could stand sponsors for tho mind of this progressive age ? They yielded what the mind

    of their day demanded . He asked the noble lord to measure his changes by the mind of tbe present day . The noble lord said he did not understand what was meant by the labourer being the first to receive the fruits of his own industry ; and although it plainly had reference to the enormous and unjust taxation of the country , the noble lord had called it communism or socialism , and attempted to ride off by an appeal to the case of France and other nations , where the people had not had the same training for liberty as the free mind of this country had imbibed . He believed the

    people of this country were so far from approving of communism , that if they saw that their own ri g hts were respected , they would not attempt to invade the ri g hts of others ; while he ( Mr . O'Connor ) had that respect for public opinion—no matter whether true or erroneous —that he would neither persecute , prosecute , nor reproach any man for the fair and bold assertion of his principles , but , on the contrary , he had a respect for the man who would advocate opinions which he honestly entertained , however repugnant they may be to the large majority of the nation , and hence he would allow to Socialists and Communists the right of freely expressing their opinions , and would

    leave to the people the free right of passing sentence upon them by adoption or rejection . Instead of spreading discontent and fostering rankling ' animosities in the bosom of the community by allowing the exclusive rights of others to crush the rights of . the labouring masses , all should be brought under the shadow of the constitution , and then all would have an intez-est in preserving it . He was aware , as he stated in his speech , that the noble lord would use the present state of France as an argument for opposing his motion , but , as he contended before , the state of that country but tended to weaken the arguments of thenoblelord , and to strengthenin g ( Mr . O'Connor ' s ) position . Nor did he think that the noblo lord had

    established any , the slightest , grounds for opposing the motion , but , upon the contrary , he had effected what he ( Mr . O'Connor ) would not have attempted—he had proved to the landlords in that House that , by the adoption of tho proposition , they would speedily be in possession of tho balance of power—but would one of them vote for him ? ( Hear , hear . ) He had attempted to cast ridicule upon that portion of the speech oftliehoii . member for the Tower Hamlets , hy attempting to deduce from his argument that the whole of the population of the Empire—twenty-eight

    millionsshould bo enfranchised , including babies and women ; whereas tho noble lord must have been perfectl y aware that the argument of the hon . gentleman went to show that those babies and women were the sufferers , iu consequence of withholding the vote from their fathers and husbands . ( Hear , hear . ) But this was the description of ridicule with which the sound views ofthc public mind were ever met by the government of the country . He did not think he was called upon to reply to the fanciful speech of the honourable member for Cambridge— -the honourable gentleman

    reproached him ( Mr . O'Connor ) for not defining critically , and in detail , ihe measures and results to which the adoption of his proposition would lead . Why , it was his greatest difficulty , out of doors , to combat the wild results anticipated by wild theorists . The noble lord had spoken of despots and dictators , and what could be greater despotism , or more consummate dictatorship , than for him ( Mi-. O'Connor ) to venture even upon a guess at what the results produced by . the enfranchisement of the mind of this country would be ? This had always been one of his greatest

    difficulties . One says he dreads this change—another that change—andanother the other change , as the result of the People ' s Charter ; while he ( Mr . O'Connor ) based his attachment to the measure upon the firm conviction that every change produced by it would be the better for all parties ; and but for the facts he before stated , he would simply have answered the speech of the hon . gentleman who dreaded the enfranchisement of the ignorant people , in the words of the Yorkshire peasant . The late Earl Fitzwilliam offered himself for the representation of the "West Riding of

    Yorkshire . An ignorant peasant took the opportunity of catechising tho noblo lord as to his political opinions . { ' Why , '' said the noble lord , " what do you understand about making laws ?\ ' "Nout , " replied the peasant , '' and I know nout about making shoes , either ; but I know dom'd well that when a ¦ chap'I makes a pair that pinches my toes , he shall make no more for me . " ( Hear , hear and laughter . ) Now those who make laws ' that pinch the people , tho people , if they had the power to dismiss them , would take care that they made no moro-laws for them ; hut the probability was , that fearful of dismissal they would mategoodlawB . After the declaration

    ©»Wmal '$«Rt^«Wnt

    of tho noble lord , that when the proper time arrived he would make these prudent and timely concessions , 'he hoped-that -this question would not be shelved and put aside in that House , for he was sure , fi-om the resolution ho knew the working classes top ossess , they were determined to persevere until they had achieved their rights , and he himself was individually determined , whatever opposition he might meet with . from any government , to persevere to the last moment of his life , until he saw the People ' s Charter the established law of the land . - The House then divided , when there appeared—For the motion ... 13 Against it . ¦ ¦¦ ' . ' ¦ . ' . 222 Majority against it . ——209 The motion was therefore lost .

    [ Here follow the names of the thirteen who voted for Mr . O'Connor ' s motion , and we trust that whatever antagonism may heretofore have existed between those thirteen gentlemen and the people or their constituencies , will now be buried in oblivion : and wo cannot refrain from congratulating ourselves and the country upon the vote of the veteran Hume , now in his seventy-third year , and the people will learn by his vote , that , though opposed to them upon questions of detail , and although possessing the leadership of a party advocating some of the principles of the People ' s Charter , that , nevertheless , the veteran reformer is prepared to go with the times , and with the prevailing opinion of the day . The people will now find , that what is to be DONE FOR THEM MUST BE DONE

    BY THEM . ] Mikobiti- of 13 to 222 who voted in favour of Mr . O'Connor ' s motion . Fox , W . J . Scholeheld , W . Greene , J . Tancred , H . "W . Heyworth , L . Thompson , Col . Hume , J . Thompson , G . Lushington , C . Walmsley , Sir J . Nugent , Lord tellers . O'Connell , J . 0 'C * nnor , Feargus Pearson , C . Crawford , Sharman Sale or Bubad . —Mr- Bankes then moved that the House go into committee to consider the manufacture and sale of bread , ffith the view of introducing a bill , stating , as the ground of his motion , that the poorer classes did not enjoy the protection in regard to the purchase of that article to which they were entitled ; and he proposed that each loaf should be stamped with the weight .

    Captain Pbchell objected to the motion ; but Mr . Labouchere , guarding himself against being committed to the principle of Mr . Bankes ' s proposition , did not oppose the introduction of his bill . After a short discussion , in which Mr . Packs , Mr . Foley , Mr . Heathcote , Sir U . Evans , and Mr . Mangles participated , ihe motion was carried by 91 to 37 ; the House went into committee , and a bill was ordered to be brought in . . The other business on the paper having been disposed of , the House adjourned—after having sat for eleven hours and a half—at half-past one o ' clock , until twelve o ' clock on Wednesday .

    WEDNESDAY , July i . HOUSE OF COMMONS . —Tho House met at twelve o'clock , and went shortly afterwards into committee on the Marriages Bill , which ultimately passed through committee , a clause , moved by Mr . Fox Maule , to prevent the extension of the bill to Scotland or Ireland , having been defeated on a division , the numbers being 119 to 66 . Several other bills were forwarded a stage . Mines and Collieries Bill . —Mr . T . Dcncom . be rose to move the second readimr of this bill . Two

    years ago he had postponed this measure upon the understanding that the government would take the subject into consideration and introduce some plan by which the evils complained of would be remedied . But nothing whatever had been done , and the consequence was , that some most appalling accidents had occurred , without any power whatever on the part of the government to interfere , except by the present inefficient system of inspection . The measure which he now proposed was not of his own suggestion . It was entirely the work of the men themselves who laboured in our mines and collieries . It had been discussed by them , and agreed to at a meeting of delegates from all parts ot the country , including Scotland , England , and Wales . Those

    men had requested him to lay the bill before the House , and ask its assent in the first instance to the princi p le of the measure . The princi p le of it was simply this , —that there should be legislative interference for the protection of the lives and property of those persons who were employed in the mines and collieries of this kingdom . It was not necessary that he should now enter into a discussion of the details of the bill , or do move than state that its main object was to empower her Majesty to appoint certain ' inspectors , who should be required four times a-year to visit mines and collieries , and to make reports thereon , and to suggest such improvements as they might think necessary for the protection of mines and collieries , and of the lives of

    persons employed therein . It also made provision that in future the workmen should work by weight instead of by measure , as they did now . The coalowners sold thoir coal to the public by weight , and no good reason could be assigned why the workmen should not be paid by weight . In Northumberland and Durham that system had already been adopted , but in some of the midland counties the coal was brought to the surface and there measured . There were several complaints urged by the men . Oftentimes they wore not paid their money for five or six weeks after the coal had been brought to the surface ; and if any stone or foul matter should be found among the coal the men forfeited the whole of their money ; so that it sometimes happened that at the end of a month or six weeks , when the men

    went to receive the fruits of their industry , they found , instead of receiving any wages , certain penalties imposed upon them . Now , this bill was intended to remedy those grievances . If the House would sanction the principle of the bill by recognising the interference of government on their behalf , they would , he had no doubt , readily submit to any qualification or amendment which the House might think it necessary to introduce . There were , he knew , certain accidents which it was not in the power of human foresight to avert , but , so far as human skill and human experience could avail , power should be given to apply that skill and that experience in order to prevent tlw occurrence of those accidents , which , whenever they happened , were attended with the most dreadful results . The hon . member thennioved that the bill be read a second time .

    Mr . Hume seconded the motion . He considered the subject to be one of vast importance to tbe country . It was perfectl y notorious that there were more lives lost iu coal mines in England alone than were lost in all the shipwrecks that had happened to our commercial navy . ( Hear , hear . ) But the evil was not limited to the number of lives actually sacrificed , large as that loss really was-amounting , he believed , to no less than 5 , 000 in the course of the last two years . Sir G . Grey had received nianv communications from persons interested in mines a ' mlcollieries en the subject of this bill , and he had supposed that those persons would have wished their own representatives in Parliamt-nt to have stated the same objections

    which they had forwarded to him against the adoption of the measure . No hon . member having done so , he would shortly state what were his views on the subject . But , before he proceeded , he could not refrain expressing the satisfaction he felt at the circumstance of again seeing his hon . friend the member for Finsbury in his place . ( Loud cheers from both sides of the House . ) He earnestly hoped the hon . gentleman ' s health would be completely restored , and that he would be enabled to take the same nc ( ive . part in the debates of that House as he had heretofore been accustomed to do . ( Renewed cheering . ) He fully agreed in what had been said as to the claim which that large and valuable body of persons , namely , the colliers and miners of this country , had upon the consideration of tbe government and of parliament with a view to provide some remedy against the occurrence of accidents of so disastrous a nature as

    those which had recently so frequently occurred , tie objected to mixing up the question of the inspection of collieries with the question of wages , on the ground of inexpediency . With respect to the education of miners , following the example of France , Belgium , and Germany , it was intended to found a raining school , such school to be in connexion with the Museum of Economic Geology . With regard to Mr . 6 . Gurney ' s experiments , for extinguishing fires in mines and for improving ventilation , if they proved successful , which he had strong reason to hope they would , he hoped the owners of coal mines would adopt them . The subject was one which required rather delicate treatment , and by proceeding slowly , he thought they would do more to effect the object they all had in view , than if they granted all t . at w ;; s a-ked for in certain quarters , but which it would he impossible to effect .

    Mr . Lacy and Mr . Macoregor opposed the bill , and the Earl of I . ixcolh'urged Mr . Duncombo to withdraw it , as persons interested , but well-affected to legislation upon the subject , believed the measure to be impracth able , or , if praciicible , mischievous . Mr . Buncombe wished to have bis principle affirmed ; but finding the sense of the House a g ainst the second reading of the bill , he withdrew it . ° At six o ' clock the House adjourned until ' twelve o ' clock ou Thursday . "

    T Of Xhk Palace Ano Marsualsea 8 _____ :...

    8 _____ : TWtt MnPTHffiRM - S'fAR ,- ,,.,,. ;¦/ .,: ,: - , ; ,, v ,--,, __^ ,, J'JLT : y , - , tf 4 g . _

    Ix Is Found That, In Cardiganshire. Onu-...

    Ix is found that , in Cardiganshire . onU- 0 MQ people out of C 8 , 760 spc ak English , " ' ' "

    Ix Is Found That, In Cardiganshire. Onu-...

    T > EI | rtfjisiTES of xhk Palace ano . Marsualsea COURTS — - Returns niorcd "ty- Lord DuclJcy Q . Stuart , MX , g ive a list of the salaries and p erquisites received !• 'he several onicers of tho Palace and ¦ Marshnlsea - -P <« r's ' *? . nd ° * ? fines paid by counsel and attorna > ' . s for liberty to practice in tho same courts . We find that between 183 S and 1847 inclusive , £ 1 , 900 was paK'l asfees by certain attornevs and barristers for licence to practise in the courts . The amount of the individual fee varied from £ 100 to £ 300 ( received by the Lord Steward and Knight Marshal of hor Majesty ' s Household ) . The above does not . include the fines paid by tho two senior attorneys at present practisingin tllfl said courts , they having been admitted previous to the year 1838 , and paid , the one a fee of 1 , 009 guineasthe other one of £ 750 ; nor does the above

    , _ return include the amount paid by counsel and attorneys for the purchase of their freehold offices . The Secretary of the Lord Steward and the Secretary of the Kni g ht-Marshal of the Household receive a fine on each ef the admissions of ten guineas ! each . We now come to the emoluments of the officers . In 184 S the Knig ht-Marshal and Judge of the Court , Sir O . Montolieu Lamb , recpived fees amounting to £ 714 ; he also receives perquisites of £ 36 and £ 270 annually , as compensation for the loss of certain fees ; and in 1 S 46 he received £ 00 as compensation for other losses of fees . The fees received bv Mr . William Brent Brent , the Steward and Judge of the court , in 1818 , amounted to £ 742 . The fees received by Sir H . F . Campbell , K . C . B ., as Prothonotary of the courtin 1848 , amounted to

    , £ 780 ; those received bj Mr . J . C . Hewlitt , as Deputy-Prothonotary , & c , to £ 2 , 814 ; those received by Mr . William Ely , the Common Oner of the Court ; to £ 143 ; the fees received by the aforesaid Hewlitt , as Clerk of the Court , to £ 01 . ; those received by Hicks , the summoning officer , to £ 118 ; those received by Joseph Holder Turner ( described as a " gentleman" ) an attorney , and one df the oflU

    B . E . Willoughby ( same office ) , to £ 1 , 547 ; those received by J . Dolman ( same office ) , to 2 , 377 ; those eqeived by Mr . Mark Miller ( same office ) , to £ 1 , 444 ; those received by Thomas Hicks ( same iffice , to £ 1 , 349 ; and those received by Mark Shepaavd ( same office ) , to £ 3 , 537 . The number of ac-Sions tried in the said courts , in the year ended July , 1848 , amounted to 1 , 154 .

    Utiitftet*, &C.

    Utiitftet * , & c .

    Corn. Makk-Lase, July 2.—English Wheat C...

    CORN . Makk-Lase , July 2 . —English wheat conies still very sparingly to our marker , but the foreign arrivals m the last week Increased considerably , particularly from Odessa * having nearly 15 , 500 qi-s . from that port alone . This , with the continuance of fine weather for the growing crops , made the wheat trade dull this morning , though we had no alteration in the prices of either English or foreign . There was likewise less inquiry for flouv . Barley foe grinding was readier sale and rather dearer . Malt dull , unless very fine . Beans of our own growth are very scarce , and fine samples in demand at extra prices , but we had no improvement in foreign . White peas were duller sale , but fine grey are very scarce , and wauled . Tliei' 6 WAS a good supply of foreign oats , and 2 , 300 qrs of Scotch , but many of the former being out of condition , good fresh qualities were in request at rather higher prices . In foreign rye very little doing . Linseed cakes continue didl sale . The current prices as under . ¦ .

    BnmsH . —Wheat . —Essex , Suffolk , and Kent , red , 40 s to 4 Ss , ditto white , 42 s to 45 s , Lincoln , Norfolk , and York , shire , red , 39 s to 47 s , Northumberland and Scotch , white , 8 !) s to 44 s , ditto red , 37 s to 40 s , Devonshire and Somersetshire , red , —s to —s , ditto white — to —s , rye , 2- ' s to 24 s , barley , 24 s to 30 s , Scotch , 24 s to 28 s , Malt ordinary , —s to —s , pale 52 s to 56 s , peas , grey , new , 30 s to 32 s , maple . 30 s to 34 s , white , 25 s to 27 s , boilers ( new ) , 29 s to 31 s , beans , large , new , 28 s to 30 s , ticks 28 s to 31 s , harrow , 30 sto 33 s ,. pigeon , 30 s to 34 s , oats , Lincoln and Yorkshire , feed , 17 s to 19 s , ditto Poland and potato , 18 s to 22 s , Bewick and Scotch , 18 s to 23 s , Scotch feed , 18 s to 21 s , Irish feed , and black , lfis to 19 s , ditto potato , 18 s to 21 s , linseed ( sowing ) 50 s to 52 s , rapeseed , Essex , new , £ 26 to £ 2 S per last , carrawav seed , Essex , now , 25 s to 29 s per cwt , rape cake , £ 4 £ 410 s per ton , linseed , £ 9 10 s to £ 10 10 s . per 1 , 000 , flour , uer sack of 2 S 01 bs , ship , 31 s to 32 s , town , 40 s to « s .

    Foreign . — Wheat , — Dantzig , 50 s to oGs , Anlialt ana Marks , 40 sto 4 Cs , ditto white , 45 s to 50 s , Pomeranian red , 40 s to 4 Gs , Rostock 42 s to 50 s , Danish , Ilolstein , antt Friesland , 3 Gs to 42 s , Petersburg !! , Archangel , and Kiga , 36 s to 44 s , Polish . Odessa , 37 s to 42 s , Marianopoli , and Berdianski , 35 s to 38 s , Taganrog , 34 s to 38 s , Brabant and ! French , 38 s to 42 s , ditto white , 40 s to 44 s , Salonica , 33 s to > 3 Gs , Egyptian , 24 s to 2 Gs , rye , 21 s to 23 s , barley , Wismar and Rostock , 19 s to 23 s , Banish , 20 s to 24 s , Saab / 22 s to 26 s , East Friesland , 17 s to 19 s , Egyptian , 10 s to 17 s , Danube , IGs to 17 s , peas , white , 2 Us to 2 Ss , new boilers , 2 Ss to 30 s , beans , horse , 25 s to 2 tis , pigeon , 30 s to 32 s , Egyptian , 21 s to 23 s , oats , Groning-en , Danish , Bremen , and Friesland , feed and black , 13 s to IGs , ditto , thick and brew , 36 s to 20 s , Biga , Petersburg , Archangel , and Swedish , Us to 17 s , flour , United States , per lOOlbs ., 23 s to 25 s , Hamburg 22 s to 24 s , Dantzig and Stettin , 23 s to 2 Ds , French pci ; 280 lbs ., 32 s to 80 s .

    BREAD . The prices of wheaten bread in the metropolis , are from 7 d to 7 id : of household ditto , 0 d to Oid per 41 bs loaf ,

    CATTLE . Smithfield , Monday , July 2 . — The supply of beasts on sale in to-dav ' s market being considerably on the increase , and of excellent quality , the demand for all breeds was in a very inactive state , at a decline in the quotations realised on Monday last of quite 2 d per Slbs . The top figure fox- the best Scots was 3 s Sd per SSis ., and at which a total clearance was not effected . There was a decided falling oh ? in the number of sheep . Prime old downs ( wliich were scarce ) sold at prices fully equal to those obtained on this day se ' nuight . Otherwise , the mutton trade was far from active at unaltered currencies . We had a full average supply o £ . lambs on offer , the time of year considered . Only a moderate business was transacted in this description of stock , at last week ' s quotations . Calves were in a fair average supplv , and limited request , at late rates . The pork trade ' was heavy . In prices , however , wc have no change ; to notice . Head or CvrraE a . i SamisrELD . Beasts . " .. .. 3 , 5081 Calves .. .. 313 Sheep .. .. 27 , 690 1 Pigs 243

    Pr ice per stone of Slbs . ( sinking tlie offal ) . Beef .. 2 s id to 3 s 8 d | Veal .. 3 s Od to 3 s 10 d Mutton .. 3 s 2 d .. 4 s Od I Pork .. 3 2 .. 4 0 j Lamb .. .. 4 s Cd to 5 s 8 d . Per Slbs . by the carcase . Newgate axd Leadkxuall , Monday , July 2 . —Inferior beef , 2 s 2 d'to 2 s 4 d ; middling ditto , 2 s Gd to 2 s 8 d ; prime large , 2 s lOd to 3 s Od ; prime small , 3 s 2 d to 3 s 4 d ; large pork , 3 s 2 d to 3 s Gd ; inferior mutton , 3 s Od to 3 s 2 d ; middling ditto , 3 s 2 d to 3 s 4 d ; prime ditto , 3 s Gd to 3 s 8 d ; veal , 3 s 0 d to 3 s 8 d ; small pork , 3 s 8 d to 4 s Od ; lamb , 4 sGdto 5 s 6 d .

    PROVISIONS . London-, July 2 . — The arrivals last week from Ireland ! were 9 , 090 firkins butter , and 970 bales bacon , and from foreign ports , 8 . 980 casks butter , and 2 , 890 boxes and bales bacon . The butter market has ruled very quiet during the week , and business transacted to but a limited extent , at prices the turn in favour of the buyers . Dutch having declined from 74 s to 72 s , influenced the demand for Irish . Bacon continues in request , and a further advance of 2 s per cwt . realised ; sales of best Waterford made at X 2 s to 73 s on board , and 72 s to 74 s landed . American supports tbe late advance . Stocks and deliveries for the week ending J une 30 th . E . vcusic Butter Market . — Trade with us is very dull indeed , and prices still pveienta downward tendency—ail being nominal , except for best qualities . Tlie supply of . fresh butter is abundant , and beyond the wants of the market . Dorset , fine weekly , 16 s to 80 s per cwt . - , do . middling , 00 s to 70 s ; Devon , do ., 08 s to 72 s ; Fresh Buckinghamshire , Ss to 10 s per dozen ; do . West Country , Gsto 9 s .

    FRUIT AND VEGETABLES . Covent Garden , Monday , July 2 . — Asparagus 2 s to 4 s per bundle ; strawberries ad to Is , and raspberries Cd to 8 d per pottle ; peaches , 35 s per dozen ; cucumbers , Gd to 2 s Gd per brace ; green peas Sd to Is , green currants 4 s to os , gooseberries 2 s Gd to 3 s Gd , and spinach 4 d to Gd per half sieve ; summer cabbages , Gd to !) d , cauliflowers , Is to 3 s , and horseradish Is to - ' s per dozen heads ; turnips i ! s to 3 s , carrots 4 s to Gs Gd , onions Is to 3 s , turnip radishes 8 d to Is , and greens 2 s to 2 s Gd per dozen bunches ; pine apples 5 s to 7 s , hothouse grapes Gs to 8 s , cherries 3 d to Is , and new potatoes Id to Gd per lb ; oranges Gs to IGs , lemons 5 s to 9 s , and French beans Od to Is 3 d per hundred ; mushrooms Cd to Is per punnet ; cos lettuces Gd to lOd per score .

    COLONIAL PRODUCE . I . OXDOX , JulyS . — -The sugar market has been mrasntitl y dull , as importers are unwilling to sell on the eve of are . duction in the duties . 100 hhds . of Barbadoes sold in public sale at very full prices , and about ! 20 hhds , of West . India , by private contract ; of other descriptions 300 bags of Madras only were ottered , and did not alter general quotations . The refined market has been dull , prices unaltered . Coffee has been inactive ; 300 bags and 50 casks planta tion Ceylon were offered , and nearly bought in , No native Ceylon offered in public sale , and but little demand by private contract . Prices remain unaltered . Cocoa was held for high prices , and chiefly withdrawn . IIice without alteration ; the demand limited . Tea has been dull of sale to-day . The amount of business done to-day in the produce market has been below an average one , ana tbe attendance in . the Lane has been thin , but tho excitement of the city elec . tion will partly account for it .

    COAL . ( Price of coals per ton at the close of tlie market . ) London , July 2 . —Factors generally succeeded in getting Gd advance on last day ' s prices . West Hartley , 13 s 9 d-Carr ' s Hartley , 13 s Gd ; Eden Main , 15 s 3 d ; Wall ' s Bud * Adelaide Tees , 15 s Cd ; Wall's End Helton , lCs S & ; Wall ' s End Lambton , IGs 3 d ; Wall ' s End Stewart ' s , 17 s : Wall ' s End Brown ' s , 13 s Gd ; "Wall ' s End Hedley , 14 s 9 d . Ships at market , 119 ; sold , 81 .

    WOOL . Crrr , Monday , July 2 v-The imports of wool into London last week were very large , including about 2 , 500 bal es from Van Diemen ' s Land , 4 , 514 from Port Philip , 5 348 from Sydney , 517 from New Zealand , and smaller parcels from Germany , the Cape , & c . The market is quiet , as tba large public sales will be on again next week . Uverpool , June 30 . —Scotch . —Tlvfere is notm-ogttomein laid Hi ghland wool . The stocks are not heavy , but prices of English fleecchave fallen considerably in value , and our Scotch wool holders will not submit to a euiTCspouding fall , m consequence of which our-prices must be eov < = vlered nominal . To effect sales a reduction of about ten per cent , would bave to be submitted to m proportion to English wool . lie same remark will hold good as regards laid crossed and Cheviot , foreign . —There is a better feeUng in our market this week , but tlie trade- 15 looking forward to the result of a large series of sales to commence , in London , on the Otli J uiy , which , will give a tone to tlie market generally .

    Printed Bv William Ktt)Rr. Nf\ T O. S. Mnwiosfield^Treet.

    Printed bv WILLIAM KTT ) rr . nf \ o . s . Mnwiosfield ^ treet .

    In The Parish Of St. Anne, Westminster, ...

    in the parish of St . Anne , Westminster , at the Printing , office , 16 , Great Windmill-street , llayuiarket , in the City ofWestaunster . fortherroprietor . FEAKGUSO'CONSOli , Esq . M . P ., and published by the said YYillusi Uider , at the Office , in the same street ind parislu- ^ Saturdaj ; JulyTth . 1843 ,

• Citation
  • Northern Star (1837-1852), July 7, 1849, page 8, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_07071849/page/8/