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Northern Star (1837-1852), 6th December 1851, Edition 2 of 2, Page 4

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    • _^ j__ . 11 ..I %o QromwoniMM*- -
    • THE iOETHEBI STAR,.ATUKDAI, BECEMBEK «, IS51.
  • Adverts (13)
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  • Transcript

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      4 - " The Northern Star. ... . „ , Decem...

      4 - " THE NORTHERN STAR . ... . „ , December 6 , mi ^

      Ad00408

      r -= To Tailors and Others . By approbation of her M .-gesty Queen Tietoria , and H . R . II . Prince Albert . SOW SEADV . THE LO ^ vDON and PATHS AUTUMN and W 1 XTER FASHIONS for 1851 ana 185 : 2 , pub Jished by Messrs . Head & C « ., 12 , Hart-street , nioomsbarysquare , London , and Broadway , New York , America ; also hy Geobce BH . GEB , Hvlyweil-street , Strand , London . The View , Tepreseiued iu the r & ixi for the present Season , lias been taken in Ktnihigton-gardens . in the sight of the Krand Crystal Palace , which is considered ( with its conteats ) the ' . created wonder ia the world , sho « i « -jt from a point of i-iidit quite different from that exlriliied last season . This splendidly coloured pbi . nt , accompanied with HidiDg-Dres / and frvck-Coat Patterns , the Sew Balmoral Cape and Holyrood Wrapper , now worn by Il . R . II . Prince Albert , and many iwbkmvTV of distinction . Waistcoat-, doable -md single-breasted ; method of Cutting and Making-up the wlu . le ; also for converting the various ratterns into others « . f a different style , juice 10 s ., or the beautiful coloured Print . po » t free , on a n > l ev , < s . 1 atent Measures , 5 s . the set Patterns of any doicripnon , postfree , Is . each . ^ _ , . .. ..

      Ad00409

      Brother Chartists beware of youthful Ten Shilling Quacks who imitate tins Advertisement . JMSiYS BJV THE . SACK , GRATE I ., I . U . 1 I JiAGO , KlH-iiutarisui . 4 * otit , Indigestion , JDebilily , gtriciiire , < 5 Ieesl , vie . CA W 8 O . V . —xiyouthful self-styled tea sMHinn doctor ( unblushing impudence being his ouly qualification ) is now advertising under the assumed name of an eminent physician , highly injurious imitations of these medicines , antj an useless abbreviated copy of Dr . De Koos' celebrated Medical Adviser , ( slightly changing its title ); sufferers ¦ will therefore do well to see that the stamp bearing the proprietor ' s name , affixed to each box or bottle is a bona fde covessmenx stamp ( not a base counterfeit ) , ' fl . ua to guard ajraii . st the truthless statements of this individual , which are published only for the basest purposes of deception on invalids , and fraud on the Proprietor .

      Ad00410

      EUROPEAN LETTERS , AND TRACTS FOR THE NATIONAL REFORM LEAGUE

      Ad00411

      IMPORTANT SOCIALIST PUBLICATIONS RQBERT OWEN'S JOURNAL . THIS J 0 U 11 NAL

      Ad00412

      Pains in the Back , Gravel , liheumatism , Gout , LllM bago , Indigestion . JJelilitu . Stricture , Gket , & C ,

      Ad00413

      THE PATRIOT K 0 SS 0 TH . The Portrait of this eminent man 1 ms been reprinted and is now ready for delivery . It has been pronounced , by persons well able to judge , to be a most admirable likeness . It is exquisitely enoraved , and is printed on thick royal Quarto paper . Trice only -Tourpunce . Northern Star Office , and Pavey , Holywell Street , Strand . j , —

      Ad00414

      , j , THE CRYSTAL PALACE . The following Engravings of this unrivalled ediSee , are now ready , and may be had at this Office ;—L—View of the Exterior of the Building ; a magnificent print—cwo feet long—exquisitely engraved ; from a drawing furnished by Messrs , Fox and Henderson ; and consequently correct in every respect . Price only Sixpence . II . —Proofs of the Same Print , printed on thick Imperial Drawing Paper . Pbice Okk

      Ad00415

      PORTRAITS 0 ? PATRIOTS . The readers of the Northern Star , and the Democratic party generally , are informed , that there is now a re-issue of the various Steel engravings lately distributed with the Northern Star . They consist of Kossoth Meagher , Louis Ulanc , Mitchel , Ernest Jones , Smith O'Bbiew , RicnAnn Oastlek . These Engravings have excited the admiration of every one who has seen them . They are faithful portraits , and are executed in the most brilliant style . Price Fourpence each . The usual allowance to the Trade and Dealers . Office , 10 , Great "Windmill Stveet , Ilaymarket .

      Ad00416

      In £ os . at One Penny each , splendidly Illustrated , A HISTOKY OF THE DIFFERENT EXPEDITIONS ENGAGED IN THE SEARCH FOR SIR J . FRANKLIN CONTAINING ALt TUB RECENT VOYAGES TO THE POLAR REGIONS . Including in particular the Expedition sent out under the command OF SIB JAMES ROSS TO DAVIS' STBAITS AND Of Commander Moore and Captain Kellott , to Behring ' s Straits . With an authentic copy of the dispatches roeeived from SIR GEOBGE SIMPSON , OF THE HUDSON'S IMV COMPMV With other important and highly interesting information relative to the Expedition under

      Ad00417

      Noiu Publishing in Nos . at One Penny each . Bv the Authoress of' 3 ' ue Gjpsef Girl ' Each PEK . vr Number of this Novel will contain Sixteen l ' agos of solid print . THE TRIALS * OF LOVE OF ,

      Ad00418

      dust Published , ( N NOS . AT ONE PENNY EACH , THE EMIGRANT'S GUiiTfo THE GOLDEN LAUD flALIF OKNIA V ITS PAST IIIST 0 HV ; ITS 1 'HKSBNT VOSITIOH ; ITS I'OTUltE PROSrECTS : WITH A MINUTE ASK AUTHENTIC ACOOOiNT OF THIS DISCOVBHY Oi' TIM GOLD REGION , AND THE SUBSEQUENT IMPultTANT rilOCEEDlNGS .

      Ad00419

      DP .. GKEIiiE , 11 , HUTCIIESCN STREET , GLASGOW , i-ROKL'SSOR OF UYOEIANISil . 'James Greek , Esq ., M . D . 'Scottish ( Iygein „ Institution , 11 , llutcheson-street , Glasgow . ' Dear Sin , —Having proved the value of your excellent Pills for many years , not only in my own country , but also in foreign climes , lean bear testimony that they are the best and safestmedicracs to be had in any country . Therefore , under thU impression , I forward you a Post office Order for £ fi . for which sei . d value in Pills for me to take to America . Please forward them per return , and oblige , dear Sir , yours respectfully , W . \ r . Ham , Gospelsak , Tipton ! Staffordshire . Aug . 7 th , 1 S 51 . '

      Ad00420

      Double Number at the 8 fag (« Price . On December 1 st was Published No . 3 of THE LITEEARY RAMJ 3 LER , Price Twopence , containing an article on 'theWolver . liampton Tin-Plate Workman's Conspiracy lor the Protection of Labour '—A Play—A Novel—and other instructive and amusing matter . London . V takers , Holywell street ; Manchester : lleywood , Oldhani-street . No . 1 , published 1 st October , is given away to the purchasers of No . 2 .

      _^ J__ . 11 ..I %O Qromwonimm*- -

      _^ j __ . 11 .. I % o QromwoniMM * -

      W. Abbott, Chelmsford.—The Affairs Of Th...

      W . Abbott , Chelmsford . —The affairs of the Land Company have been placed under the charge of Mr . Goodchap , accountant , Che . ipside , who has full powers , under the Master of Chancery , to take all the necessarysteps lor winding them up . Any communication , requesting specific information upon points about which you or your fellow-members may be in doubt , will , we sdiould think , receive due attention . If , however , this should not be the case , and you will state explicitly what kind of instructions you require , we shall do our best to procure

      it for you . Tue Mi ' . TitovoiATAs Delegate Cotwcvl . —To the Ebitor or THE NohtUekn Stab .- — Sib , —In your account of the meeting at Fiusbury , on Sunday week , I am reported as having seconded Mr . Hunt ' s motion— 'That a committee be unpointed to draw up the rules for the Metropolitan Delegate Council . ' I bsg to say ihisis incorrect ; I supported the amendment—* That the delegates should be elected from their localities , and be left to draw up their own rules for themselves . '—Yours truly , ERNEST Jones . iir . J . hEnis , hantwit Ymdcr . —Tlie Jl / s . in postage stamps was received on the 27 th ult . Yes , you ave liable to be assessed for property tax .

      The Ioethebi Star,.Atukdai, Becembek «, Is51.

      THE iOETHEBI STAR , . ATUKDAI , BECEMBEK « , IS 51 .

      France. The Pate 03? The Pahty Of 'Order...

      FRANCE . THE PATE 03 ? THE PAHTY OF ' ORDER . ' Tho last new entanglement in the web of French politics would , by its antecedents , be considered among the most comical and amusing events of the country , were it not that the fat © of a g reat nation and the liberties of millions , aro matters b y far too serious to joke about . However , whatever wish we may have to be serious , it is very hard to refrain from taking a grotesque view of the last specimen of Revolution made b y the

      experienced men of the party of order . Here for months past vve have had the ' respectable ' Press of this and every other country preaching about the lawlessness and violence of those fiends incarnate , the Socialists ctad Communists , and the other members of the great demagogical conspiracy , which , according to Louis Napoleon ' s Presidental message , was ramifying itself throughout all Europe . They were men who degraded law to the level of their own will , and only regulated their own lawless impulses by the power they had of converting their desires into actions . For them no compact was sacred—to them any

      Constitution was binding , only so long as it was capable of being enforced . They always kept society upon the rack . For ever they were convulsing France with tho suffering which always attends upon agitation . It was they who would not allow questions to receive their natural and peaceful development . They wore always for solving social and political problems by physical force , and exposing society to ^ the risk of that worst anarchy , a military despotism ; and amid all this choas of contoiition , the only hope left for France was Louis Na p oleon the exponent of the party ol order , and thegroat statesmen , like M . THIERS , who had been trained in tho traditional school

      of Monarchical politics , and who , whatever minor differences they mi g ht nourish among themselves , were at ail events , bent on conserving tho peace of society , governing by law of some sort , and g iving the country such a period of repose as would enable it to recover from its revolutionary throes . Well , tinder the part y of order acting on such doctrines as these , tho people have been denuded of the power they won iu 18-18—the Republic has been made a byword—the Constitution lias been violated and pared down—Legitimists have plotted—Anarchists have

      intrigued—Bonsvpartialis have schemed—and the Democratic party have been watched and repressed , as if for the very purpose of furnishing Louis Napoleon with a pretext for treating the Constitution as so much waste paper—the leading politicians of France have themselves covered it with obloquy , vituperation , and contempt . In the Tribune , aud at Departmental meetings , they have spoken of it as an abortion fated to drag out painfully a short existence , and then fade away as a p hantom before some Governmental reality , more in consonance and keeping with their non-wishes

      and notions . For that purpose Ciiangarniek , when at tho head of tho army , threw his sword into the Bonapartist scale , so that latent Imperialism mi g ht outweigh Democratic and Socialist Republicanism . For that purpose , Monarchists of all schools were read y to aid the I ' iiesident to lower this dangerous elevation of tlic Mountain . Throughout tho whole drama , the Assembly has been occupied in the insane task of weakening its own power by degrading the authorit y of the laws which gave it a tangible position . From the

      periods when tho cannons of Cavaignac levelled the barricades of Juue , and the legions of 0 ' HA . NGAllSlElv awed the ? mob' of Paris , all tho people who have now tumbled headlong from place , to find as a finale to their fall , a p lace in the cells of Vincemies , or the dungeons of Ham , have been sowing the ' wind , so that they mi ght , with proverbial certainty , reap tho whirlwind ; and it is not the least oi their mistakes that they looked for the gales from tbe turbulent regions of Democracy , instead of from the polished saloons of the Elysce .

      All this is comical enough . The transformations we shall see in tho Chrismas pantomimes , or to take a comparison more in keeping with our subject , all the imitations of the first French Revolution , and all tho rapid changes of the empire when suns culottes rose to bo rulers , aud conscripts ascended to command armies and govern nations , aro equalled , if not surpassed , b y the vicissitudes of the last two years . Three victorious Algerian generals ,

      —one of whom dominated for months over the destinies of France—another of whom was the weapon b y which the President- awed a people whom he deprived of their franchises , —and the third of whom looked forward to holding the sword of fate—arc now prisoners without any legal warrant in tho veryprison from which ho who sent them there but a few short years ago emerged : and in tbeir company ig a former Prime Minister of Louis Philippe , aud one of the stars of tbe

      Assembly—that Assembl y which the modern dictator turned out of their hall with as Jittlo ceremony as though he were whipping a pack of mangy bounds from their kennel , and quite in keeping with , that idea , afterwards had the kennel destroyed , so that the infection might not spread . Poor generals—poor trimming politicians—poor Assembl y—fated once again to prove that the party of law is the party of contemptible and imbecile weakness

      —the party of order , the party of chaotic disorder—and to leave standing before the world the great ' demagogical conspiracy' from which tbe President was to defend them and France , as the onl y peaceable organisation in tho kingdom willing , in the midst of addled plots and abortive intrigues , patiently to bide their time , and strong in the consciousness of the justice and truth of their cause , ready to bide tho time when the ri ght must come uppermost . rr

      Impossible as it is for those who desire tho progress ol humanit y to sympathise with these miserable schemers , who have been so busv as not to work their own ram it is equally \ t possible to bestow anything like apZval upon that he » a bold man , the ri ght minded will rS aWo % *™ tor sion to political power till now his whole career has been 8 tveweu b y ^ % ^ g %

      France. The Pate 03? The Pahty Of 'Order...

      broken hopes and falsa promises . Warmed into life in the bosom of a Republic , he , serpent-like , turned upon that Republic and stung it well nig h to death . Overflowing with protestations of liberty , he suffered a republican arm y to march to crush a Republic—to decimate a people struggling to free themselves from an abhorrent tyranny . With pretensions to love freedom of thought , he has put down with a strong hand all the organs of republican opinion . Himself the favoured choice of tho Republic , he so far sided with northern despotism , as to drive out of Frauee the exiled democrats of enslaved lands , and to

      refuse a passage through France to that noblest of the exponents of national independence , KossUTK . Simuis . ting adependenceupon the universal will of the people , he declares whole departments in a state of seige ; and feigning to supportlaw and order , he abolishes the onl y legitimate bod y by bayonets—flings down the symbols of legal rule , and throws himself upon tho brute force of tho army . From such a man what have the peoplo of

      France to hope but treachery and deceit ? Untrue to himself he is not true to any one else ; none can be blinded b y the concession of Universal Suffrage which accompanies his coup iV ettxt . He announced iu his late Message that the restrictive law of May was consented to by him ' as a political act . " Who can doubt that his new- law , liberalism , is not a political act also , rather than one of principle . The Abbe Sietks-like constitution which ho sketches for the future is but

      a thinly veiled despotism , and tho veil , thin as it is , is to be removed when , as he hopes , he is firmly seated enough to convert the quasi Republic into an Empire . With such a man no terms can be made , no faith can be kept . Ho has himself set an example of force and faithlessness which the people will do well to remember ; and , if we could advise them we would say , take Universal Suffrage from such hands and keep it . Henceforth , if Louis Napoleon succeeds , there will bo but two parlies , the Imperirt ! ists | and the true Republicans ; the others ho has abolished , and when the time comes ( as assuredl y it will under any system which gives votes to tho people ) wlien libert y becomes not a mere creed , but a deep

      rooted sentiment—an instinct in the minds and hearts of the pcoplo—then recollect that there is no compact between France and the usupers binding upon Frenchmen , no power in the nep hew of my uncle , ' to which they owe a moral obedience ; and that ho cannot complain of the violation of law then with any more justice than Thiers and the Assembly are now , Fi ght not—raise no ba ~ icades—spill not a drop of blood—do what the party of Liberty onl y can afford to do . * Work , wait . ' . Patientl y bide tho time when the exponent of falsehood shall be denuded of belief , the ruler of force have no moral obedience to appeal to , the perpetrator of wrong be left without a vestige of apparent ri ght , behind which to s elter himself .

      The Manchester Parliamentary Reform Bill...

      THE MANCHESTER PARLIAMENTARY REFORM BILL . Whatever exception may bo taken to the decisions arrived at b y the Manchester Conference on Wednesday , it must be admitted that as a whole it was a most gratifying proof of great and substantial progress on the question of Parliamentary Reform . Looking at tho list of tlioso present , and at the general composition of the meeting , it may fairly be said that an equall y influential meeting on the subject has not been held in this country since the era of tho Reform Bill ; aud the Prime Minister must now understand distinctly that he has to grapple with a real question , and to satisf y a powerful bona fids public opinion .

      For our own part , we candidly confess that wo scarcely expected tho leaders of that Conference would go as fur as they have done . Nor can we comprehend very clearly the grounds upon which Sir J " . Walmslisy aud Mr . G . Thompson objected to the definition of the suffrage proposed by Mr . Bright . It appears to us that iu words at least , it is quite as liberal as Mr . Hume ' s , and is objectionable upoa precisely the same ground , namely , that it makes occupation and rating—not manhood —the test of qualification . Had the representatives of the National Parliamentary Association taken tho broad and decided position , that tbe vote ought to be given to the

      man and not to the property , as we have repeatedly urged upon them , and moved a motion to that effect , they would have pursued an intelligible course . As it is , we can only account for the opposition they offered , by the supposition that they were of opinion their definition of Household Suffrage was so much more distinct , that when it" came to be discussed in Parliament there would be fewer loopholes for escape and evasion on the part of timeserving or lukewarm members . Certainl y Mr . Hume ' s motion includes the occupiers of parts of houses , or in other words , lodgers , which Mr . Bright does not and that would , in some places —in London especially—make a material difference in the number of tho

      constituency . The propositions of Mr . BlUCHT , and as finally adopted by the Conference , were as follow : — . 1 st . That the elective franchise he based upon occupation and rating to the poor-rate , with a six months' residence as a test ol buna-fide qualification ; the retention of the forty-shilling freehold franchise , and its extension to all freehold , copyhold , or leasehold properties of the same value .

      2 nd . A more equal distribution of the electoral power by tbe union of small nei g hbouring boroughs into one ; the transfer of tho franchise from extinguished boroughs to populous towns now unrepresented ; and generally such a distribution of the franchise that hereafter no constituency should consist of less than five thousand electors . 3 rd . The Ballot . 4 th . Triennial Parliaments . And , 5 th . No Property Qualification for Members of Parliament . Mr . Bright supported these propositions by the very argument wo used last week in appealing to tho middle-class leaders . It is not expedient to have Reform Bills every five

      years , or to be continuall y tinkering and changing our political institutions ; and , therefore , it would bo better , while we were about the j ob , to do it iu an effectual manner , and to make a permanent settlement at once . That many of the middle-class suffragists considered his proposals too sweeping and revolutionary in their character , is evident from the fact , that Mr . EWAED Baines proposed two or three years' residence , instead of six months ; while Aid . Carbutt , feeling that if the Member for Manchester was too free , the

      journalist of Leeds was far too stingy proposed as a middle measure one year , To all these proposals the Member for the Tower Hamlets objected , almost in the words we used last week—that if they excluded any of the six million claimants for the Suffrage the question of reform would not be settled for a day , nor as far as he was concerned , would it be settled for one moment . But why did Mr . Thompson not fairl y put tho meeting to the test , by proposing the only simple , intelligible , and just basis upon which the franchise can

      rest i All the difficulties and complications , all the vague and unsatisfactory definitions b y which these middle-class reformers are puzzled m treating this question , arise out of their adopting a false principle at starting ; and while we give them every credit for a sincere desire to effect a settlement of this vital and pressing matter , we assure them that they never can succeed in that object until they begin at the beginning . Mr . Th om son trul y said , that « if they admitted fire millions

      The Manchester Parliamentary Reform Bill...

      oilfc of the six millions of claimants they w TTT do a gross act of injustice to ono millj , persons , and , ia fact , disgrace all who ^ excluded . ' Upon which , some one raised t } ° cry ' Why not let the women have jf ^ Despite of the 'laughter which followed */•' question , we echo it—why not ? If those \ J ' put it are in earnest , we aro sure that no Tj ' - versal Suffragist will stand in tho way r ? , " ' Enfranchisement of Women . But thev well aware that it is merel y a question of ' jj ^

      ana mat puouc opinion lias not ri pend sm cicntly upon that point yet to permit of L J lative action . No such objection can bo him !?' to Manhood Suffrage . It has been watchword of a succession of parties in n country from the days of Fox and Pitt i \ 0 T to the present time . It has been discm-cd in every possible shape , and came out of t ' ] , .. ; cussion as the only just and permanent , sptth . ment of the question . There is not u sni . " of tangible or valid objection to its a » l , pt } on All tho opposition arises out 0 f the da ' i prejudices or class jealousies which are fostcrS to such extent

      a large by our snckl ii . stitu . W our conventional habits , and our iudustrhl antagonisms . These necessaril y tend to for ™ habits of an exclusive character , to alicnato classes from each other , and , as a consequence to produce m tho minds of the parties thus separated erroneous ideas as to the real ot i uions and motives of each . Iu these , L notions , and in this unhappy estrangement are , in fact , to be found thegroat cause of the slow progress of Representative Reform in this country . Had tbo nations of tho con . j . nent possessed tho same facilities for achieving political emanci pation which wo do , thev would long ere this have accomplished tbo task . But the power of tbe Press , the nV | , of free discussion , and of organising public opinion , have been , to a large

      extentneutral-, wed and paralyzed among vs bv the ageuuios to which we have alluded , and if thev are permitted to continue their pernicious influ . ence thoy will inflict serious injury on the popular cause . It is because we see and feel this plainl y and strongl y , that ire are prepared to give duo credit to those among the middle and upper classes who hare partially emanci pated themselves from chss prejudices , anil who come forward to support measures which , though not all we want , make an immense step towards

      the goal we aim at . Tho Chartist body will , we know , always have too hi gh respect for themselves and tbe principles they have upheld , through good and evil report , in times of danger , persecution , and imprisonment , to shrink from the avowal that , in tbeir opinion the concession of all the points iu the People ' s Charter is absolutel y essential to the establishment of p olitical justice in this country . But while they thus consistently and manfull y adhere to their own deep-rooted and sincere convictions in this respect , while they labour with all earnestness for the practical reco » ni . tion of their princi ples by tho Legislature

      they need not impugn tha honesty nor the sincerity of others who cannot go so far as themselves . More : they ought not to reject companionship and help even for a pari of the way . Such companionship and mutual licip mi ght—nay , certainly would—become the most powerful means for disclosing to all j ., - . ties the fact , that the mutual prejudices which had kept thorn apart from each other were the result of misconception . The cordial union and tho increased strength derived thereby for tho accomplishment of all that was necessary or desirable , can scarcely be estimated at the present moment .

      It will be seen , therefore , that unflinching adherence to the principles embodied in the Charter , is not onl y compatible with courteous ami friendl y relations with oilier bodies oi Reformers , but may be made one of tho agencies for securing the enactment of that document as the law of the land . Tho class or the body of men who isolate themselves from tho rest of the comnnmitv . either in a political or a religious spirit of pharasuical over ri g hteousness , can never effect changes that will benefit tho whole people , and such alone are worth con tending for , By living among , and working with , our fellow men , we must necessarily accomplish more than if we are trammelled bv the letters

      of narrow cotenes aud cliques , who p ique themselves upon some fancied superiority to the rest of mankind , liithertoo Chartism has been looked upon by the ' respectable classes as synonymous with anarchy , plunder , aud universal license , —Chartists as a peculiar species of the race , who sought only to subvert existing institutions , in order that they might gratif y their own passions and appetites at the expense of the present possessors of property . These gross mistakes must be rectified—th ese monstrous calumnies

      refuted . _ But how ? B y Chartists exhibiting , in their own conduct and demeanour , the falsehood and the foll y of the imputations against them . There is nothing in the Charter that is not consonant with the hi g hest political wisdom , and the soundest principles of abstract political justice and social utility . Why then should its advocates not occupy a position iutliS discission oi political questions in some degree commensurate with the truth , justice , and superiority of their cause ? For

      no reason that we can perceive , but becnuEO they have gone tho wrong way to work . It is time the error was retrieved , —it is time other public parties were made aware thnt Chartist- will no longer pursue a suicidal , isolated policy , but that they intend in reality to bo a power in the state , maintaining , with unshaken fidelity , tho great princip les they have ever advocated , but at the same time net obstructing any practical or attainable reform proposed by other parties .

      In this spirit we iook upon the Mancbestw Conference and its sli ghtly varied edition o . tbe old programme of Air . llum . and the Xa « tional Parliamentary Reform Ass <; ci . '< t (< - « - hJ principle it is open to the same objecti on as we have always made to the plan of that Association ; in practice , probabl y it would enfranchise fewer electors ; but still it is a ^ P in the right direction , and likely to have cmi * sidcrable influence in the Parliamentary

      discussion of tho question . If Sir Jos " - ' . ) Walmslbt and Mr . G . Thompson lll' ° " oi satisfied with it , let them effect an open and defiuite junction with the operative classes on the ground of Manhood Suffrage , and a « increased impetus will be g iven to the iW e ' ment , which , in a , year or two , may g ive " i ! satisfactory and permanent settlement oi i " whole question .

      P Gjga Nnia Iih«H'I-«W.-» The Protestant...

      p gjga nnia iiH « h'i- « w .- » THE PROTESTANT ALLIANCE AM FOREIGN DESPOTISM . The important meeting held hist week lor the inauguration of tho Protestant Alliance must not be passed over in silence . It , »' a : ' indeed , a significant sign of the time * ; » " ' brought the so-called ' relig ious world m closer contact with political movements » is usually tho case . Upon tho propriet ) discontinuing the grant to Maynoo tb , «' , llC , one of the direct objects of the Alliance , * ° not at to offer ° 1 " " i uuij iio iu uiim i

      propose present any jjlujjuoo presuui . » " ¦; - > further than to say , that it is not uU , iilt ^ . for zealous Protestants to urge such a " ' sure , uuder the provocations that they » recently been offered by the Ultra-iMO " * Roman Catholic priesthood in Ireland , the Protestant Alliance has better and m . ^ indisputable claims to public support than ^ opposition to Maynootb . It soars a * bove * level of Exeter Hall , and comprehend ^ j relig ious is inseparably identified will 1 J * \ ticul frpwlrtm T-.,. „»! . * 1 *» o . \ -nfirUHtcG ' , « . . .. .

      perhaps- in no small degree , by the nia ^ ; and comprehensive- political disqw * . 11 , 0 re KOSSBTH , it has some to the conclusions ^ cisalij similar ia Bcacttce to those so e ' . " j

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), Dec. 6, 1851, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/ns2_06121851/page/4/