Current:

Northern Star (1837-1852), 6th June 1840, Edition 1 of 1, Page 4, Untitled Article

Page 4
Page 4
4 of 8

On this page

  • Departments (1)
    • THE NORTHERN STAR SATURDAY, JUNE 6, 1840.
  • Text (6)
  • Transcript

    • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

      Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.

      Untitled Article

      J — l ^ EDS EETTNG TO PETITION FOR THE UBERATION OF FEARGUS O'CONNOR . Wversal Suf ^ Association , for Tuesday evearag Jrt , to be beld at tbe Music Saiooa , for the p « po £ ; lpetitaomng Parliaaent for the Iftesrstionof Mr / Connor . At « g ^ it o ' clock , Mr , Hobso * was uaaismously ? oted into the chair . 3 The CHAiMftK , having read the placard calling tt ^ n » eun « , 8 » JdUwouW » otbeneee 88 aiy for him to occupy mnclnf tfeeir time in stating the object « the meeting , « It was fully Bet forth in the bill | w read . Tbe best mesas to prove to them the aareh and cruel tmataeat which Mr . CnConnor was ¦ objected to , would be to read a letter now lying efore hrm , This letter was one which Mr . O'Conaor had seat is reply to another winch he ( the Chairman ) had forwarded to that gentlemanafter AiEEDS EETlNG TO PETITION FOR THE

      , ke had been ref&sed permission to visit him in his dungeon . No one but his relations could be permitted to see him , and mis relations even only once a for tnight . < Sha » e , sk-aaie . ) Allhisoerrespondence sanst , pass through the Governor ' s "hands . [ The Chairman then r « ad the letter from Mr . O'Connor to himself , when that gentleman was first confined in York , which excited the greatest sympathy in the B » eeting . I ; appeared in the Star of Saiurday week . ] A report had been circulated that Mr .- O'Connor ' s treat meat had been altered ; but it was not the case . He tbea read an -extract from a letter he had received from Mr . O'Connor on Sunday last , from which it appeared be wte in the same situation as at first . The extract -concluded with the words— " But sxj tune will comei * which created a varid sensation in the Bteetiug . Mr . CaiLTos then rose to propose the first resolution , wbieh was as follows :

      * That it is tbe ¦ opznio * of thiB meeting , that tbe pu-¦ whrnwit of that difiifiterested patriot , Feargus O'Connor , Esq ., is harsh , cruel , and unprecedented ; sach as reflects infamy and disgrace on all parties concerned ia in uJictMB . " Be ( Mr . C ) thought , after the affecting letter they had jusfc heard , there would be no occasion fur him to say anything in support of the resolution . But as it was the ccstosa , he would make a few 6 bservatMMU oa it before j > roposing It to the meeting . The resolution styled Mr . O'Connor a disinterested patriot- It jMts pretty well known that Mr . F . O'Connor was of a good family , a barrister-at-law , aad a gentleman possessed of great energies , vast

      acquinamentfi , aai . goamanning eloquence ; and any person with these advantages , would he but taek hmsdf to the toil of either of ( he aristocratic factions which misruled the country , need not despair of attaining offices of the highest power and emolument under the Crown . But Mr . O'Connor had chosen a better part : the cry of the oppressed working classes of the country had resounded in his ears ; and be had renounced every hope of advancement , ia order that he might devote his person and his parse to the advancement of those great political and ecial reforms which be judged necessary for the well-being and safety of the country . Mr . O'Connor wa& / then , a disinterested patriot . The resolution

      also stigmatised his treatment as harsh , cruel , and unprecedented . That it was unprecedented the unanimous voice of the press—Whig , Tory , and Radical—unequivocally declared , and he need , therefore , say no more on that subject . And be did not doubt the meeting would agree with him that it was harsh and crneL Were the most heinous malefactor who disgraced the earth suffering so seTerely from bodily disease as Mr . O'Connor , he ( the speaker ) should be compelled to consider such treatment as they had heard detailed , harsh and cruel ,, if exercised towards him . Bat Mr . O'Connor was no malefactor . He bad been thrown hito prison for daring to spe&k tbe truth : and hence hir treatment was rendered

      infinitely more harsh ard more cruel because inflicted ¦ ujustly . Whan he ( the speaker } thought of tbe imprisonment of mch men as O'Connor , Vincent , and LoTeti—men who would shed a lustre en any age or nation—he almost blushed that he was free . He was accustomed to escape , when he could snatch a few hours from business , from the cloudy chimnies of Leeds , and breathe the fnxe air of the country ; but when he reflected on the wrongs and sufferings of these ill-fated patriots , 1 m respired with difficulty even the healthy atmosp here of Wbarfdale , and felt that he could oaly Breathe freely when immolated in the same dungeon with them . The latter part of the resolution stated

      th « the treatment of Mr . O'Connor reflected infamy sod disgrace on all concerned in its infliction . There seemed to be doabt on the minds of some who these parties were . Some said it was the judges , sad Borne said the Government , and some tbe visiting Justices . But he had no doubt whatever , after perusing the debates in Parliament , that , whoever it aught have been who had inflicted this harsh and ante } treatment on Mr . O'Connor in the first instance , the Government , and tbe Government alone , were justly chargeable for its continuance , it being lear that they had the power of removing him to the Queen ' s Beach if they pleased , and there he would be treated like & gentleman . That this would

      reflect infamy and disgrace on any Government ¦ there could be no doubt after what they had heard ; but thai infamy and that diFgraee were doubled by the fact that the present Government made great pretensions to liberality , and stigmatised their predecessors , tbe Tone ? , aa arbitrary aad tyrannical , while they themselves far exceeded them in the infliction of " arbitrary and tyrannical punishments . In conclusion he would remark , that it was not so much the person of Mr . O'Connor that was aimed at , as the great principles of which he was the most

      un-In a great c&uae . Tha block may soak their gore—Their heads may blacken in the sun—their limbs Be hung oa city gates and castle walls , But st . ll their spirit walks abroad . Though years Elapse , and others share as dark a doom , TLey but augment the deep and sweeping thought * Which overpower all others , and conduct The world at last to freedom j Mr . P . uucgB seconded the resolution . The treat-¦ mft of Mr . O'Connor by tue present Government , was ao admirable specimen of the doings of the liberty -loving Whigs . When they were out of office they were continually abusing the Tories ; and now that they were in office , they were endeavouring to banuh the last remains of liberty from the

      Constitudaunted and fearless champion . By confining and persecuting tbe gre&t leader of the reformers of the country tbey hoped to put a stop to the onward inarch of liberty . Bat Tain would be all Eucb attempts . Le : them throw tbe friend * , of the people into dungeons—lei them resuscitate the Tiign of terror—Jet them re-erect the scaffold and tbe gibbet —still now , as of yore , the blood of the martyr wou'd provo the seed of tbe church , and from every drop of that blood would arise new champions of the cause « f humanity aad freedom . No , Sir , ( continued the apeak er ) they never fail , who die

      tion . When th y were endeavouring to obtain power tkey told the working classes tbey wished to improve tbeir condition , and in order to enlist their energies ia their cause , no stratagem remained unapplied . Tbey found they could du nothing without the assistance of tbe worjdng classes ; and they promised tfiat they should be made happy and comfortable as soon as they were blessed with a liberal Government . Tbey had now lived several yean under that blessed reign—( cheers and laughter}—in the very atmospkere of Wiggism—and be appealed to them whether tbey ij » d not been most woefully deceived . . Let them look over tbe promises tbey had made , and tbe pro-¦ use&Shey have kept , in turn .- Equal liberty for all was to bavo been one of the chief features of their

      AAantistration—but they were met that Eight to petition against a gross act of tyranny committed by * M . —( Otters . ) Thee * working men weret © have been made happy in their cottages , which were to kave resounded with shouts of peace , joy , and felicit y —but hutead of this they were compelled to seek _!* && 4 ft- » Whig baatiie . —iCheers . X W ©| onlj . tbia , M&tbeyhmicotitadhtinrthviue eomaami , -6 whom God haw joined together let no man pat acaader . " They were then net together because Feargus O'Connor had pointed out to then that Whig meaaaws had destroyed the happiness of the working dams . Their new liberal Government ceemeo iadMned to teach the people tbe tld doctrine s > L fMSTeobedience ; but he muted the people would

      M * ea them they were determined to resist them , and 3 tt * e aural eorftge e&oagh to tell them ao to their fteo * . ( Cbcert . ) What then were they to do ! They had petitioned lot yean ; bat they were becoming Mill more and store distressed , and means were Mag takes f deprive them of « Ten what they had f * C What , tint , were the steps they ought to take ! xbey p * sae » ed » msnl power . Let them carry it ¦«•( . Be bad reflected oo fids moral power for three yeanptst . There w * re fifty miili « ni spent annually kf tbe people of this « otratry in intoxicating drinks , ami . the gwater part of this son found its way into 4 kefo « keta ofth » iriabaawn batchers . ( Hear , hear . ) n ^ Bpwete no t le » ibM 30 , 00 * persons employed ai TKiftmtf these intoxicatiog liquors , and be did not . fcasitate to s » J that nine oat of uatt then were the -&Oer 4 gpbneats of the workiog cliwet . ( Cheers . ) ~ 7 h « B ia tbe workiBg men oome to the resolution - * iat tbey ¦ roala no longer strppert these men , and Let them tell

      . ^ wr * of i ^ t an w these li ^ ooTs . their M >? rsB < Kp 2 * extricate tbemtelTM from their ponti ^ j « they * ert eeold ; that they were determined for t ^* f * tarri U > be sober men ; and that hcooeforth th « j ^ TfUftTs j their rulers to be sober likewise . ( Cheers fBdiAncfeier . ) Let them keep the twenty Billions i \ 1 *** widen they now spent in their own pocketB , h / fteftdof $ HBg the pockets of others , and then they w . ^ oki not i » re any pretext for sending for those \^ t < o » HA gentry they seemed so find of . ( T . tng . \ fg . ) Tkeir liberal Government had intredueed these . m& and « r the pretext that they were necessary to wt dowa drunkennese , and to protect the respectatHee from the insulta of drankards . Let the wo . * kii > g classes become sober dtemselreB , and let iKvx oppressors know ' that « feey were irmly determined no longer to have drunken governors . ( Cheer * and laughter . ) With respect to Mr . O'Connor , he v * ould say , that it was

      Untitled Article

      for advocating the cause of the working classes that he was new suffering . A more manly disposition , and a move manly mind than Feargus O'Connor ' s could not-erist —( cheers)—and he touted thejrwould all heart % unite and exert themselves to the utmost te-obtain his release from the erael treatment te 'Which he had been subjected . 'He most cordially Tecommend the resolution before the meeting for their adoption . ( Cheers . ) The Rev . W . Hill was then called > on by the Chairman to support the motion . He was received for advocating the cause of th « wnrtinc aIomm t ^< A

      with kmd cheers , and spoke at considerable length . After warmly recommending the resolution to the adoption of the meeting , he more particularly alluded to the « onduct necessary to be pursued by Radicals at the present crisis . He strongly enforced the views of tbe lust speaker with respect to intoxicating drinks—pointed out the advantages of the people dealing exclusively with their friends—and insisted on the necessity for union and decision among the working classes , as an indispensable means of working out their political salvation . He sat down amifet loud cheering .

      The Chairman then put the resolution , which was earned unanimously , followed by loud cheering . Mr . James Moslet , in rising to propose the second resolution , said he felt extremely sorry to appear before them for that purpose , for two reasons . The firafc was , because it was on the occasion of Mr . O -Connor ' s cruel treatment ia a dungeon ; and the second , that there was no other person than a working man to come forward to advocate Mr . O'Connor ' s cause , notwithstanding there was so much talent in the town . He would now read the resolution he had to propose : — " That this meeting deeply sympathises with Feargus © "Connor , Esq ., in hu unmerited Bufferings , and that petitions for his immediate liberation be sent to both Houses of Parliament , signed by tbe Chairman on beba f of tb * meeting .

      It has been thought advisable by the Committee that the Chairman should sign the petitions on behalf of die meeting , as it was desirable that as little delay as possible should take place in their presentatiou to Parliament ; and he had thought it beet to mention this to prevent any misunderstanding on the subject . ( Hear , hear . ) With respect to Mr . O'Consor he would say he was personally acquainted with him—that he knew him to be a benevolent , kind , and humane gentleman , and . therefore , he sincerely sympathised with him . ( Cheart , ) -But where , he

      woulajftik , were the humaaitj-mongcrs of the town , who Shed briny tears over the sufferings , real or supposed , of the black population of the West Indies ! ( Hear , hear . ) Had they not a word to say in alleviation of the Bufferings in the . r own cooutry . and at their own doors ! . ( Cheers . ) Did it become them to stand silently by ^ and not notice them at all ! He thought , for his own part , that such conduct was unbecoming indeed . He would not detain them longer , as there were others to follow him more capable of doing justice to the subject ; he would , therefore , propose the resolution for their adoption , and sit down .

      Mr . Bl-cktos hoped tbe meeting would hear him patiently , as be was quite unaccustomed to speaking at public meetings ; but he could not avoid coming forward on this most Christian occasion . ( Hear , h « ar , hear . ) A good man ' s cause demanded the sympathy of all sects and parties . O'Connor was the poor man ' s friend , and had never shrunk from advocating his cause . He had greatly sinned in the eyes of our aristocratic rulera . He had sinned in telling them they would , by their insolent tyranny , drive the people to madness—he had sinned in instructing the people in their political rights and liberties—he had sinned in publishing a certain newspaper called tbe Northern Star , which was always open to the poor man ' s wrongs—( great cheering ) and to obtain redresa for them if possible . The Northern Star also explained knotty Points of

      politics to the people—but it did not suit their aristocratic rulers that such a newspaper should be established . In all this Mr . O'Connor had greatly sinned in their eyes ; and therefore , now they had laid hands upon him , they were determined to be revenged on him . —( Cheers ) It was , then , high time for tbe working classes to come forward and show their sympathy with him ; for he was punished because he nad shewn himself to be the poor man ' s friend , instructor , and political school master . — ( Hear . ) They were told they had the happiness to live in a land of liberty , which was the envy of all surrounding nations . Could they call that a land of liberty where the people had no voice in making the laws by which they were governed ! If other nations envied them tbey were certainly welcome ; but he must say they must be in a poor way at home if they envied the people of this country , —( . Cheers . )

      Mr . Jahes Risbt was received with loud applause Toe resolution before the meeting called on them to sympathise with Mr . O'Connor , and petition for his liberation from prison . It only needed reading to obtain tbe hearty concurrence of every one present . He himself was not in the habit of attending Radical meetings ; but he felt he should not . do Jus duty to himself or his country if he uid not come forward now . He did not come forward as jkTory , a Whig , or a Radical—ho came forward as & man . ( CheerB . ; Fe&rgus O'Connor had travelled many /; thousand miles , through frost and snow , wind and tain—raddressing the people- on every possible oocasion , and ianructing them upon what he considered their interests . He himself did not agrefr with him . He

      wished him to be stopped . But how stopped ! He would have him stopped by bettering tbe condition of the people . ( Cheers . ) He considered that a Government ' s principal duty was to make the governed happy . When he reflected that Government had not done this , and that Feargus O'Connor had endeavoured to do it , he could not help sympathising with him . It appeared he was afflicted with rheumatism . He bad himself lately been laid up with the same disorder , which had attacked him owing to exposure in travelling ; though he had never travelled a thousandth part of the distance which Feargus O'Connor had done in the cause of the people . He was bo afflicted that he could scarce turn in his bed ; and he could well imagine what

      must be the suffer ! n gs of Feargus O'Connor , when reflecting what must nave been his own lot if he had then been in prkon . There was this difference , too , in their cases , that Mr . O'Connor had been trained so that many things were necessary to him which he ( Mr . Rigby ) could well dispense with . He would come forward to advocate the cause of any person in Mr . O'Connor ' s situation , even if . be were a Tory . Yes ; even for a Tory he would come forward and state his convictions , that no man ought to be imprisoned for the expression of his political opinions ( Cheers . ) If a man ' s opinions were wrong , let those who thought them bo prove them so by Teason ; and not have recourse to violence . " Let truth and

      falsehood grapple ; whoever knew truth to be worsted in a fair and open encounter ! " It was with great pleasure thai he had beard a previous speaker recommend them to become sober men . Mr . Rigby then went on to recommend the formation of Joint Stock Companies as a means of obtaining political power ; vividly described the sufferings of the people in Manchester , Nottingham , Bury , and other large towns he had visited , and concluded an able address by a glowing appeal to those present to assist Mr . O'Connor , and expressing a hope that he should booo have the pleasure of congratulating him on hia release from hia dungeon , in consequence of their exertions . The eloquent speaker sat down amidst tremendous cheering .

      On the Chairman rising to put the resolution to the vote , an individual suggested that the names of Loyett , Vincent , Collins , and others imprisoned for political offences , should be added to that of Feargui O'Connor . To this it was replied that it would be irregular to include their names in the resolution , without also including them in tbe petition to be founded on it ; and as that petition has been drawn up with a view to the p % ? nliar case , of Mr . O'Connor , it would be productive of great delay and inconvenience , the petition being drawn out , and ready to forward to town the instant it was adopted . It was also stated that a publie meeting was lately held in this towv praying for a pardon tor fifeaj ^ iWilliams , Jones , and all other political offenders » ajjd that the sheets of this petition being still lying " lbr -signature intheiown , it rendered the propofctton , just ifiade , useless . The individual who made the suggestion , howflTAF . u » m « H still inniinswi' t / % nrMB it » Knt aji h »

      did not put it as an amendment , ana as the meeting was growing impatient , the Chairman put the resolution u originally proposed , when it was unanimously carried with treat cheering . Mr . Hick then rose to propose the petition for the adoption of the meeting , which it ia unnecessary to give , being ( he form adopted by the West Riding delegates , which appeared in theStor of Saturday last . He said he thought it was good policy te send petitions of this descripMemto the Houses of Parliament , for they would certainly furnish both Honour * able Houses with topioa most worthy of grate consideration . ( Hear , hear . ) Such petitions , were texts from which most eloquent sermons might be preached ; tbey might form toe theme of the most eloquent discourses imaginable . He could not , however , himself address then at length upon this occa sion , but content himself with moving the adoption of the petition .

      Mr , Ajuhuew Gakdncb seconded tbe motion . Mr . Gsoac * A . Flkmins was received with great cheering . He looked at his watch , and then said , as it was getting late , he would take care not to inflict tee . long a speech © n them . It was sere * rears since he became acquainted with Mr . O'Connor , bat he did not bow agree with him in opinion so much as formerly . He , however , agreed with him in this—that ne state of society could be secure when the mass of the people were plasced in wretchedness

      and want , and be knew that he ( Mr . O'Connor ) had stepped from the . ranks of the aristocracy to advocate the equality of the people in the eyes of the law . The qnddtion bad been a great deal deviated from . Feargus O'Connor ' s imprisonment involved tbe question of the liberty of the press- ^( cheers)—and as soon as ever that liberty was wrested from ' tl < em , then they might prepare to bid farewell—a long farewell to all their other liberties . ( Cheers . ) For if the nr ^ ss was ense musled—and it was already sufficiently musled by the power of gold—( cheers)—the

      Untitled Article

      might depend upon it that the little finger of the hew king would be thicker than his father ' s loins He felt strongly , them , / ir Mr . O'Connor , becaasa he felt that he was * martyr to the liberty of the press—he was suffering for the Bame cause for which John Milton was persecuted 200 years ago . It was not only the Chartists who were interested in this question . All parties were sailing in , the same boat ; and public liberty had been attacked , in the person of Mr . Feargus ^ O'Connor . Hitherto " the publishing of political libels ( so tailed ) had been accounted no disgrace . Former Governments had thought it quite enough to deprive persons , thus accused , of their personal liberty j bat they never dreamt of compelling men of education and ah- . ai j ^^ ^ ilui »» KM ^ . ^ .. t it .

      lightened feeling to herd with felons and convicted murderers . No . This refinement was left for a Liberal Government . ( Cheers . ) Thw Liberal Government had their societies for the diffusion of Christian knowledge , and for the diffusion of Penny Magaxine knowledge ; but they did not appear to approve of the diffusion of political knowledge . ( Laughter and cheering . ) Their conduct , however , appeared "too bad , " to use Mr . Canning ' s expression respecting Lord Londonderry , even to their supporters . Plain John Campbell himself—and heaven knew he was plain enough—( laughter )—declared it was . " too bad . " They hadovershot the mark . It was the last feather that broke the elephant ' s back . They had gone on reckless of public opinion : thev

      had imprisoned Lovett , that noble of nature—the amiable Collins—and the high-spirited Vincentand they had now got the last feather on the elephant s back , which was now breaking dpwn With it . ( Cheers . ) He must confess he felt » "little " interested in Mr . O'Connor ' s case , because he did not know how soon it might be his own . ( Langhter . ) It had been said b y Leigh Hunt , that if fishes could scream there would be few anglers . Now , as the Government would not let Mr . O'Connor Bcreanr , he ( Mr . F . ) was determined to scream for him—( laughter)— -in the hope that if he should be ^ served in the same manner , they would , in their turn scream for him . ( Roars of laughter and cheer ing . ) No doubt many of them had heard of the dreadful

      sufferings of Silvio Pellico and others m Austrian State Prisons , and had thought :. that such things could only exist , in novels an ^ ronunees , and wondered how auy Government eould b ^ bo harsh and cruel as to inflict ' such suffering 8 ; upbj > Any human being . But let -them beware-rrthe SaWe raitM > was being played by their present Liberal . ^ Government . The Tories nad not dared to go as f > r as the , Whigs . [ Here Mr . Fleming was interrupted , by the individual who had suggested an amendment to the second resolution crying out , " The euspeuiion of the Habeas Corpus Act . ' ] Why , Earl Grey had buspended that Act in Ireland —( great cheering)—and he had deprived a whole nation of its liberties . The Tories might have done this too ; but two blacks did not make a white , and it was acknowledged on all hands that the Tories had not dared to treat political prisoners as the Whigs had done . And how

      had the Whigs been enabled to do this ! Because , as usual , tho people had been gulled with word ? . ( Hear , hear . ) who was it that , step by step , had annulled that great measure , providing for tbe poori the-t 3 rd Eiizabethi ( " The Whigs !") Who was it that introduced the Rural Police—filling the green lanes with fellows , who , if they could not find any ; thieves there , would take cars to mike them ! ( Great cheering , and cries of M The Whigs !") These were days of Whig jurisprudence and Whig philosophy ; —and no doubt we should soon find ourselves under lock and key , if we did not speak' and act as Whig orators and Whig editors would have us to speak and act—and thus at last we should arrive at 44 finality "—though not perhaps that precise description of finality contemplated by the Whig leader . ( Great cheering . ) Mr . Fleming continued in the same animated strain for some time longer , and resumed his seat amidst enthusiastic cheering .

      The Chairman , before putting the petition to the meeting for adoption , would say a few words respecting the question—who ' s to blame for the treatment of Mr . O'Connor . He ( the Chairman ) had beetr confined in Wakefield some years back for a somewhat similar offence to that of Mr . O'Connor , and lad been subjected to the same disgusting treatment . The present Attorney-General then . distinctly stated in the House that such treatment was illegal * and it was changed in consequence . He was subsequently

      removed to York , where , in consequence or what ladbeen said on- the subject , ho was likewise allowed every freedom consistent with safe custody . All this was well known to the Attorney-General ; and therefore , when the bills now regulating prison discipline were brought into the House by the Government of which he was a member , and they took no means to remedy this evil , it was quite clear that they alone were to blame for tbe consequences which ensued . ( Cheers . ) The petition was unanimously adopted .

      Mr . Joseph Staspield then proposed the following resolution : — ' " That Lord Denman be requested to present the petition to the Lords , and Lord Brougham be requested to support the prayer thereof : and that to tab Commons hy Sir W . MoleBworth ; and Messrs . JP . Duncombe , Leader , Wakley , Hume , f ieldeo , and others be requested to support its prayer /' " ' Mr . Bkjuamik Knowles 'seconded the motion , which was then put to the meeting and unanimously adopted . The Chairman having left the chair , and Mr . Rigby having been moved into it , The thanks of the meeting were unanimously voted to Mr . Hobson for his able and impartial conduct in the chair . —Carried unanimously . Mr . Hobson then returned thanks , and the meeting was dissolved . '

      Untitled Article

      MR . O'CONNOR . All eyes , we are aware , will be anxiously direoVed to the Star of tbiB week , to learn whether tbe patriot be still the companion of murderers and thieves , or whether he has been subjected to yet more " liberal" restrictions . As the readiest and most effective means of answering , we give the following letter , received from him by the Editor of this paper on Thursday : — Hospital , York Castle , 3 rd June , 1840 .

      Mr deab Hill , —O for one pinch of snuff !! I now foel as though I had just been roused frem a long sleep . The first questions which suggest themselves are , why I am here ! When I am here ! And how long I am to remain here ! I am here for doing what is done every day in the week by every daily newspaper in the kingdom . I am herein the eighth year of the Whig Reform , which was accomplished by libel , sedition , tumult , and riot . I am to be here for a period , upon an average , six times as long as any man in the days of Tory despotism , as they are called , has been , confined . Now , ray dear friend , let me tell you the situation in which I am at present . I have .

      thanks to the magistrates , been allowed to famish the hospital , at my own expense , as a habitation . It is a large vaulted stone cell at the very extremity of the building , quite out of ear-shot , and shut oat from htmu observation , or communication , by countless iron gates . It is over the sick hospital , and condemned cell , and looks upon the burial , ground of the prison . The mould which coven the last murderer is still fresh . Such are my indulgences , with the remission of menial service . I am still in the felons ' day room , and still take exercise in the _ , fe $ onV flagged vard , with three auks and a noeewarratiifrr oat a door / as ventilators . I am still looked Wai

      seren o ' clock , denied the use of books or newspapers aadithe visits of friends . My fttte » are still handtd open for perusal , and received open after peruBaL . So much for the alteration ; and now for a few observations apon the treatment to which I hate been subjected before I arrived at York . On Monday , the 11 th May , when called to receive judgment , I was so weak , from previous illness . JA | i excitement , that I was unable to go through the . reading of my letter of the 20 th July to Lord John RasselL I was bathed completely in sweat , and in that condition I was taken from the Court to a cold room , where I remained till a eoaeh arrived to convey me to tbe Queen ' s Bench . When

      i got there 1 fen very ill , and upon the following moraine was fiaited by ntf physician and ' - ' surgeon . My physician j Mr . Thomsoi , one of the most eminent of the faculty , dictated an affidavit , to : which he and the surgeon , who had attended me for fire yean , swore . The / swore that imprisonment , according to the usual prison discipline , and being deprived of ererciie , would lay the fonndatioa of disease , which would ultimately » ho * tb « van . Now , was it not an attempt to murder into , to have seat me htre after such an affidavit ! Well ! but I also made an affidavit , stating that my health bad been bad since I ruptured two blood vessels last year , aad that dote confinement would shorten my life . These , -together with a respectful Memorial , to which , however . I would not- for mil

      entreaties , add the word humble , I sent to Lord Normanby , requesting to be confined in the Queen ' s Bench prison , instead of York Castle . He refused compliance , and ' on Thursday I was infonnsd by the officer of the Queen ' s Bench , that I was to be removed on the Saturday following . I told the officer that I would not go ; that I was not abb to go ; and that I required to see the Marshal ; and upon that , observe , and not upon an order from the Home Office . I was detained till Monday , as the Marshal would not be at the Queen ' s Bench till eleven o ' clock on Saturday , when it would be too late for me to gtart that day : most particularly bear the fact in mind thai I owe KOTHIKG TO THX Hojtt OFFICE ^

      Untitled Article

      Va Thursday I sent for' fir . Thomson , who , after a long r visit , wrote the following certificate , which wai sworn to by Mr . Macnamara . But here I should tell you that on Thursday I received a letter from Mr . Fox Maule , requiring on authenticated medical certificate , to warrant my detention in the Queen ' s Bench . Mr . Thomson , on Friday , made the following certificate , which was authenticated by . the affidavit of Mr . Matoamara :- — * These are to certify that the removal of Mr . O'Connor to York Castle , on Mondat mbxt , would BB ATTENDED WITH GREAT RISK AMD DANGER . irk - mi . ' 'Uij . i ¦ * •_ . . „_ i i ' + ** _ .. . .

      "Anthony Todd Thohsoh , M . D . " To the above I received a reply from Mr . Fox Maule that Lord Normanby , in consequence of Mr . Thomson ' s certificate , saw no reason to countermand the orders for my removal . Now bear all this in mind , as it exonerates the Marehal . I got Mr . Fox Maule ' s letter on Saturday , to which I replied most indignantly on Sunday . Mr . Cooper , the surgeon of the Governor ' s house , their own servant , visited me in bed and promised to send me some medicine , and to see me againon Monday . I was uo disgusted with the Home officials , that I would not be trifled with more ; and therefore said not one word upon the subject of the propriety of removing me on Monday . At four o ' clock ou Sunday evening , however , my friends insisted upon having the Surgeon ' s opinion , and Mr . Macnamara

      waited upon him , when he at once gave a certificate in almost the . same words as that of Mr . Thomson , which certificate was delivered to Mr . Fox Maule at five o clock on Sunday evening , jsst fourteen hoara before I was Bent off , and to which that accessory before the fact , or rather one of the principals , ( as all are principals in murder , ) replied that Lord Normanby was immovable , or words to that effect . On Monday , at half past seven . I was started , scarcel y able to walk , and from that till four o ' clock on Weduesday , the officers who had me in custody must admit that I did not eat three ounces offood . Well , what think you I lived upon ? Why the Charter , of course ; it was meat , drink , and elotkes to me .

      If ever man or beast was so treated before , I am ignorant of it ; and merely for publishing what others said , not for writing my own sentiments Herein consist ? the great difference between ttjicase andthardT Burdett , Tooke , Harvey , Montgomery , Cobbett , and others ; theirs was all matter written by themselves , and published by their order , and not connected with the news of the day ; and , ' above all , in the worst and blackest days of Toryism . Well , but you will say , ia all this oppression to be borne ! Not long .

      In August , 1836 , Mr . O'Connell thought proper to grapple with me . He was then the most popular man in England and Scotland , that the country ever saw , and since then he has been the most unpopular . I fought the leviathan , singlehanded , and beat him . In January , 1830 , the Scotch philosophers ran open-mouthed at me , and , alone , I gagged them ; about the same time the whole strength of the Birmtugham Whig rump was fired at me , and 1 drove them , single-handed , and compelled them to take shelter in the Whig fortress ; aud now , with the blessing of God , single-handed , and alone , I will beat the foe ; aye , though in my dungeon , I will astonish every court in Europe , and make mv

      odpressor tremble . Poor weak fool ! did he think he had hooked a little fish , that he had caught a minnow ? In one of my letters of 1837 , addressed to Mr . O'Connell , you will find a him to a Lord , that although he then basked iii the sunshine of popularity , yet the clouds were gathering which Would one day overshadow his brightness . Now , in this struggle the nation shall only play the part of an audience , while the respective performer * act their parts ; aud for that reason , I most distinctl y request that not a motneut of the public time shall be wasted upon my behalf—that neither petitions , memorials , or applications be got up at public

      meetings—that next week , if devoted to acts of kindness , assistance , and justice , should be devoted to those who have families to support and no means of supporting them , and to the sacred cause . I desire , as my only reward , to hear briefly that I have done one man ' s part , acknowledged by the meetings . The nation is my debtor , —largely my aebtor , —and 1 can live for eighteen months upon reflection of the past . Now is tho time that 1 can enjoy memory ' s feast , and , laying my bead upon my pillow , joyfully review my eyerv act . Another reasen why I make this request is , because the full storm of public opinion cannot alter one single detail under a bad system , while it can alter the system .

      I recollect , a short time before I received judgement , a person of the name of Pabkin called upon me . I had never seen him before , but from the cut of his jib , i snuffed a strong gale of Methodism . He was very loud upon the necessity of separating the Church from the State , and spoke of At * power of accomplishing the task . I told him that the united power of every non-elector could not take'a s , tpnd from a steeple , or force a shepherd from the pasture ; while the same power could alter the system which tolerated the union . I told him that 3 , 000 , 000 signature would not alter the facings of one regiment of tKe" line ; dismiss a royal kitchen-maid ; or cut a hone ' s royal tail , while tue same number oouid alter

      the system . 1 never knew a mere churchreformer who was not a humbug ; go 1 probed - my visitor a little further , when he produced a scale of his patriotism . It was a' list of prices , for the insertion of his lucubrations in the-Northern Star ; set down in a graduated scale , like a property tax ; these prices ranged ' from £ 10 to £ 70 , according to the amount of increased circulation which his new plan for agitation should raise the Star . I could not help smiling , and especially when he told me that he had drawn it up for a Mr . Smith , who , however , had so violently insulted his patriotism , that he now preferred producing his infant through the Northern Star , The insult , I . thought , must be great : but it

      turned out to be , that he had been in the habit of getting two Southern Start , gratis , one to keep and the other to cut up ; and upon applying for the usual number , he was told that Mr , Smith had ordered one to be stopped . And for this great insult the country was deprived for a whole fortnight of the panacea for every evil ; and even the divorce of the incestuous union between Church and State !! 2 I said te myself , "God help the people , " and wished my disinterested patriot a good evening . Aud now I &tn told tbiB gentleman is angry with me . What a very weak man he must be who gains popularity by dereliction of principle and then

      , hopes to preserve it by a strained attempt at justice ; yet such is my oppressor . I suppose he thought I would grapple with the pigmies . No , by Jove , I'll have at the giant : My dear Hill , what a short tenure satisfies a failing tenant ; eighteen months is the limit ; for , should they suoceed during that time in crushing the Star , for which purpose no money will be spared ; but 1 Bay , should they sucoeed ia putting one Star down in eighteen months , at the end of that time I will start six "Stars " : one in London , one in Birmingham , one at Leeds , one in Edinburgh , one at Bristol , and one in Dubliu .

      I know no more than the man in the moon what is going on ; but this I do know , that if the people assist the Government in destroying the Star they are not the people I took them for . Let me know , by letter , whether the poor people of Stockport are still out of work , that I may send them something : and tell Mr . Ardill to send £ 1 to Holberry ' s wife , at Sheffield . I know she wants it ; and her husband ' s family must not want . Let everything be done for my friends ; and never mind me . The nation ia my debtor , and largely ; but I will only take payment , in good work , for themselves . Faithfully yours , Fbabgus O'Connor .

      Our readers will perceive from this that "liberal' * barbarity baa not broken the spirit of O'Connor . He is still the same man . We must , however , most decidedly oppose his injunction to the people to cmw thefr effort * m Hj § , behalf . We may admire the recklessness of self-immolation ; but we cannot commend it . We teU the people that their exertions ought not to be , and must not be , relaxed one particle until we bare : from kirn a very different

      etory from that which this letter tells . Oa , then 1 meet ; resolve ; petition ; memorialise ; remonstrate ; rest not till you have ameliorated bis condition ; for remember too—the people—must do it , if it fee done . He owes nothing to the Home Office , " nor will they permit him to contract any debts of clemency at their establis hment . But let all your proceedings hav « a bearing , not merely on bis individual case , but oa the uprooting of the whole hateful system , out of which all such eases spring . ' ¦

      Untitled Article

      — - i ^» _ a . ii ii . >" r *^^> n >» PUNISHMENT . Thsrb are certain actions , which tend to lessen the happiness , and consequently to increase the miaery ,. of the human raot ; These actions it bisbeen found necessary to forbid ; They have been styled ofleuoes ; and , as it u futile to deolar « thai a deed shall not be committed without threatening and enforcing some penalty for ita oommiaaion , certain privations and pains have be « n deviaed fox the suppression of these priihibitedaots .

      It is of the utmost importance to the nation , at % body , and to each component member thereof , as an individual , that puniabments should be placed upon a just , true , and proper footing ; that they should be meted out in exact proportion to the injury inflicted by the offence , and that if there ba > defect , it should be on the aide of mercy . For who is there M wise that may not come beneath the lash of the law ! who is so firmly convinced of / his power over hia

      Untitled Article

      assions , or of his surpassing good luck , as to be irtaitt of doing all that is legal ? who can look into l ^ e future and say , " I , at all events , am safe ; ^ me what may , the lash will not fall on me "I £ cperienoe furnishes the answer . The Jud ge , who passes sentence to-day , is placed at the bar as a ciiminal to morrow . . Thus , in the reign of Ed-- t . - . . ; : !; . _ . ,- •_ - •• \ - « .

      wvrd I , we find the Chief Justices of the Queen ' s » noh , and the Common Pleas , together with the Cpef Baron of the Exchequer , attainted of felony foi corruption and other mal-practices . In the reign of Edward III , Chief IJustice Tho&pb was hung fojbribery ; and in the time of Jambs I , the Lord Chincellor Bacon was fined and imprisoned for the sane offence . -

      So they who now stand at the bar , as prisoners , may shortly grace the bench , or at least be honoured from the judicial throne . Thus at the trial of Hobne Tooke , Wilkes , who bad been connoted of libel , &c , sat by the Chief Justice . Thui Lord Denman has declared that he gloried in the friendship of Sir Fhancis Burdett , who has spew more than six years in a dungeon . And they , who have been punished as libellers by one Government , have been pensioned as . ^ patriots by the next . The very prosecuted may become the prosecutor ; the offender now called up for

      judgment , may sit upon the judgment seat ; and the Attorney-General , who now enlists as a prosecuting , persecuting volunteer , may shortly stand upon the floor of the court , to plead in mitigation of the sentenctjibout to be passed upon hint . Thue , then , if we " wheel about and turn about" in this extraordinary manner it must b « obvious to all , that the national interest demands a just meed of punish-, ment or of reward tb be affixed to every b ^ uman action that may possibly come under judicial cognizance .,. We shall discover what punishment -ought-to be > by showing what it x > ug 1 | t not to be .

      Firstly , It ought not to be severe . Justice , tempered by mercy , claims our praise and our : reverence ; cruelty , under tho mask © 1 , justice , merits nought but odium and ,, contempt . If it be severe , bad men will escape , because the good' will neither prosecute them nor , declare them guilty , when they know how disproportionate will be the suffering to the offence ; while the good will be crushed , because the unjust will not be influenced by any of these scruples . The end of punishment , too , will be frustrated . Punishment is to inspire a

      horror of crime ; but when a wretch is exposed to unmerited and unmitigated torture , all' hate for bis crime seems lost , in pity for his sufferings . It is easy to transfer ideas from the scene before us to objects connected with that scene and the spectators turn from sympathy with the victim to a disgust for tbe law itself , and a detestation for the legislature that could create , and the executive that could nourish , so hideous a monster as cruelty . " The excessive severity of laws , " says Montksquiku , "hinderstheir execution : when

      the punishment surpasses all measure , the public will frequently , out of humanity , prlfer impunity to it . " Thus also the statute 1 Maet , b . 1 , c . 1 , recites , " that the state of every king consists more in the love of the subject towards their prince , than in the dread of laws made with rigorous pains ; and that laws made for the preservation of the Commonwealth , without great penalties , are more often obeyed and kept than laws made with extreme punishmentB . " Yet this was bloody Mast 1 What a pity that the rest of our monarchs were not some * what of the same tinge !

      Secondly , Punishment should not be uncertain . It is even better that it should be too severe , than that it should not be accurately defined—for if the former be the case , men , at all events , will know the consequence of their proceedings ; but if the latter , they work in darkness and in blindness , add at length find themselves subjected to some new-fangled penalty , the offspring of caprice , or of revenge . Thus all ex post facto laws are of the vilest nature for they are made to declare that an act ie an offence ^ And that punishment shall be inflicted , after the act

      has been committed . These laws have a retrospectivei- ' power , and the individual wb 6 has done what was considered a perfectly innocent and harmless thing , finds himself declared an offender , and brought beneath the grasp of the legal functionaries by an ex post facto law . There can be no security for our rights under such a Btate of things as this . We would rather it should be enacted that to wear a Straw hat shall be a capital offence , than that to offend a prime minister shall be punishable at discretion . In the former case the offence and the punishment are defined ; and , though we Bhould say

      it was a cruel and a useless law , yet , being able to know the nature of the prohibition , we would avoid wearing straw hats , and thus ehun the penalty . In the second case , however , what could we do 1 We Bhould neither be aware of the exact amount that a prime minister can bear , without his dignity being hurt , nor should we know what was about to fall upon us in the discretion of the authorities . The traveller may avoid the wide and open gulf that plainly threatens , destruction ; but he cannot easily save himself from the hidden snare .

      Thirdly , Punishment must not be in discriminate The most marked distinctions should prevail , and * the measure be doled out in exact proportion to ( he nature , cause , and effect , of the offence . If acts , dissimilar in their influence , be confounded together , and like incidents be annexed to all of them , there must be a miserable chaos , a dim and obBcure ignorance of , and a distraction in , every branch of morals and legislation . The action should be regarded in a positive and in a relative view . The first , as to its effect upon the person himself , in hardening his heart , destroying his good qualities , and paving the way for worse crimes : the second in respect of his situation as » member of a united

      body . It should then be tested by its influence , tendency , and probable injury on sotiety . The precise quality and nature of the offence being thus asoertamedjlt should be classed under its propw head , and a penalty , proportioned according to the above ^ meiitioned incidents , should be annexed to ita commission . Then there will be method , order , and

      the desired results ; but otherwise , there will be nought but confuaion ; and the tendency yfflfejbeto e ^ WLexactl ^ ' oppwte to those Bougbt . Soever dei * h" hasten awarded equally to theft a > 4 to ' m ! l $ ^ tk ' t& * n ^ M « ry consequenoe has been io ihcreas * we more heinous crime ; for theft has seldom been committed without its being accompanied by murder , as the penalty is equal , and-tke chance of discovery is diminished . ' . t

      The-divWou « f offences , by o « law , ' is tjireefold ; -First , trea ^ i ; , second , felony ; third , misdemeanour ; bufe their defiaition and th « ir piaity axe miserably indistinct and unsettled . , there nere » perhaps , was % more extraordinary and cruel mixture of discordant and opposing qualities , than in the late punishments for political offenoea ; ^ toiact baa been laid down by all legifllativeanijwiicial authorities \ &- a mitdmneanour , and yet it has been punished as % felony ! We allude to all those who , having been convicted as

      misd « me » n » Bta > aye now Buffering u / tion * / Why , what does tbi * amount to ? What reason , what justice U there her * I Each single effect that we ^•^ fc&i ;«»¦« # * : ms rendering punishment bad and oppressive , is here combined . Such punishmeot i » e # W * - ^ e * uelly » vere ~ 4 br ft > k inflicted oh an offence immeasurably below that for which it was intended .. Such punishment Is uncertainshamefully uncertain , for who , having been in .

      etrocted that-a- misdemeanour ii £ h « lightest of offences , oo ^ jpfflaft )^ ' eipect that it would be treated as one of the most heinous I Such punishment ia mdutfrtminate— -absurdly indiscriminate ^ - for it equalises the expression of an ^ pinion tha jfr may be hostile to a Government , and which is & . dared te > W * misdemeanour , with v murder , which is felony li ;; # » ir « ey . t || ieziBi ' ;^\<^^ itS ^ ' 8 ip ^^ of each elate , and , sonw miBdemea » o ^ abould bb punished ' more heavily than other misdemeanours

      Untitled Article

      but here , we assert , and fearlewiy asnrt , thttiB distinction should be made between civil ^ H political offenders ; and that political oftadet | unless their aim be to strike at the very exiateas ¦ and happiness of society , wbieh my , properly VH called treason , should never bepuniihed with so muei I rigour as civil offenders ; even though the charge coin ¦ under the same class . There is generally more nl palliate apolitical crime than any other , and for the * ¦ .. ,: r- ^ ..,,. :..... _

      reasons : —First . —The intention , so far fro * ¦ being bad , is commonly the reverse . A person con . I scientioualy believes in certain principles , which hi § 1 looks upon as essential to the well-being of society fl he feels it to be bis duty to advocate these princi ples , Ji and he may be influenced by the most philanthropic m and enlightened views . Hence how many oftk § greatest and best of men have suffered as politic ^ offenders !

      Secondly . —The offence is seldom against tb * frame-work of the constitution , or those laws whijfc are essential , to the welfare of mankind , but it fa directed against the existing Government , a set «( men in power , who may be turned out to-morrow without the slightest injury to the community J large . ' , ' . . ¦ ' Thirdly . —It is absolutely necessary that then should be public debating ; that there should b # free canvassing of the opinions and aots of the ruleq of a nation pretending to be free . There ought t * be , and there must be , exposures of profligacy ant trickery , whether in a Government or an individual , DiscuBsion is the soul of liberty , and he by whom it is created and continued , merits approbation rath * than censure .

      Fourthly . —Say that it does amount to an offencewill it not be generally found to spring from over anxiety for the public good , or from imprudence , rather than from any other cause . The excitement of the moment ; the heat of debate , the irritation consequent on beholding oppression , may give rise to a word or & sentence that may be seized upon and converted into a crime by the Government . How I strongly will these reasons apply to our friends , who I

      now are suffering within a dungeon ' s walls ! They I were friends to the poor , to the fatherless , the I orphan , and the widow ; they were foes to oppression and to ' slavery ; they were lovers of genuine liberty and rational equality ; they were anxious for the well-being of their fellow-creatures , and for tb * general happiness of society ; theystruggied for those inherent rights which God has given to all men ; and now , thrown into the loathsome and cheerleeh dungeon , they are treated like felons !

      It is contrary to reason and to justice , that any political offender , unless he has been proved a traitor to society , should be punished as & felon ! It ¦ j is against the principles of our Constitution , thai any Briton , convicted of an inferior , should Buffer for a superior offence ! How much longer is this * system to endure ' I | has almost arrived at its climax ; old things are passing away , and eer long we trust to seethe daj ^ when all things shall become new—when offence * will be tested on sonnd , constitutional , and rational principles —when penalties will be inflicted with a lenient and discriminating hand—when the prisoi will be used for the destruction of crime , and not . for the suppression of freedom .

      Untitled Article

      THE FRIENDS AND THE FOES OF THE PEOPLE . O » b enemies have done their worst . They have gone to the very extent and verge of their power . They have shown what rancour , hostility , and dread reign within their breasts . Too ofl « n aided by our own divisions , ^ nd our own imprud ence—too often backed by illegal authority , and unconstitutional appliances—they have triumphed for a time-But the victory is fallacious ; and ere they can take > possession of the field , defeat , ruinous defeat , will come upon them . Their triumph will fade away as a dream , and the victors shall be laid low ; and bound by the chains , they intended for the conquered ! The prisoner shall be set free ; the victim shall be gaved , and each martyr . ^ rill induce a thousand converts . ' ' " * . '

      Why do we prophecy this desirable change t How do We discover in the political horizon , now darkened by threatening storms , a gleam of future hope ? For this reason . There are certain bounds even to oppression , and there is a limited point , beyond which humanity cannot be goaded . When that period has arrived , tyranny wears so vile an aspect , that even its followers take alarm . Like the veiled prophet of Khorassan , it throws off tht enticing and delusive veil , displaying horror , death , and hideouaness , in such frightful colours , that

      tbosswho before had worshipped , now shudder with fear and with disgust . Men at length behold the gulf that threatens their destruction ; they at length see that their safeguards are trampled upon ; and they become panic-stricken at the imminent peril to which they have subjected themselves . That period har new arrived ! Constitutional right bis been violated in one of its most important branches . Thank Heaven ! the alarm is taken ; it . spreads far and wide ; but this is only the first step towardsawakening our countrymen to their condition .

      We allude to the treatment of political offenders * . It had been laid down as a principle of our lawg , from the earliest period , thai it wa 3 the office of the jury to decide que « - of fact , and of the Judges to decide questions of lav . It bad ' been acted upon from time immemorial . And thus , when the jury said , " we find that this man has committed such an act , " it was for the judges to apply the penalty , that the law had already declared , to the case . The laws annexed th * . penalty to the offence , and the judges declared what tfiat penalty was according to law . This had been .

      the practice for ages . This was a principle inUrwoven with the whole fabric of jurisprudence . When , behold ! suddenly , in the nineteenth century , itwai discovered that a doctrine had crept btoflSe administration of our penal code , taking away froa the judges their power , and their privilege of sjatiug the legal incidents to certain deeds , and that this power was ^ fested in men who were not expeetedto know , and who could not possibly know , the laws of the land , and who were totally incoa * petent for the great and responsible trust reposed it tthen ^^ msawtnef tlgbt torn away from those *•

      whom it had been committed by the constitution rf ages , anj suddenly placed at the meroy of men by whom , either through ignorance , through prqodiee , througiicrae . Uy , orthroughover zeal . itwaBmostlikelj to be abused . Visiting magistrates usurped the tribunal of thft&deet ; and the . mawbal of * prison was allowed to possess a reeponaibility hitherto derohinc on a fonctiouary higher in sUUon , and , thirefot * , more exposed to publia ceniure , ' ¦ - . the Seewiary of State . Yes 1 in . the nineteenth eentury , Eigliahmen beheld this violent aad anjustinabh departure from dwtent and from law ; * Thqf

      taw also the pernicious ,, the miserably peTUofeo * effijete arising frem this state of things . They » w that penalties annexed to one class of oflenoes wezt twisted and turned to another ; thai the wont oi felons were confined with tire aUghteet of mWemeanants ; that murdoren were placed on an eqnal footing with those men , who , bold in ewseidai notUude . haddahMlto proclaim to their fellowbiiiigi their rights , and had therefore faUw beaeath tb « displeasure of their Government . Tbey » w the *

      things and were ^ aBtottiahed . at tb * long-edntinaei apathy ( hey lad displayed , where the purity of tbeir beat ins titutions and the cause of sdferinf hnJBanity , called for activity and exertion . Ito pren-rtta * creator , nurse , and guide of opinion-hurled forth itt thunderand made tl » oppresoer eronch with ^ ibam « , » ndfear ; thepeople—tbe glorious people-as « nbW . and with reasoo , and wtt& justice cried aloud »«» iMt tbia violation of natloual freedom , sid of Batfen tl security . : " : ¦ ¦ : ' "" . ' , "'¦'" .: . : v ; ' ¦ ' ., ' - ' : - ¦¦¦

      * The result—that Mmainsyettobelold ^ tbat ii * P § rt of the future we cannot read . WebaTttrtbe * thehistory toj ^ he d ^ an ^ -gfl ^ i ^ fsfc ^ i ^ wM ** given , and wbaWver the ie « iit , ( we tbinkifc » Mt •• TaTouraUe ) but whatever it may be , w * x » j «» t »

      The Northern Star Saturday, June 6, 1840.

      THE NORTHERN STAR SATURDAY , JUNE 6 , 1840 .

      Untitled Article

      ¦ ' ' ' ' ' ' < I ' ' K R g 4 ¦ ¦ Tg ^ b ^ Ttfglt ^ gtA ^ r . ; ; . i ^ y :..: lL .. \ : : : ;\ :.:- / -. «»» i . '" ¦¦¦"¦ ¦ ' A ¦ '' - ¦¦ ' ¦ ¦ ' ¦¦¦ ¦ ¦' ' - ' ^* H

  • Citation
    • Northern Star (1837-1852), June 6, 1840, page 4, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/ns/issues/king-y1kbzq92ze2687/page/4/