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a ; , ^ eery considerable majority : How he sl ^ Quld have been deceived in this las t circginsJaB ^ ce is matter of more surprise , for it , is evident , that on the night when he brought on the debate , he had the fullest confidence in victory . Yer ^ little debate iupwever arose , the parties seem to have been satisfied , that enough had been said Upxin both sides 5 and the question was called -for with eagerness when a fevv speakers only bad deJivered their sentiments . The result was , that the Minister was left in a minority . The difference between the majority and minority being thirty seven . Thus ended this great struggle , and it is evident that the declaration of the popular feeling * had its share in the overthrow of the Minister . But people must not be 1 $ 4 away with the idea , that it is in this CQuntry alone that a minister is kept in
a ^ e , byt popular feeling *; the fact is t he knqws with us its power , but he views it without dread or dismay . In despotic countries popular feeling finds a vent in a very different . way . At Constantinople the head of the offending Vizier would have been thrown over the walls of the Seraglio :
in Russia the Prime Minister would have exchanged the luxuries of a palace for the horrors of Siberia . In our country a questipn in discussed in court meetings , city halls , borough meetings . There may be energy and indignation , but animosity
anij , ferocity are never seen there . If the general voice is heard , the minister retires from his station , or giving up the measure continues in it . The country is satisfied with its triumph , and has none of those base sentiments , which belong to the slaves of a despot .
Still it is difficult to account for the Minister ' s permitting * his weakness to be made so manifest . He ought to have known better his own strength , aud that of his adversaries . But there may be cases , which justify this sort of pertinacity . The measure was probably determined on in Cabinet , when it was presumed , that
tbe utmost reliance might be placed on the House of Commons , and the great measures ° T government were , formed on this consideration . There are some minds not e #£ vJ y convinced , and when a project has been once formed they will not be diverted fro m , jt , by the clearest prognostics of its future ill success . Hence the voice of the
country went for little , as indeed if other parties remain firm , it is not of gr-eat estimatjon . This might have done in ordinary questions , but in this it must be considerep ^ h aj the voice of the country was in u ^ spn , wj thu the private interest of the Tt ^ ppf ftn ^ hLOwever ^ ptne , might , from' their <* Tfy ^ j Und < r government compensate themse ^/ es ^ for , the tax on their private estates , yej ^ l ^ QPuld i ^ o t be the case gene rally , WfftflW *¦ qjwtfwjg Q » Whbbii * dm < lm * i »
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wo n I d exercise , their privatp . judgment . The ciiriou * tie ' s , by ^ whieh £ arHatkentary connexions are bound together , render it a matter of amusing investigation to see hy what means a minister , confident three months before of a decisive majority fee ?* himself unexpectedly in a minority . The discontinuance of this odious and
oppressive tax is a subject of joy not merely in a pecuniary but in a moral point of view . The decline of kingdoms from a state of great prosperity , is owing sometimes to foreign force ; at * -others from the ruin introduced by the governors themselves . This ruin works gradually , and when its evil effects are at * ast discovered , it is too late to check the evil . Such
would have been the case , if this pernicious tax bad been continued . The whole character of Englishmen would have been changed . # Every man would have his neighbour prying into his concerns , and financial espionnage would have prepared the way for espionnage of every kind * The noble independence of the English mercantile character would disappear , and
when that is lost in vain are to be expected those riches , which have been derived from it . Let us hope that the sentiments which have displayed themselves every where upon this occasion , are a presage , that the horrible war in which this country has so long been engaged , will be followed by years , in which the ancient British honoftr , economy and industry will appear to greater advantage .
Symptoms of reviving spirit appear in the atttention paid by the House of Commons to that , which is indeed an important part of their Txusiness , the expenditure of the country . The Crown recommended economy in its speech , and the whole house is sensible of the necessity of it ; but on entering" into the details of the expenditure , little regard seems to have been paid to this virtue . Indeed the war establishment is of itself
sufficient to confound all expectations that might have been entertained of substantial reform . Many of the petitions from the country were sensible of this inroad made upon our constitution , and spoke of it in appropriate terms . The apologies for it in the House were weak , yet the measure will , it is to be feared , be finally
accomplished . An investigation stricter than usual is taking place into the estimates laid before parliament , and as yet the pretensions of ministry to economy appear but in very ludicrous colours . The fact is , the affairs of the country require a serioua , dispassionate inquiry , an examination into
the past to prevent , future abuses , w }» placing of our finance system on a solid footing , such that it may be examined / mtk the same ease as that of a tnercbftUJt <' fl count ing-house , and every farthing' tf m # n * y may he traced through every cJuMtpti fro ^ it * receipt to it * expeuditifcrcuu * . < ' u
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la © State ofPubUa Affairs .
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Citation
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Monthly Repository (1806-1838) and Unitarian Chronicle (1832-1833), March 2, 1816, page 186, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/mruc/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2450/page/58/
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