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half , or for a considerable time longer , to the great hijury and decay of the country $ and that those who managed this stare of things would prevent that resistance which would alone create or justify a civil war . They koow as well as 1 do that they are not strong enough to wrestle with the King ' s Govern wentthey know that they would be the first
victims of any attempt of that kind ; and knowing this , and being , as I believe them to be , able and sensible men , and beiug perfectly aware of the nature of the materials with which they are working , I say I do not doubt that this state of things might have continued for years , and your Lotdships would never have
had the opportunity of putting it down by force . But even if I were certain that we possessed any such means , I should certainly wish to avoid using them , if possible . My Lords , I have passed more of my life in war than most men , aod I may say , in civil war ; aud if 1 could avoid by any sacrifice whatever —If I could amid even for one month a .
civil war m a country to which . I am attached , I would sacrifice my life to do i £ ^ ( Laud cheering- ) There is nothing which destroys the prosperity of a country to such a degree as civil war—in which the hand of one man is raised against another—in which neighbour strikes at neighbour—in which a son is ranged against the father , the servant betrays his master , aud the whole scene ends in confusion and devastation . *'
He asked for what all this enormous mass of evil was to be encountered ? " The cause for which all these evils are to be encountered is , we are tolc ( » the preservation of the principle of the constitution of 1688 . The principle of the constitution of 1688 is , we are told , the permanent exclusion of the Roman Catholics from Parliament . "
The Duke proceeded to argue very forcibly , and to adduce many proofs irom history aud the statutes , against this doctrine . He then came to the necessity of the measure before the House . He was aware that the Bill went further iu concession than any previous scheme
of relief ; and the reason was , his knowledge of the consequences which followed the concessions of 1782 and 1 793 . "So long as any restriction is continued , concession not only increases demand , hut gives increased power to enforce that demand . "
The Archbishop of Canterbury led the opposition . He was so hostile to the principle of tlje . measure , that he moved an amendment that " the Bill be read a ^ econd time this day six months . "
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His Grace grounded his opposition U > it upon the fact avowed by the hea < Js of \ hc Catholic clergy , that their religious principles were not only unaltered but uual-r terable ; that the Catholic clergy exercised a most dangerous influence over the . temporal as well as spiritual concerns of their flocks ; that little reliance was tfe be placed upon their gratitude , as was
shewn by the manner in which they had abused the elective franchise , by the efforts they had made to raise taxes for improper purposes , by their making the places of public worship meeting-housejs for faction . He hinted at the possibility of extinguishing the Church of England in the Colonies if the Colonial Department were in tbe hands of a Catholic
Secretary of State . He was not dissatisfied with the securities . The Archbishop of Armagh , the Primate of Ireland , seconded the amendment . He felt assured that the Bill would not tranquillize Ireland . The Catholics themselves did not contemplate the tranquillity of the country : the great mover of agitation is reported to have declared ,
that he had accepted the compromise of seven shillings and sixpence in the pound , in the present session , only that he might hereafter come forward and insist upon the payment of the balance of twelve and sixpence . The Bill would increase thfc power of doing mischief without
lessening the inclination . It would not make the Church of Home more tolerant , or induce the priesthood to consent to hokji an inferior rank to a flergy the divinity of whose order they denied . His Grace was against exposing the Church to dan ger upon the calculation of future facilities of defence .
The Bishop of Oxford conceived the Bill to be called for aud sanctioned by au evident necessity . His Majesty had recommended the measure ; it was supported by all the" Princes of the Blood , except the Duke of Cumberland ; by a large majority of the other House of Parliament , and of the riding intellect of the country . The consequences of its rejection would be a civil war ; aod wheu the sword was sheathed , they would just be where they were .
The Duke of Richmond , the Bishop of Salisbury , and Lord Winchilsea , considered the measure to be fraught wiiji peril to our civil and religious liberties . Karl Somehs was convinced that the Protestant religion , so far from being destroyed , would be secured and promoted beyond its present condition . They had given the Catholics power , and it was bad policy to deny them their right )* . The Earl of Harswood thought lfe «
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Intelligence . — Catholic Question . $£ & *
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Citation
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Monthly Repository (1806-1838) and Unitarian Chronicle (1832-1833), May 2, 1829, page 363, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/mruc/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2572/page/67/
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