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    Untitled Article

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    ITALIAN DISSENSION.

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    LORD BROUGHAM ON THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

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    Untitled Article

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    Untitled Article

    nPHJE Italian question is entering a phase in which the JL friends of liberty should exercise the greatest care- tc . avoid being misled . We are yet ignorant of the precise amount of difference between Garibaldi and Cavour , and very partially informed concerning the circumstances which IiaA'e to be considered before the merits of various schemes can be ascertained . It is easy enough to worship success , but both Cavoub and Garibaldi deserve our admiration upon higher grounds , and it should not lightly be withheld from ' either , if temporary obstacles impede their way . If Oavour persists in striving to reduce Garibaldi to the position of a servant of the Sardinian Crown , he is making a grave mistake , and he ought not to call for the annexation of Sicily and Naples until he is able to offer the patriot-soldier the means of employing his energies in the national cause . If Garibaldi had not made himself independent of the Court of Turin , he could not have won Sicily 5 and if he had immediately made over thajt island , to the Sardinian Crown , his Naples expedition could not have taken place . When Victor Emmanuel feels strong enough to undertake the settlement of the Neapolitan question and the liberation of Venice , he may fairly invite Garibaldi to co-operate with his plans , but if diplomatic or other considerations iceej ? him . back for a time , he should allow very great latitude to the popular hero , and treat him as an ally rather than as an . officer ivhom he has a right to command . Very much of Italian policy must be grounded upon the state of the popular mind , and it may be better to risk something in military enterprises rather than permit enthusiasm to cool ,, and energies to be wasted in opposing plans . It is easy enough for . us who are not sufferers to preach the virtue of patience and delay to those who are ; but we have no Tight to expect the Italians to exhibit superhuman qualities , and ought to consider popular impatience and diversities of opinion as among the inevitable conditions with which the liberators of Italy have to deal . The approach of winter may quiet down some military ardour , but Garibaldi may not be wrong in thinking that / union , can only be preserved by calling his fellow-countrymen to assist ~ in a plan of action large enough to swallow up lesser ideas . On the other hand , CavOur has exhibited , too much skill to justify a neglect of his opinions ; but it must not be forgotten that the cession of Nice , although a politic act > has given great offence to nlany Italian minds , and his reserve as a statesman necessarily contrasts unfavourably with the frankness which Garibaldi is entitled to use ; We regret that some journals take -upon themselves to abuse Maz / SInx and to represent Garihaldi as acting under republican instigations . It is natural that republicans should admire a character so congenial with their best aspirations ; and it is well for Italy that Garibaldi should be the bero of the large number of republicans still to be found in France , and who ore practical adherents to the Empire , because they consider that Louis Napoleon is adopting a course which will render orher forms of government impossible for the future . We do not stop to discuss this theory .,. It is sufficient that it exists , and that the friendship which those who hold il , bear to Garibaldi , may exercise a valuable control over the proceedings of the Government of Franco . Garibaldi , himself , certainly does not wish to make the Italian movement tuin xxpon republican ideas , lie has shown himself a firm friond of Victor Emmanuim ,, and nothing has appeared to show that even Mazzint is other than friendly to the obviously wisest course—that of uniting Italy under one royaJ heud . There may be men about Garibaldi who press imprudent councils , and when great risks must be run , it is not very easy to distinguish that which is expedient from that which is not . Under these circumstances , English sympathisers will best servo the Italian oause by avoiding violent partisanship or violent antagonism . It is childish to cry up Garibaldi one day to the -very skies , and the nex ; t to represent him as the dupe of mischievous fanatics with whom no forms ought to bo kept . Publio opinion in this country should endeavour to Hold the balance fairly , and it will then dp spmotliing to prevent , the Italians ranging themselves into two hostile camps . If Garidaloi cun bo induced to look calrnly upon the plena nnd position of Cavour , he will , probubly find that they will admit of reconciliation with his own , and that a little mutual concession will obviate the deplorable calamity of an open rupture , Kobsuth , it appears , hga endeavoured to mediate , and we hope with success , but if possible the two great leaders

    of Italy should meet face to face . it . appears to us that In ^ . naming a day , not very far distant , for the . assembling 1 of the ! representatives of tlie Two Sicilies to consider the question oi ' annexation , both parties might practically gain what they require . Garibaldi would thus remain independant for a fevv weeks or a month or two , which would enable him . to make dispositions that would render it advisable and even necessary for the Sardinian government to take up the Venetian question next year . There can . be no discrepancy between the objects of Cavour I and Garibaldi , and there may be some diversity of proceeding without a disturbance of harmony . The attempt of the despotic Powers to get up a new "Holy Alliance , " will help the Italians if they maintain the moral position which their cause has assumed , and a coalition of Russia , Austria , and the German potentates to obstruct liberal ideas , can onl y end in ranging France , on the side of the nationalities , if their leaders avoid democratic disorders . As the Daily Xews says , " despotism don ' t pay ; " and it can only be through the errors of the popular party , that a financial cripple like Russia , or a fraudulent bankrupt like Austria , can have power to turn the world upside down . The rumours are strengthened that the Pope meditates , a flight , unless France will sustain his temporal sovereignty as well as himself . If he goes , Gatcibaldi may proclaim the . unity of Italy from the Quirinal , and the soldiers of Victor Emmanuel may peaceably replace those of Imperial France . It is evident that Russia and Prussia are both alarmed at the agitation of Poland , and they would , if they dared , join Austria and try to ¦ crush Warsaw at Milan .. Fortunately France is not in Bourbon hands , and if the despotic sovereigns violate the principle of non-intervention and proclaim a deadly war against the nationalities , they will place in the hands of Louis Napoleon a greater power than his uncle ever had . If the principle of national right triumphs in Italy , it will be strengthened in Hungary , and- if it succeeds in Hungary , Poland ' s claims will be revived , and the German population will not be quiet . All this is bitter reasoning for the despots . and we cannot wonder at Prince Gortschakoff ' s complaints of France . Such grumblings , however , add strength to the Empire , and its eagles will fly far and wide if the French nation is compelled to rouse itself in a good cause . At such a stirring time we should be glad to know that England was playing a worthy part , but all that can be conjectured is . that while our Court kisses its German relations , Lord John Russjg l spells the Treaty of Vienna , and writes polite letters , asking the world to stand still .

    Untitled Article

    Sept . 29 , 1860 j The Saturday Analyst and Leader * 821

    Italian Dissension.

    ITALIAN DISSENSION .

    Lord Brougham On The House Of Commons.

    LORD BROUGHAM ON THE HOUSE OF COMMONS .

    Untitled Article

    IN . Opqning the . business of the Social Science Congress at GlasgoAy , Lord Brougham delivered an address-, which satisfactorily pioves th . 'it his poAvoiiul and discursive mind suffers no abatement of its energies through the lapse of time . Indeed , the long and carefully prepared oration which delighted the north country audience , is , in some respects , superior to his pristine performances . It was less impassioned than many earlier efforts , but displayed a groat variety of knowledge , combined with a felioity of expression , and a sobriety of thought befitting one of tho oldost and most renowned of European statesmen . To read il . excites pleasurable sensations ; and to have heard ir , must havo afforded that gratification which is always produced by witnessing an exercise of well practised skill- —and yel ; while rendering tribute to its merits wo cannot accept it as a good exposition of , or introduction to ; the study of Social Science . It suggests many topics for consideration , but it fails to lay down tho ground or tho method of scientific inquiry into social laws or phenomena , nnd assists rather than checks that tendency to unconnected disquisitions which has hitherto constituted the opprobrium of tho Social Scicnuo Assoointidn . Without criticising the details of historicul a 11 u > ion in which his -Lordship indulged , wo axe glad to admit dial , in public ailuirs , opinions are becoming more impoifnni , ami personal interests of less value ; but if , as we beliovo , thin elevation of opinion is at . once tho indication and tho c-ausu of , our progress , thoro is ft want of propriety mid eonsisiunoy ia the method by whioli tho noblolord proposes tw dual with acknowledged ovils . A reign of opinion stands broadly contradistinguished from a- rule of f ' oioo . A despot , nuiy for it time carry out a prevailing opinion ; hut his method of government is unfavourable to tho formation of fresh . opinion , and hence it is impossible for a despotism to preserve i \ n intolleo-

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Sept. 29, 1860, page 827, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2367/page/3/