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    force of which hheld office July 7, 1849...

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    force of which he held office . ( Hear , hear . ) Besides , men ' s minds travelled now by a sort of electric speed compared with what they did seven years ago ; and was that not to he taken into consideration in discussing such a question as this ? If a man were to look back to the opinions he had formed seven years ago , and say he would act upon them in all respects now , he -would be regarded as insane , or as if he had not lived in" the interim . Ministers had changed their opinions , and very properly so . He -would now come to universal suffrage . Some hon . gentlemen express a fear least it ^ V ___ ___ . t _ I _!_ 1 i 1 i " " **» ' . vr - ¦» -.- .-

    would create a rabble house ; hut let him remind them , that the very same predictions -were made as to the result of the Reform Bill , while the competition for seats was as great as ever . ( Hear , hear . ) When you dissolve parliament you appeal to the country , not to the electors , and you excite the people to madness , hy promises of sweeping measures of reform . The candidates are tested h y show of hands , not ofthc electors , hut of all present , and the man returned hy show of hands may be the xepresentataTe of a city , county , or borough , for twentv-four or -forty-eight hours , until the

    state of the poll is discovered . Then , when you are catering for support , and require enthusiasm , yon never prosecute for the most violent hustings speech , while a less inflammable speech , if delivered by a Chartist , would furnish the hon . and learned Attorney-General opposite , with ample ground for prosecution . But he wished to call the attention of the House to one material fact , and it was this—that every single point of the Charter , with the exception of the ballot , was enjoyed by the English people of old . But he may be told that these were barbarous times , and that

    we had destroyed all those remnants of barbarism ; but if such an argument should be used , the reply was ready , apt , and conclusive—it was , that this House in this civilised age was governed , by precedents established in those barbarous times . ( Hear , hear . ) "What more common , than when an hon . member proposed an alteration in the law in harmony with the opinion of the age , than to have one of those large volumes replete with precedents of centuries of antiquity , flashed in his face as a conclusive argument iu favour of its rejection . All that he desired , then , was to return , not to those reliable precedents , but to those

    reliable means of legislation . Were hon . gentlemen aware that tlie feuds and strifes of barons and feudal lords at elections , were set iorth in the preamble of that hill , which deprived tlie ignorant peasant of that day of his vote ? He was perfectly aware of the difficulty of so moulding his principles as to suit the caprice of all , and he was perfectly aware of that antagonism , which the noble lord and the rig ht hon . the Secretary for the Home Department had attempted to create in the popularranks , by pointing out the hair-breadth differences that existed in the minds of the advocates of the popular cause ; for that reason he had voted for the ballot , for

    triennial parliaments , and for the more comprehensive measure of the honourable member for Montrose , although not-coming np to his views , and for the simple reason that he should not be set down as an enemy to progress . ( Hear , hear . ) And in passing he might , be permitted to tender his meed of praise to the hon . member for Montrose , fcrthe bold and manly manner in which , for so many years , he had contended in that House for measures which , in his opinion , were calculated to confer a benefit upon the people . He had borr . e much reproach , but with , great 1

    fortitude . He ( Mr . OConnor ) had been placed in antagonism with that hon . gentleman , while be would be but too happy to assist him in tlie currying of any measure which was calculated to mitigate " the sufferings of the poor . ( Hear , hear ; and loud cheers . ) He made this statement for two reasons—the one because it was but a jusb tribute to the hon . gentleman ; and the other , because , until harmony and union existed amongst the friends of the people of all classes , the cause ofthc people would never prosper . ( Hear , hear ; and cheers . ) But to return to the unjust and fabricated causes assigned for popular disqualification .

    The main con-plaint is , want of education ; but if this should be considered a justifiable cause , upon whom rests the blame ^—the crime —nay , the sin ? Not upon the people , but upon those whose duty it is to see to their education . ( Ileal-, hear . ) There is a fund which ought to be applied to the education of the poor , but it is devoted to the education of the rich , and to the fomenting of confusion , antagonism , and strife between the two orders . Your parsons are educated with the people's money ; your aristocracy - are educated at then * Universities with the people ' s money ; and tlie educated constituencies of these Universities

    send the greatest bigots , and opponents of education and progress to this House . ( Hear , hear . ) But * when you appeal to the people , then they are not ignorant ; then there is knowledge upon every passing breeze ; and the noble lord opposite could not have forgotten Ms democratic speech at Bristol , when he - urged—as an objection to the ballot ;—that popular vig ilant control which . the people now exercise over their trustees . ( Hear . ) But be ( Mr . O'Connor ) would illustrate the value ofthc suffrage npon even broader " principlesthey wore these : constitute all the drunkards of England into an electoral division to-moirow , and they will vote for a teetotaler . ( Hear , hear . ) Constitute all the incarcerated thieves into another electoral division , and

    they would vote for a man who was never even suspected o ? crime . Thus irrefutably proving however dissolute and base a man may be lriuiself , he will t . -ike care to entrust his lights and privileges to the keeping of honest men . Every man in this House must be aware that man is born with propensities which may be nurtured into virtue , or thwarted into vice , according to his training ; and if vicious , the sin lies at the door of those whose duty it was to see to the proper dcvelopeinent of that mind , but who neglected it , to subserve their own sordid interests . "When vou recruit a clodpole for a

    soldier , you soon drill him and train him m the art of war ; and his mind would be as easily drilled to the arts of industry and peace . ( Hear , hear . ) "When a gentleman in this Honsecan confer patronage upon a supporter , if he can secure an appointment for his son in the Excise or Customs , that son will speedily acquire the nccessaiy education ; but now , for over seventy years , since the days of Charles James Fox , tiiis charge of popular ignorance has been made the false grounds for withholding popular rights . The document which he read , signed by Daniel 0 'Council and others , was dated 7 th of June , 1837 ; but Fox and flieDukeof Hichniondaccepted every one of the points of the People ' s Charter seventy

    years ago ; an'I when Fox achieved power by the advocacy of those principles , and when tlie most enthusiastic hope was excited , he brought in a bill to disqualify Government Contractors from sitthigin that House , and then exultingly exclaimed to the deluded people , " There is your Charter , boV he satisfied . " It was those several disappointments that had driven the people to the firm resolution never to relax agitation , or their exertions , until labour was & ithfully represented in that House . Ao theorist could excite them by Utopias , and airy and metaphysical nothings . They had been too often deceived ; they saw the corrupted channels throug h which their presumed lovaltv , reliance , and faith were

    communicated to that House , and they had at length determined to purify the reservoir hy purify ing those channels , and then the proper application of labour to the proper developement of the resources of the country would make the rich richer , and the poor rich ; would make every peasant a volunteer , and every hamlet a scntrv-hox ; all ready to fly to the cry of "Mv country and my rights are in danger / ' Can anv-fMng bemoreabsm-d than th

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    fa ; t of aman now disqualified taking possession of a qualified man ' s house , the former voter being disqualified , and his successor as instantaneously qualified ? Par be it from him to lead on the people to revolution ; he had never had a desire to do that , and he had lost more friends by keeping them back from revolutionary proceedings than he had ever lost by advocating their just privileges . The noble lord had said the people were loyal—indeed , he always said so ; hut he told the hon . member for Montrose the other night that he had had no petitions . He could tell the noble lord , as »• -- _ -. -- -- * ¦¦ . __ . _

    he had said before , that that was no indication that the hon . member ' s ( Mr . Hume ' s ) party was not making great way , because he knew from his own knowledge that it was making very great way . He would now come to the question of the ballot , and with regard to that point of the -Charter—although he voted for it to prevent antagonism , he was hound to state his objection to it according to ' the present standard of franchise . It would destroy that popular , vi gilant control upon which the noble lord so constitutionally relies . The electors are the trustees , and the people , as the cestui

    qui trust , have a right to exercise a legitimate power over them ; hut give the ballot with the franchise as it now stands , and that power vanishes , fhe trustee goes to the hustings with a maskwpon his face , and those for whom he holds and oug ht to exercise the trust , may be deceived by has vote . He may declare that he voted for the popular- candidate , while he voted for his opponent , and the people have no means of discovering his delinquency . Let him instance the strongest proof of this fact . There was once an election inHuddersfieldfor some town office ; the friends of one candidate , wishinjr to divide the Liberal interest , ; solicited

    Mi-. Stocks to offer himself , with tho assurance that a majority would vote for him . He accepted the invitation , the electors met in the council room , Mr . Stocks was proposed aud seconded . " There you go , Stocks , " said his proposer , putting his balloting paper into the box ; "Thereyou go again Stocks , " said his seconder ; and "There you go , " and "There you go , " said his numerous professed

    supporters , and when the ballot-box was opened he had not one single vote . ( Hear , hear ; and laughter . ) The mode of voting hy ballot in clubs had been urged upon a former , debate in favour of the measure , but it should be understood that although the argument maybe pertinent and applicable to universal suffrage it was not applicable to tho present suffrage , and for this reason in clubs all were members ; but what would be said of a club of six hundred

    where only one hundred had votes and the five hundred were excluded ? "Wh y , ' as a matter of course , it would create hostility and antagonism between the elected member and nonelectors . [ An hon . member here moved that the House he counted . The gallery was accordingly cleared , but more than forty members being present the gallery w re-opened , and we found Mr . O'Connor complaining of the discourtesy by which the debate was attempted to be cushioned—a discourtesy of which he himself had never been guilty , and one from which he was pleased to find that the

    intermeddling gentleman had not taken much by his motion . ] Mr . O'Connor then proceeded to say : —He would have no objection to apply the ballot to corrupt boroughs—to such constituencies as Coventry , Preston , Great Yarmouth , Horsham , Harwich , and the like places , but his objection to the ballot with the present constituency would not apply to the esse of universal suffrage . He would now call their attention to equal electoral districts—the very main ground upon which the Reform Bill was based , and he was at a loss to know upon what grounds the present system could be

    upheld , when in ' 32 Parliament based its own corruption , and voted its own death , ' upon the very inequality caused by the improper division of electoral districts , and which is still preserved in all its integrity . Now let him instance this fact , and prove it irrefutably . He held iu his hand a statistical table , showing the population , the number of electors , and' the number of representatives for eveiy city , town and borough in the kingdom . He would take the first , Bridcgnorth , as a sample ofthc sack . Why , there was 1 , 931 of a population , 703 electors , who returned two members . He had

    not an analysis of the counties , but he thought he might draw a comparison between the Speaker and his colleague ' s position , and that of the two members for Bridgnorth . If his memory served him , tho division of North Hampshire , which had the honour of being represented by the Speaker , had a population of over 1-50 , 000 , represented hy somewhere about 3 , 300 electors , and here wefind the votes of 1 , 931 individuals , neutralising the votes of 150 , 000 . But he ' would go farther , and take in the gross ; from this analysis , he discovered thai there were fifteen cities , towns , and boroughs with a population of 82 , 741 returning twenty-five members ; while thirteen of the largest cities and towns in England , with a

    population of 2 , 740 , 889 only returned twentyeight members . Now how did the matter stand as regarded those two classes ? In the eighteen towns there was a representative to every 3 . 309 of a population , and a constituency of 232 electors to each representative , while as regarded the thirteen large towns there Avas a representative to every 97 . 888 of a population , and to every 0 , 024 of the electors . ( Hear , hear . ) But let him go farther , ; the West Hiding of Yorkshire had a population of nearly 1 , 200 , 000 with over 30 , 000 electors , and the voice of its representatives could be neutralised by that of the two representatives for Bridgnorth representing 1931 of a population . Now the thirteen towns to wliich he referred as

    having a population of 2 , 740 , 889 with twentyeight representatives , were Birmingham , Bristol , Finsbury , Lambeth , Leeds , Liverpool , Loudon , Manchester , Marylehone , Sheffield , Soathwai-k , Tower Hamlets , and Westminster . Now need he weary the House with further details to prove the injustice , nay , the iniquity of the present system . ( Hear ^ hear . ) He would new come to the question of no property qualification , and he thought that his arguments against the present system would be unanswerable . There were fifty-three Scotch members in that House who required no

    qualification . They mig ht come there barefooted without a penny , while those who voted for them must be possessed of an electoral qualification . ( Hear , hear . ) Now what right had Scotland to such an exemption ? Then the members for the Universities required no qualification—the bigotry of their constituents was supposed to be the hestthey could possess , while they were the greatest enemies to progress and the very parties who were the most anxious to retain the people in that state of ignorance upon which their own ascendancy depended . ( Heai * , bear . ) Then the prodigal son of a

    peer , disinherited for vice , without a penny to live upon , or the son of a qualified gentleman not in this House , they require no qualification , and in that situation they would be the most likely to barter their trust ' for patronage . ( Hear , hear . ) Let the House not suppose that if this quahfication was done away w ith tho people from pique would return a disqualified member ; on the contrary , they would then be more critical in the selection of mental qualification . ( Hear , hear . ) . And should not that House be the reflex of every sound opinion ,

    instead of , as now , the mirror of the caprice of faction and the reflector of party interests . And can they suppose that five-sixths of a people daily acquiring- knowledge will submit to this unjust exclusion from their just rights 1 He would caution them to make timely and prudent concession in the hour of calm , when the people would calmly , wisely , and prudently exercise it , and let them rest assured that if those timely and prudent concessions are much longer withheld that knowledge will one day burst upon them like a clap of thunder . ( Hear , hear . ) Let him , in con-

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    cluding under this head call their attention to a strange anomaly . There sits the noble lord , the prime minister of this great nation , the representative of the great City of London— £ 300 a year will qualify him , while the representative of a bankrupt famished county in L-eland must have £ 600 a year to qualify him , ( Hear , hoar . ) He would now draw then * attention to that point of the People ' s Charter against which their aristocratic Wood seemed most to revolt —payment of members . Perhaps no man had ever undertaken a more difficult task than that of attempting to reconcile a majority of members to so large a principle . One hon . gentleman says " I am for universal suffrage , but the voter must be

    twentyone years and three days old ; another says , " 2 > o , twenty-one years and four days ; " another , " Four days and . three hours ; " and thus the question is entangled by those hair-splitting differences . If it comes to household , one says " There must be throe rooms , and he must reside twelve months ;" another , " ~ So , two rooms , and he must reside thirteen months ; " and so it goes on , -while all appear to be afraid or ashamed to advocate payment of members , while none refuse patronage for doing nothing . It is admitted npon all sides that the labourer is worthy of his hire , and it will not be denied that labour when faithfully discharged in this House , is very onerous : but let him draw his conclusion from the most aristocratic section of

    the House , namely , the Treasury Bench . Ihow would it be believed that twenty-six members occupying that bench , a majority of whom are never heard , and whose duties are performed by paid clerks—will it he believed that those twenty-sixgentlemen , all of course opposed : to the payment of members , divide amongst , them annually nearly as much as would qualify the 321 city , town , and borough representatives ? ( Hear , hear , and cheers . ) He had now concluded his arguments in favour of the six points of the People ' s Charter , and he would briefly sum up the results to be anticipated , and his reasons for supporting them . Having now developed the six points of tho People ' s Charter , and haying , he trusted without acrimony , and without a single

    expression that could damage a cause that-was dear to him , shown the injustice of the present system as compared , with-, tbe system which " would represent the whole mind of this country ^ and give satisfaction to the whole people , he would again caution the noble lord not to base his opposition upon the absence of . a monster petition . If there was one thing more than another indispensable , it was that knowledge of every description , or rather the mind and opinions , however fanciful , theoretical , or whimsical , should be communicated to that House , whose paramount duty it was to make laws in unison with the sound mind of the country . Ho did not recommend fanciful or whimsical legislation , based upon the theories or the Utopias of a fraction

    or of a minority , but he required laws based upon the wisdom ofthc majority . The ignorance of . that House was tbe greatest difficulty aganst which if had to contend , and if ever revolution should overtake , them , the calamity would arise from the prostitution of the press . The press' was the channel through which they professedtoreceive knowledge , but was it not a notorious fact that questions of domestic interest and foreign questions which niay materially affect our position , were either withheld from that House or so misrepresented astadeccive the House ? If a small gathering of Protectionists , Free Traders , Financial Reformers , pious christians , or bible societies took place , the proceedings were not only communicated by the press , but were extensively commented upon according to the views of the several journalists , or rather

    according to the views of those for whom they catered—while if a Chartist meeting of 300 , 000 takes place , it is a rabble gathering of vagabonds , pickpockets , thieves , and prostitutes ; while if they wished to hear real eloquence , sound and just reasoning , let them come with-hmvto a Chartist meeting , and they would discover that the opinions of tlie people were not based upon mere wild theories but upon sound practical knowledge . Was it not a notorious fact , that when an oppressed people abroad contended against despots who sought to entivimmel the enlightened mind of the people , that the 'Times newspaper represented the liberal party first as vagabonds , then as rebels , then as insurgents , until their progressive power entitled them to the name of the democratic party ? ( Hear , hear . ) Who in this House that docs not remember the Times laudation of Charles Albert when he invaded

    the Italian states ot Austria ? his military tactics wore complete , his heroism was noble , his gallantry unrivalled , he was a second Cajsar , but when the first reverse came upon him , all his misfortunes though not published had been prophesied , and he was characterised ns a second Bon ( Juixottc . Let hon . members read , on the contrary , the Daily News , and they will see what the people though ^ and what the friends of the people thought , on nil great questions . ( "Hear , " from Mr . lluinc . ) When" they read the ' limes they never saw a word of all this . These are the difficulties against which democratic agitators had to contend ^ in that House , but lie thanked God that now , for more than a quarter of a century , although the reviled of all revilcrs , he had

    maintained his position in spite oi the press , and still adhered to those principles which were dearer to him than life . Hon . gentlemen could form no notion of the dangers to which a demagogue was exposed .-not only was ho the target of tlie press , hut he was supposed to beaplianttool in the hands of those for whose rights he contended . When the people were well oft ' , and employed at remunerative wages —that hour of calm being the legitimate and proper time to develope their power and their influenceif an attempt was then made to rally them , the answer was , " Let us alone , we are satisfied ; we want no change . " If ever anticipating that the transition from this state of comfort and satisfaction , to discomfort and dissatisfaction , might come

    suddenly upon them ; and when that reverse did come , then , without an appeal to their leaders , the cry was , "Now wc are ready for death or glory . Lead us on for the Charter ! " ( Hear , - hear . ) He ( Mr . O'Connor ) had attended more public meetings than any man that ever came before him , and more than he hoped any man who may come after him would be obliged to attend for the realisation of the people ' s rights . And he could tell hon . membei s , that if they attended the meetings of working men they would hear what was true eloquence , and sound argument . Then why should they not be represented in that House ? ( Hear , hear . ) And it was his duty , and his greatest pride , to he able to state to ' that House that although he had associated

    with them under various circumstances , and in various places , that he had never heard an obscene or indecent word fall from the lips of those much-reviled vagabonds and revolutionists . ( Hear , hear . ) The noble lord himself had boasted of their loyalty —of their devotion to the constitution and tlie institutions of their country ; and surely , with such a character stamped upon them by tho Prime Minister , they were entitled to those privileges which the constitution guarantees . ( Heai-, hear . ) The sound mind of England can no longer be led in quest of Utopias , by '' poor gentlemen" who are too proud to work , and ' toopoor ' to live without wages , and who ungenerously—though not unnaturally—take advantagc . of the ' transient moment of excitement to

    madden tho public mind into a state of insane fury , wliich is not ^ infrequently used in that House as a . justification for withholding those legitimate rights which , under other circumstances , would have been cheerfully conceded . But he would warn the noble lord against a perseverance in such a system . Xone deny the people ' s title ; who would deny the present calm , and who would deny the hour of calm was the fitting time to make those timely and « ji-udent concessions , which , if not surrendered to justice , should be yielded to fear ? And if extracted from feai-, the people would add to their demand , whereas if conceded to justice , they would so mould their opinions , that all would be gainers and noise sufferers " from tho change . ( Hear , hear . ) There

    . is a difference between the enthusiasm of ambitious speculators , and the well-digested opinions of sincere philanthropists . Chartism is the means , social benefit is the end . It means the adaptation of laws to the existing state of society ; and not tho enactment of laws which would convulse and revolutionise society . He was aware that many who admitted tho justice of the principles , would qualify their opposition by the old quibble—that the present was not the fitting time ; but would such gentlemen base their opposition upon the opinion they had formed of tho working classes gathered from . newspaper reports . The Chartists were without newspaper defence , and they were designated as spoliatorsbut it was a libelthey were not for spoliation .

    , , They had , on the contrary , resisted every demagogue who wished to teach them that the land of the country was national property . Their object and-desire was not to spoliate , but to become the purchasers of tho land . They were for the better developement of national wealth , by the ' cultivation of the national resources , by reproductive lahqur . ( Hear , hear . ) All classes were placed in antagonism to them ; they were tried upon the most flimsy pretext as revolutionists , by juries of electors , for a participation in whose rights they were contending . These jurors not only possessed a monopoly of political power ; but they possessed the unconstitutional power of sitting in judgment upon those who

    contended for like privileges ; and let him- instance the manner in which that class could be prejudiced against a Chartist prisoner . When Lovett was tried at Warwick hy a jury of farmers , Mr . Justice Littledale ignorantly expounded the meaning of the Charter to be the appropriation of tho land held by that jury to Chartist purposes , and its distribution amongst the Chartist body . Such a charge « as a violation of the Constitution , and of the dign ity-of the bench . However , ' it secured the conviction and incarcera tion of the Chartist prisoner . ( Hear , hear . ) Chartism did mean a fair remuneration for labour , and when the proper solution of the labour question wasnow ^ convulsing and revolutionising the worl d , he would ask that House whether it was prepared

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    for a calm and deliberate , or for a hasty and revolutionary change . ( Hear , hear . ) Could the mind of mansugggest a more ridiculous paradox than the state of this country presents 1—idle land , idle labour , idle money , increasing poor-rates , increasing crime based upon increasing destitution . Let any man travel with him from any railway terminus to tho extremity of tho line , and show him fifty , twenty—nay , ten acres of land cultivated to one-fifth part of its capability of yielding , while we were looking to distant countries for that produce which our own land could more profitably supply . ( Hear , hear . ) And could it be denied that tnc proper application of labour to that land , would be a benefit to all classes of society , save pahun

    tronage- ters , who hold the balance of power ? It was an extraordinary fact , that opposite to hirn , on the treasury bench , sat the " minister of nutmegs . ( Great laughter and cheers . ) The 'right hon . gentleman represented cinnamon ,- mace , nutmegs cloves , almonds , raisins , figs , citron , tamarinds , and God knows whiff ! : Every other country had a minister of agriculture , while we were depending upon ovoi'v country for its produce . For forty-three years the reform party in this country were catering for popular support , based upon professions which would have realised everv one . of the F 3 fr cxpe ^ ; ions- - ' When thcv wanted - - ' tho people they goaded them into resistance to their enc-C' * IL l , wnen t ' . 'O . v achieved power they tortured t cm if they-resisted . If the people were in power the laws would be yielding to mercy , and stern . » gwn « . onpvcssum , with an executive exacting an " ^ ° &^? their mild authority ° hile

    * . ; w , bee , bL ) v T ^ rioh ' RcYilcd a » Iw had ™ S V 3 in etand and Ireland , for more than ™ i ) t \? a T ^' ' ho felt ifc duo t 0 himself , antr to those for whoso rights he contended , to state , m conclusion , that , though engaged in the fiercest agitation , in the most exctted times , in both countries , it was his pride and his boast to be able to say that he had never eaten a meal , travelled a mile , 01- accepted a fee or reward from any party . in Ireland he had conducted professionally some of toe bitterest election contests . Bv the law , he was entitled to large fees ; but ho had never accepted ot a farthing , or travelled at the expense of the candidate of the . people's choice . He saw upon the opposite bench the hon . member for Limerick , for whom-he acted as counsel at Youghal , and whom he was tho means of returning . Mr . J . O'Connell . —So , no .

    Mr . O'Connor . —The lion , member says no , while he knows that it is an irrefutable fact , and that he received the thanks of his father for his invaluable services . But , as he stated in the commencement , he repeated now that he would not be the means of weakening his proposition by creating antagonism , and therefore ho would abstain from further comment upon ' that . subject . . ' ( Hear , hear . ) He had never in his life ; attended a secret meeting '; he never wrote a private letter on politics , nor had he ever done anything that he would bo ashamed to do in open day . The cause he now advocated might have been brought forward by others with greater force , but by none possessing more of the lionest confidence of the working classes than he did . Sir , tho pi ' ess may , and probably will , represent my speech , as discursive , not consecutive or susceptible ot

    . analysis , but let me tell that press and this House , that hundreds of thousands—vea , millions of the working classes , for whose rights I contend , will read it , understand it , and appreciate it , according to its value . Ho proposed his motion as an independent member , he had shown that the construction of the House of Commons was not in harmony with the opinions of the people ; he had shown how they might develope the resources of the country , give employment to labour , and destroy a powerful and dangerous antagonism . It was Ins resolution to adhere to the course he had hitherto followed , not that he Was going to "die upon the floor of the House , " for he had always said the Charter never could be promoted by violent methods but there would ever remain inscribed upon his banner the words , —

    " THE PEOPLE'S CHARTER , . whole and entire , and HO SUIIUESBP . B , " ( Hear , hear . ) The hon . gentleman concluded by moving , that this House , recognising the great principle that labour is the source of all wealth , that the people are the only legitimate source cf power , that tlie labourer should bo the first partaker of the fruits of his own industry , that taxation without representation is tyranny and

    should be resisted , and believing that the resources ofthc country would be best developed by laws made by representatives chosen by tlie labouring classes in conjunction with those who live by other industrial pursuits — that ( in recognition of the above great truths ) this House adopts the principles embodied in the document entitled " The People's Charter , " namely , Annual Elections , Universal Suffrage , Vote by Ballot , Equal Electoral Districts , tfo Property Qualification , and Payment of Members . Mr . S . " Crawford seconded tho motion .

    After the lapse of several minutes , during wliich no one rose , and some cries were heard for a division , Colonel P . Thompson said , as one of those concerned in what might be called the modern origin of the Charter , he " desired to say he would support the motion before the House , lie took rather a wide and diffusive view of the subject , not restricting himself to this or that view of it , and always looking and voting as the current directed . If he thought amiuaf parliaments were possible just now ho should vote for them ; but if ho thought them not possible at present , then he should vote lor

    what was possible . One point in the enumeration ef the hon , gentleman was an excrescence to the Charter which he supported . Payment of members had been invented and discovered since the origination of" the Charter , and he believed , if ho received a salary as a member of that House , he should bo expected to do something for his constituency ; not meaning anything disrespectful to his own constituency—all constituencies were alike . He also so far differed from the hon . gentleman , that ho thought vote by ballot would bo a valuable adjunct under any circumstances , as guarding the freedom of election . Such was his wide and diffusive view of the subject ; but he would yet vote for tho

    motion . s Mr . Hume said he should voce the motion if it went to a division . Tlie hon . gentlemen having denied that any odium attached to bringing forward tho motion , as . it was a demand of political rights for the people , said he should not like to take such a leap as the hon . member proposed ; for , though individually prepared for the whole Charter , he found that reform could be most effectually carried out by degrees . It was for this reason , therefore , that he had always opposed tho Charter agitation . He reminded the ' House of the time when he first came into parliament , when they were wont to speak in that House , and at their public meetings , as Whigs , to toast the people as the source of power . There could be no odium attaching , then , to such n demand as this of political rights . He

    said he would much rather have the motion which he submitted some weeks ago to the House , as more limited and move likely to gain the support of many : but when ho saw the government standing still—when he saw those who said they ought not to stand still , and that the people ought to have their rights conceded to them , now that , they had tho power of giving them their ri g hts standing still —lie would vote for any motion likely to carry out that object . If there was any one fault in a government , it was to act in ignorance of the feeling abroad in the country with regard to the Charter , which the people demanded . But government shut their eyes , and would not see it , and would not attend to the sense of tiie country . He hoped the

    time was now coming when the middle class electors , now in power , would see what kind of measures they were which were rejected in that House , measures for the retrenchment of-expenditure and for g iving them their rights , and would see that a change in the composition of that House was necessary . As for the working classes , he , who had been supported by them , and elected hy them solely for the first twelve years ho was in parliament , would say he had never known them advocate robbery or spoliation , or the application of the sponge to tho debts of the country , and that a more honest , disinterested class of men , as he had always found them in his own ease , was not to be found in the country . He , therefore , wished to see them in the enjoyment of

    their rights . They owed their superiority in trade and otherwise over other nations around them to their artisans , who were yet treated as unfit for power . A man to be an Englishman ought not to be a slave . A slave had no power to 'interfere' in his master ' s atfairs , b' r to make laws affecting his master ' s position or property ; yet , however harsh the word was , he found there were between four and five millions of their fellow-subjects who wielded the hammer in that degraded position . Those men had become what was called Chartists from a sense that justice was not doncthem . He wished the government would make them as contented as they were now dissatisfied . Ho asked the noble lord , as a reformer—as one whom , when he first entered tho House , he had supported and voted with—as the

    friend of civil and religious freedom , he asked him , now that he was in power , to carry out those principles which he had advocated so long . He asked him for nothing move than justice to the people . Mr . M . J . O'CosKELisaid , ho could not agree with cither of the honourable gentlemen in supporting the motion , and ho did not think the arguments of either of them went the full length of the Charter . To two of the principles advocated in the motion he subscribed , namely , to the abolition of qualification for members and vote by ballot . The question of annual ,. parliaments lie would leave to the speeches of the honourable gen tleaien who had spoken . Universal suffrage , in the present state of society , and without further enlightenment of the people would be most dangerous and injurious , ilo was opposed to equal electoral divisions , as artificially interfering with the old tics that bound a

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    man to his . county or his borough ; but he was at the same time desirous of seeing the existing inequality of constituencies greatly modified . With regard to the suffrage , he was anxious to express his decided opinion that the safest and most-conservative measure which the government could adopt would be a large extension of the franchise . ( Hear , hear . ) After what wo bad seen abroad , of ancient dynasties being overturned and established governments withering away like Jonah ' s gourd , it was essential , m a country like this , that measures should be taken whilst the public mind was calm to admit within the pale of tho' franchise those large bodies of intelligent and industrious men who were now excluded from it . Whatever mitrhfc he the

    faults of tho Reform Bill , it . was ' a great blessing to the country that it had passed . ( Hear , hear . ) The main fault of that measure was , that it gave the franchise upon a system of a too philosophical character . The attempt to make it uniform had not been successful , whilst it had been followed by injurious disproportions . Any one who knew what a ten-pound house was in a large city , compared with a house ofthc same rent in a small berough , whether in England , Scotland , or Ireland , need not bo reminded of the utter absence of uniformity . Tho effect of it had been to throw all power into the hands of one class , and to exclude tho class bolow them , who wore no less enlightened , nor less deserving—he meant the working classes . The noble

    lord in his speech upon this question , last year , alluded to the establishment of guilds in large towns , whereby ' to bring the working classes into the enjoymchtof the franchise , in addition to the present constituencies . Ho ( Mr . M . J . O'Council ) recommended the noblo lord not to lose sisrht of that object , nor to miss the opportunity ofadding to his character as an extender of the franchise to the middle classes the additional lustre of conferring the same boon upon the working classes . ( Hear . ) Mr . GEoncu 'Thompson . —Sir , ' in rising to support the motion of the hon . and learned member for Nottingham , 1 do not conceal from myself tho fact , that the discussion of the resolution wliiuh he has so ably introduced is not likely to be followed by any immediate practical result ; biit I believe it of im portance that every opportunity should be embraced

    of bringing under calm and deliberate consideration the great , the momentous , the truly national question , of a change in the representative system of this country . ( Hear , hear . ) Sir , since I have had the honour of a seat in this House , I have witnessed a great advance of public opinion out of doors upon this subject , but instead of a corresponding advance on the part of tho House of Commons , there has been rather a retrograde movement , ' certainly , a steady , firm , and pertinacious resistance to every measure intended in the least degree to extend the political ri ghts of the people . ( Hear , hear . ) This can scarcely be a matter of surprise when we look . it the conduct ofthc government . Evcz-y succeeding declaration of opinion by tho noble lord , the Prime Minister , has been more emphatic than the last , and more adverse to the extension of popular rights . Lord John Russeix . —No , no !

    Mr . Thompson . —The noble lord says "No , no ;" but the noble lord's speech on the motion of tho hon . member for Montrose is not forgotten , and that speech forbids the people of this country looking to'the government for any measure of parliamentary reform . Going to tho nOble lord would bo going to a broken cistern , it would be seeking grapes on thorns , and figs on thistles , for I cannot forget that the noble lord holds power and office on the condition—the self-imposed condition—that ho will not depart from the system established by the reform bill in 1832 .

    Lord Jon \ Russell . —Jfo ! Mr . Thompson-. —I refer to the speech made by the noble lord on the 20 th of November , 1837 , oh the occasion of an amendment being moved to the address , in answer to the speech from the throne . In that speech the noble lord acknowledged that lie had entered into a compact which precluded him , for ever after , from doing anything to disturb tlie reform act . The noble lord admitted that the House and the country would always possess the right to propose any measure for tho remodelling of the House of Commons ; but after what the noble lord th < sn said , it would be vain to expect anything from him individually . He is prevented bv his own declarations irom originating any measure of reform , equally prevented from sanctioning any such measure while in office , and even from co-operating to carry it as a member of this House . Lord John ltojiL-i ,. —No . no !

    Mr . fiioMrsos . —Such being my view of the noble lord's position , I cannot look for anything from him , or from the government of which he is the head . I must look , therefore , to the independent action of this House , and to the efforts of reformers beyond these walls , for that great change which I believe the circumstances of the country imperatively demand . ( Hear , hear . ) Sii % tliere arc certain " facts connected with this question which cannot be'denied , and will not be debated . It is a fact , that the population of this kingdom amounts to nearly twenty-eight millions o ? souls , aijd that only one million are returned as qualified to vote for veuvescntatives in this House . If the proper deductions be made for double votes , deaths , disqualifications ,

    and other circumstances , the number of electors will be found to be not more than 800 , 000 , and yet this country lays claim ( not unjustly as I think ) , ' to be amongst the most intelligent , virtuous , loyal , and religious on the face ofthc globe . Ifsuclibo tho fact , then , to say that 800 , 000 ' are all who are morally and intellectually entitled to the franchise , is to utter a gross libel on the character of tho people . 1 will repel that libel by a reference to the events connected with the memorable loth of April of last year , when there were rumours of the invasion and sacking of this metropolis by the working classes . Well , sir , tlie mooting on Kennington Common passed off without vio ' lenco and without confusion , and if danger threatened at all , it was likel

    y to arise only from a collision ofthc people and the armed police which the government so unnecessarily called into requisition on that day . ( Hear . ) But what took place afterwards ? Why , a " public order memorial" was sot on foot to commemorate "tho enthusiasm with which all classes , but more especially Ihe industrious and labouring population , enrolled themselves as supporters of constitutional order and public peace , and thereby set a brilliant example to Great Britain and the world . " And whom do I find among the originators of , and tlie subscribers to , this memorial ? The members of tlie present cabinet a * id sovoval right reverend prelates , as well as the most eminent men of the party opposed to the administration . ( Hear , hear ) Yet , after this proof of loyalty and love of order , and

    this public acknowled gment of the virtue and admirable conduct of the industrious and labouring population , wc are told that they are not to be trusted with tho franchise . Sir , I did not want the testimony of these noblemen and bishops to inspire mo with confidence in the working classes . It is my belief that there is no country in tlie world in wliich the suffrage could be so safely bestowed ns in this . ( Hear , hear . ) You have not a country like America , where the population is widely scattered and divided almost into separate races ; here , Now England , with its sober , thrifty , religious , and iuielioctual people—there , tho young "' Western States , with a totally different description of inhabitants—and again , the Southern States , with the debasing institution and effect of slavery . In England we have a compact community , within a narrow compass ,

    and every part ofthc population constantly under tho influence of a thousand restraining , correcting , and elevating circumstances , The hon . member for Kerry speaks of the danger of giving theiYanchiso to an ignorant people . " Perhaps ho spoke of his own country , and if he did , though I will not adopt his view , I will not deny his fact , because he ought to know tho poopio bettor than mj-solf- but I will defy him to point mo to any part of ' England where tho people , taking them together , are from want of education unfit to exercise the elective right . ' ( Hear , hear . ) ' As an illustration of the manner in which representation is apportioned to numbers , let me refer to the borough I have the honour to represent . The total number of persons in the Tower Hamlets , qualified to vote in 1847 , was 19 , 350 . These electors have sent vwo . members to this House—the hon . baronet and mvself . Rut

    there are eighty-two gentlemen sitting in this House , as the , representatives of fifty-eight boroughs , in which the aggregate electors amount only to 19 , 282 , being sixty-eight less than the electors for ' the "Tower Hamlets . " Look again at the entire population . In the borough I represent there are 419 , 7 H 0 inhabitants , represented by two members , while there arc sixty-live boroughs in England returning ninety-three members to this House , whoso gross population amounts to only 419 , 259 , or 471 less than the Tower Hamlets . Such facts as these show the monstrous anomalies in our representative system—the gross injustice i-one to the people—and most satisfactorily account for the anti-reform character of this House . Sir , those who want arguments in favour of reform at the present time , liiivc only to read the speeches cf tho noblo lord and others , delivered in" 1831 and 1832 . Every argument then used will apply with equal or superior force at the

    present period . Was the first reform act needed to put an end to the nomination system ? Another reform act is equally needed now , for the same purpose , If you look at the return nioved for by the hon . baronet , the member for Miu-ylebone , you will see written against a number of small boroughs— "No Contest . " Every hon . member knows what these words mean . The boroughs against which they arc written arc family boroughs , and arc the property of the titled or wealthy individuala in the neighbourhood . Was tho act of 1832 needed to put down bribery , corruption , intimidation , and treachery 9 A new reform act is equallyneeded now , to put down these abominations . Look at the evidence and reports laid upon the table of this House by the election committees of last session , and say if there is not as vicious a system in existence now as over prevailed prior to 1832 . In a large proportion of the boroughs of England , the

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    elections depend upon the votes of forty , fiftv , sixty , or seventy venal electors , who regularly sell the . ' r votes . The contest is not , really , bV . veon the honest Conservatives and tho honest Liberals , but between tho pockets of the candidate ; and he who can secure the corrupt few who hold the balance of power , ensures his election . This is au undeniable fact , is it not notorious , also , that when a man wants a seat in this House , and inquire the way to get it , he is taken to some political club within oOO yards of this spot , a : « d iliero introduced to a man whoso regular trade it is to traffic in the sale of boroughs ? Ave not the tm-ms arranged with this parliamentary salesman before the candidate is permitted to know even tho name

    of tho place he is to represent ? Such things could not bo done if the franchise was extended to the whole population . Lut the House look at the places from which petitions against elections are seni , and it will be seen that they come almost invariably from places where the population is small , rnul the electors few . i ' ov instance , wc have a prtitron from . Bewdlcy , complaining- of bribery and corruption . The population of that town is 7 , 000 , ami the electors arc 390 ; from Harwich , population 3 , 700 , electors 290 ; from Horsham , population 5 , 000 , electors 350 ; from Lyme , population ' 3 . 00 ' ^ electors 300 . But turn to the large towns vhkh \\ qvq enfranchised by the act of 1 S 32 . Where are tho petitions complaining of bribery and eomtution

    from Manchester , Sheffield , Glasgow , Halifax , Bradford , or HuddersHch ! ? or turn to the metropolitan boroughs ; where are-the petitions from ilarylebone , Southwark , Lambeth , Finsbury , or the Tower Hamlets ? There are none , because the constituencies aro too largo to allow ofany effectual vuir . ns of corrupting the votes of tho electors . I am sure the noble lord does not regret being the ins-r-iniontof giving the franchise to these places . Why ; then , should he-object to advance upon the same principle , and take the readiest and only method of reforming the representation ? The noble lord deserves the gratitude of the nation for what he did in ' 5 ; i 2 , for he not only achieved much positive irooti , but averted most serious national disasters ; but I will venture to tell him

    , that he cannot lon ^ r resist tho rising demand for a now and more extensive ulvange in the system of representation—a chun ^ o without which the people aro convinced thoy " can neves obtain any real diminution of their burdens , nor any comprehensive measures of financial , ecclesiastical , or colonial reform . I most fully concur iu all that has fallen from the hon . and learned member for Nottingham , respecting the character of tho working classes of this country ; and though I am prepared to admit that , under a deep " sense of wrong , they may have occasionally been guilty of indiscretion and excess , yet I believe that in the mass they are fully qualified , as I believe they aro constitutionally entitled , to have a voice in the election of thoir representatives . -In conclusion . I hare

    only to say that in seeking the enfranchisement o £ tho people I am influenced by no desire to change the form of government in this country ; nor do I believe that the granting of the suffrage to the industrious classes would in the slightest dfg .-eo endanger the existence of that form of government . On tho contrary , I believe that the men sure is Imperiously called for as a conservative "" measure , and that nothing less than the removal of tho disabilities under which so many of our fellow- subjects labour , will have the effect of restoringcmiteritmont , and ensuring the preservation of those institutions which in common wc regard as valuable . With these views I shall give a cordial and conscientious vote in favour of the resolution now before tho

    House . ( Cheers . ) Mr . Campbell asked the indulgence of the house for a few moments , whilst he endeavoured to offer some comments upon the speech of the hon . and learned gentleman the member for Nottingham . Ho should not doom it requisite to observe " upon tho speech of the hon . gentleman ' the member for tho Tower Hamlets , because it appeared to idni that it was not an argument upon the question on which he was about to vote . The honourable ssentleman , however , advanced certain topics calcul . ited to disparage the reform bill , and to raise a feeling preiudicial to the system of representation noon which the House of Commons was elected . If tho honourable gentleman had referred to the laiiguaire of the motion , he would have perceived that' t ! "j

    m-opositions of tho honourable and learned tiKfinbtr for . Nottingham wcro not based upon any gcri-: i " i ! .-i stack on the reform bill , but upon certain abstract principles . These were , " the great principle that labour is tho source of all wealth , " that " th < . ' acr . jdc are tho only legitimate source of power , " that " tho Jabourcr . should bo the first partaker of the fruits of his own industry , " that " taxation without representation istyranny , " that" the resources of the country would be best developed hy laws maed by voprcsontatives chosen by the labouring classes , ' in conjunction with those who live by other industrial pursuits , " It was upon these principles , am . ' not upon any criticisms on the reform bill , that thf ; propositions of the honourable and learned member for Nottingham were based ; but the spee :-U of tho

    honourable member lor the Tower Hurnibts appoiVYCd to lave no vftMiou to thevn . ( Iksvv , Umiy A la order to convince the honourable and leaiwil member for Nottingham that he ( Mr . Campbell ) at least was not an inattentive listener to tho address with which he prefaced his motion , ho would for a moment refer to the reasons with which he supported it . The honourable and learned gentleman contended that , the three great measures nf Itomati Catholic emancipation , parliamentary reform , and the abolition ol' the -corn-laws , had been great failures . He ( Mr . Campbell ) contended they had not . Each of these measures , and all of them , wcro calculated to meet the popular demands . They were all of them , popular in the arguments ' with

    which they were supported , and acceptable to the country . Hut supposing they wore failures , which he did not admit , he submitted that tb > .- circumstance of their having failed to satisfy all the expectations which they raised , was no argument for the adoption of tho resolution nowproposed . The honourable and learned gentleman contended that the interests of i ' abour , which he said were higher and more sacred than any , would be promoted by this measure ; but he had omitted to develope ; thc mode by which the People ' s Charter would uphold the rights t * promote tho interests of labour . ( Hear , hear , hoar . ) Tho different details ofthc Charter had already been ably criticised bv an honourable tfontlenmn

    representing an Irish constituency . He , therefore , would not weary the House by going over then ) again . He would rather advance what he ccnaidored a ; plain , simple , short , and comprehensive argument against the proposition of the lion , and learned gentleman . Hero wove two ways in which the hon , and learned gentleman might have maintained his position . He might have contended that the system ho recommended of an extreme and unlimited democracy was abstractedly a good system ; or ho might have contended that there was a peculiarity of circumstances connected with the British empire which made it acceptable to tho community , and enable it to bo safely and beneficially applied . But neither of these positions had the honourable and

    learned gentleman endeavoured to maintain . Ho had not advanced one argument out of that largo class of topics so familiar to us , by which ii was established that an extreme and unlimited democracy was calculated to promote civilisation , and secure benefit ; and ho had passed by the argument of improvement to our social institutions . His pljyvwas pointedly and perilously inapplicable ; and were there any peculiar circumstances connected with the British empire which should render it inapplicable to this community ? He thought there wore . In the first place , they were the representatives of a , country which had an ancient Established Church , of a country which had an aristocracy , a large public debt , and with land accumulated in tho hands

    of a few . But , besides , this was an old country in . which tho soil had been brought under cultivation , in which the rates of profits and of wages varied—ho would not say they were so high as ho wished them ; and hi which tho competition for employment was extreme ; and in which there were periods of distress , and abundance . He thought it was unnecessary to dwell longer on this part of the question ; but tliere was one concession which he wished to make to the honourable and learned member . He admitted that although there was danger to be apprehended to the institutions ofthc country from the establishment of annual parliaments and universal suffrage , and the different other items in tho Charter , vet if tho honourable and learned gentleman could

    show that the ruin to be produced would not fall on the great mass of the community , he would have sufficiently established his case as to tho necessity of a change . But he ( Mr . Campbell ) was decidedly and strongly of opinion that ruin the most complete , and injury the most extreme , would fall upon the community generally , by the adoption of these extreme measures . ( Hear , hcar . ^ He believed that all the declamation in which th o lion , and learned gentleman indulged about the rights of the working classes , tended matcriallv to mislead them as to the nature of the results which were likely to follow from their adoption . He would refer to this one fact , that in all the countries on the continent where the democratic system had been adopted , its total failure to m-oduce the beneficial effects that had beeu

    promised to the people from it had led to still farther demands and to the extension ot the principles of socialism . This was because the democratic systerii wasnot calculated to ' protluce the good which its advocates promised from its adoption , and -the people , being disappointed in their expectations , were led to look forward for relief to still wilder theories . In the same manner he believed that if the proposition of the honourable and learned member" were carried out , its inevitable result would be to create a cry for socialism . That system was one which-. would obtain no support in the House of Commons ; and without referring farther to it , he thought-he had said enough losliow that even on the ground alone of the resolutions of the honourable and learned member tending to the extension of socialist doctrines , the Hoes ©

    Force Of Which Hheld Office July 7, 1849...

    July 7 , 1849 . THE . NORTH E RN STAR . - „ " - ^ ^^^^^* ^ "" '' ^* I ' *^ '""**** , IM , ^ ' * ** * ' ** " ^ * MMIWMI * MMII ^ ' ^ M ' /! " - '' ,, - -- , „| -,, " ' . / i ? ¦ ¦ - ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ __' ¦ ¦ ¦ . - ' ——————— ¦ — ; . , " ~* ^ ^ j———¦ i m ————j- -..-

• Citation
  • Northern Star (1837-1852), July 7, 1849, page 7, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_07071849/page/7/