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    Untitled Article

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    Untitled Article

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    Untitled Article

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    Untitled Article

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    THE EMPEROR'S LETTER.

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    FREE AND SLAVE LABOUR.*

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    Untitled Article

    TpTSURPERS are nearly always better than legitimate kings ; vJ and the Monarch of the coup d'etat is a much pleasanter and easier person to deal with than any of the Royal mediocrities of the old sort . His friend , Lord Palmerston , has just tried to excite .-a little international animosity for the unprincipled purpose of diverting attention from measures he wished to drive through the House of Commons without any inquiry . In the City his Lordship ' s warlike oration was immediately

    quoted at a great discount , and the fall in the Premier ' s veracity prevented the decline of Consols that must have taken place , if any credible witness had borne the same testimony to the imminence of our danger from France . But all the world is not as well able to value a Pal-m-erston splutter as accurately as our shrewd men on 'Change ; and ' to prevent misapprehension the Emperor of the French has written a private letter to his Ambassador , for the purpose of having it shown to oar Minister for Foreign Affairs . In this document

    appears plain and straightforward assurances of goodwill that are at any rate worth moi-e than Lord Pai « merston ' s balderdash , and their sincerity is shown by the readiness to join us in a policy adapted to make the best of the Syrian difficulty , and secure for Italy the right of settling her own affairs . We are too strong for Napoleon III . to attack us for an ' idea , " and the close approximation of Austria and Prussia renders it desirable for France and for Europe that we should he on good terms with our ally . The Prince of Prussia has promised not to attempt to Austrianize his dominions ; but it is

    believed he also has promised Francis Joseph to obstruct the independence of Italy ; and in the event of a renewal of war , to place himself in a position of antagonism towards France . Being an obstinate shallow person of the old " right divine " sort , the Prussian ruler fears the realization of Italian Unity , and has not : the , wit to give up the Austrian pretension that the Rhine must be defended on the Mincio . If he perseveres | in this policy , he will in . due time convince the French that the independence of the Mincio must be secured on the Rhine . This may be the -reason why Lord John Russell persists in

    offering timid impracticable counsels to Victor Emanuel ; and while he refuses to apt against Garibaxdi by force of arms , continues to batter him with diplomacy , in the hope of inducing him to leave Naples alone . A Tory is never happy but when wrong ; but it is a pity a Whig is never comfortable when right . Lord John Russell has behaved in riiany particulars better than any Foreign Minister we have ever had ; but he cannot simply accept his own principles , and leave the Italians alone . If they have a right to settle their own accounts with their own sovereigns , and choose Garibaldi as the best man to enforce tiieir-claiTirsrwhy ^ emonatrate-wit h ^ heir--good-sen 8 e ^— - ———

    effort to sustain her , they will encounter retribution in the shape of the Zouaves on the Rhine . The Napoleonic letter is worth a careful study , and if its Writer had not been a marvellous master of dissimulation , no one could for a moment entertain a doubt as to its sincerity . If taken only as relates to the present , we do not feel disposed to cast any doubts upon it , and we think that reasonable prudence on our own part will cause its writer to continue in the same mind . We are not deluded by the assertion that the army and navy of France are not stronger than in the reign of Louis P hilippe ; but we are powerful enough to view them without alarm .

    Napoleon III . will not willingly repeat the errors of Napoleon I ., and bring about a coalition of all Europe against his throne . If we were foolish enough to follow the Manchester School , and lay ourselves open to attack , we should probably suffer for our temerity ; but a man like the Emperor of the " French respects strength , and he knows that we possess it . ¦ If it were possible for ' France , Russia , and Austria , to combine for our overthrow and for the division of the East , there might be cause for alarm—not for our destruction , for they could never accomplish it—but of prolonged and disastrous wars . Such a dream may have entered the mind of some ambitious despot , but no reason exists to fancy it can be

    carried out . The Emperor confesses that the peace of Villafrauca made it difficult for him to agree with us about Central Italy ; but happily that agreement did not facilitate his agreement with Austria , and he how expresses a wish " that Italy may pacify herself , no matter how , so that it be without foreign interference-He adds that he wishes to be able to quit Rome without compromising the sanctity of the Pope ; and that , as regards Syria , he would be best ple ased if he were not obliged to interfere at alL All this is consistent with a rational conception of his own interests , and it will he no derogation from our dignity if we accept it in good faith . ;

    Upon our home politics the letter will have a good influence . It strengthens Lord John Russell and Mr . Gladstone , while it keeps Lord Palmerston and the Tories in check .

    The right of Italy to national existence is ah indefeasible , absolute right , and no fear of consequences to other States should make us falter a moment in affording a steady , moral support . If the Prince of Prussia chooses to take the most foolish course open to him , through his leaning towards absolutism , and his hatred of popular liberty , this is no reason why we should wish the Italians to pause . We may tell the German people that the folly and selfishness of their Princes tends to bring them into conflict with France , and to endanger their beloved Rhine ; but we ought to apply the principles of equity and common sense to the whole transaction . The people of Italy have a moral claim to aid from the German or other Powers , because their cause is just ; and ^ if those Powers go against them , and force France into another war , they will have no right to complain if France makes them pay the cost of the process .

    If Garibaldi succeeds at Naples as he has done in Sicily , then will come a rising in the Romagna , and after that Austria must either abandon Venetia , or be prepared to encounter a revolution both there and in Hungary . According to probable versions of the Tiiplitz interview , the Prince of Prussia has undertaken to exert himself to stop these beneficial results ; but let him not fancy that , after he has employed his power to prevent the liberation of Italy and Hungary , he will have any claim to English aid on the Rhine . Oar letters from Italy leave no doubt that the fall of Cavour and grievous difficulties to YicxoR _ EMANUE £ . Jwould follow .. tke-. B . toppag . ejQLJ 3 j ^ j «^ A _ Lp i ^ s planaj and when matters have gone a little further , Sardinia will be compelled , by the public opinion of Italy , to make good her promises not to cease from her exertions until the quadrangle is garrisoned by Italian soldiers , and the Austrian vulture is driven from St . Mark ' s .

    If Lord J . Russell can influence Prussia , let it be to join England and France in the liberation of Italy . Austria , isolated as she ought to be from the German Powers , would soon 1 give way ; while , if they will make the mad and criminal

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    rj ^ HE question of labour , in all ages of the world , has been a A difficult one to deal with . Unappreciated at its true value * it was natural that it should be relegated , to slaves . But now that we have arrived at more correct notions on the subject ; the labourer rises in pur esteem , and indeed is recognised as the highest title of the truly free man . Strangely enough America , the land of freemen , the collected advocate of the diffhitv of labour , has , in these modern times , been the

    greatest sinner in associating the blessed piuvire ^ e ^ o ^ lravnrg something to do with slavery . The Jews more highly regarded that privilege when they brought up their sons to some calling / whether entitled to a fortune or to none The truest blessing to any individual , is to have the capacity and opportunity for labour . And it seems that , in that same anomalous America , the question between free labour and sbiYO labour is at last to be fought out . We rejoice to hear it , even tliough at the expense of a civil war , with which w

    are threatened . W ( j say we—for England is as much interested in the question as " the United States . Let Manchester tremble . The cusc stands thus :- —We are now mainly dependent upon the United States for the raw material of cotton , and that supply is now in peril . Cotton and commerce are identified , and Groat . Britain suffers ' . with them . In a word , " stop her . cotton' supply , and you hurl her from her ra nk amidst the nations . " This is the grave question at issixe . ument with

    Mr . Edge has enabled us to put the entire arg clearness b ' ' oro our readers . The immediate peril arises from the circumstance , that this year the United States elect si President in the place of Mr . Buchanan . " For the first time , . says Mr . Edge , " hi the history of the Republic , the two principles of free and slave labour stand face to face . The Northern Free States arc preparing to declare that slavery i . s sectional , and shall henceforward be illegal , except in those * States where it already exists : Tho Souths"is preparing : to maintain that slavery is national , first at tho polls , and nirerwivds by disunion or civil war . "

    * J . » a * ^ lj . » . < m . -.-. ?• f lilt Tho logical advantage is great of being able to put tn « question before us in technical terms like these . It is next- to certain , we find , that the Northern Free State party wjlljiavu the power to choose the forthcoming President ; who , in turn ,

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    » Slaieni ' Doonud { or , The Contest leiwren Fr « '' ZiltTnrff * ** " I ' niU-it State * . Uy I- ' kkdkriok Miu « : a Kdob . London : Hmltli , l . Klur , « «<" ,

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    AtJG . 4 I 860 . ] The Saturday Analyst and Leader . 701

    The Emperor's Letter.

    THE EMPEROR'S LETTER .

    Free And Slave Labour.*

    FREE AND SLAVE LABOUR *

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Aug. 4, 1860, page 701, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2359/page/5/