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Leader (1850-1860), 4th August 1860, Edition 1 of 2, Page 706

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      spite and malicious enmity of others , rather than of his own misdeeds ; though the author , wiselycopying from Nature , wliich does not indulge us in many specimens of j > erfect humanity , has represented him as no sairitj and he may be justly considered as haying , in conjunction with the rest of his species , a fair share of vices and irregularities ' treasured up against him in the Book of Doom . Herbert first lays himself open to the voice of opprobrium , — by sacrificing tie happiness of an innocent and devoted girl to the gratification of a selfish passion . In other words , having won the affections , and successfully solicited the hand of one Ada Littlecot . he first tampers with the trust she artlessly reposes in him ,- ' then allows himself to be entirely'withdrawn , from } nr- allegiance by the superior attractions of llosttmu ; t' / J ?* 7 u >/\ whom lie ultihis first in tate of

      mately marries , leaving- fianee . v . a s hopelessness bordering ' ' upon desperation . Our hero does not attempt to palliate his conduct in this matter , though he might , perhaps , be excused , under the plea of the uncontrolled emotions of youth and inexperience , but he protests against the punishment he receives as immeasurably greater than the offence . The father of the injured lady , Sir Hugh Littlecot , a man of an unforgiving and vindictive disposition , forthwith becomes the bitter enemy of his formerly elected son-in-law , the procuring of whose downfall becomes henceforward the chief purpose of his existence . During a popular election , in which our hero holds forth for a place called Meadshire , his character and personal aftairs arc suddenly- ' assailed in a most unjustifiable manner ; and he finds himself , from some mysterious cause , the object of popular hatred , violence , and ¦ -contempt . The

      machinations of his secret enemy follow him into Parliament , and he is obliged ultimately to resign , in order to escape from the indignities and aspersions remorsely cast upon him . Soon after , by the exertions of the same indomitable foe , he is ousted _ out . his possessions , made to appear infamous in the eyes of his wdfe , and finally miined ; his character and prospect ^ being blasted beyond the possibility of retrieval . Thus have we placed before us , in glowing- colours , the portrait of a man " more sinned against than sinning . " Doubtless , many of the " reviled" of this world , if their cases were thoroughly entered into , would turn out to be no greater culprits than Herbert Chauncey , though they , like him , might be able to trace the origin of their misfortunes to some error or wilful misgovernment of their own . This is a decidedly clever novel , and will considerably enhance the reputation of the author .

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      relics of their fortunes and the management of their affairs . In 1310 , Mr . Drummond entered Parliament for the borough of Plyrapton Earle ; and sat for three years , during which he carried through the House a bill ( 52 Geo . 3 , c . 63 ) , which made the embezzlement by bankers of the securities entrusted to them a-misdemeanour , punishable by fourteen years transportation , . the need of wliich lias been since exemplified . He founded , also , in 1825 , the professorship of political economy at Oxford . In 1847 , he returned to Parliament , as member for the western division of Surrey , In later years , he was the patron of the Rev . Edward Irving and his ¦

      cfasy , which sometimes appeared absurd enough . He stood alone , and " lilted to-do so , thinking- thereby that he stood on an apex , in solitary greatness ; but he was in error , he had but esconced himself in a niche from which the prospect that belonged to the elevation he desired was shut out . He had narrow prejudices concerning the press , Sunday , capital ' punishments , divorce , and other things , though he differed with Mr . Spoor ier on the subject of Maynooth College . Owing to these , Mr . DrummondV speeches , even when most clever , are of small value . They embody no principles on which -tl-ie world is acting , or likely again to act . In the second yoknne , we have some religious essays and epistles , and among them one on the Fine Arts , which , perhaps , is the only thing truly readable in the collection ; that contains some shrewd remarks , and some just criticism .

      rr ^ HE late Mr . Henry prunimqnd was well knovvn to Parliament-I arians as rich ; odd , fanatical , and . clevei ' . At school he-Avas the cpntempprary of Peel and Byron , and studied with them at Harrow . From thence he went to Oxford , where he remained two years ; and , in 1807 , on returning from a tour in Russia * he married , ' before attaining his majority , Lady Henrietta Hay , eldest daughter of the ninth Earl of Kinnoull . His grandfather , Lord Melville , had already brought him into contact with Mr . Pitt , and from that connexion he seems to have derived his peculiar political principles , which in the main were Conservative . More important still , perhaps , is the fact , that he became , by inheritance , one of the partners in the bank at Charing-cross , founded by the brother of the attainted Lord Strathallaii , t 6 ' whose integrity the sufferers '" . ' under , tire-proscription consequent upon the insurrection of 1745 , confided the

      sect . - •¦ ¦ . - ¦'¦ .. ¦ ' ¦¦ , ¦ ¦ . ' ¦ The course of Mr . Drummond in Parliament was independent , both in political and religious matters . His notions were , in fact , individualities ; conscientious , but odd . They were , however , not necessarily untrue , though bold exercises of the fight of private judgments He had , besides , a power of sarcasm which made him rather a dangerous opponent in the House . Theso specialities , in the eyes of his biographer , look like genius , and , in a certain sense , were constituents of a genial power . that distinguished Mr . Drummond from th , o conventional men with whom he was associated . " Promhis sole political object , " says Lord Lovaine , " the assertion and the maintenance of

      of the honour and dignity of his country , the institutions wliich secure them ; neither the indolence too often engendered by wealth , nor the temptations of ambition , to gratify which many opportunities presented themselves , could turn him aside ; incapable of selfish and . personal motives , unwearied in labour , no ridicule could baffle , no opposition daunt lum , and in the pursuit of justice and nght _ he was never lcnownjtc ^ fbarjlio face of man . " "" AH thiFis truer Wh " at , " then 7 was ~ ltEb ' peculiar o ^ inalif ^ FoflVrK Drummond ? It was this , that , as an opmioniat , ho hod a bye-way of his own ; his thoughts travelled not in the high way of schoolmen or statesmen . Ho was a private theorist , shielding his individual notions * under cover of Catholic assumption and Constitutional fidelity . His mind did not progress with tho ngo , but was over contriving Homo neat littlo system for its own private gratification , and making" points both of creed and conduct out of his own idiosyn-

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      Sl'JECT \ L . HanovKK , July a 1 st , 18 GO . LOUD PALMEllSTCXN ' s speech upon the fortification of England , has been grist , to the mill of the German--press , only the ' v are somewhat surprised aiul puzzled at the siuMctmass and tardiness of the noble Lord ' s apprehensions of danger from the vast armaments and ubiquitous interference of Louis Napoleon . Lord pALSrEus ' TO-x has , hitherto , been considered , by all parties in this country , as a personal .- ¦ friend of the Emi'EUOk ' s , and liis late alarming oration is adopted as a sfcn , either that a rupture of their friendship has taken ¦ place , or that a , " war between the two countries has become more than ever imminent . " Main , on en ' somrite nmt ' s ! " Is this state of thing's to be the sole result of

      the alliance of the two great nations , the heads of-civilization . ? We have been taught tp believe , that an alliance between England and France would secure the peace of the world ; that ; without their permission , no mouse should squeak . It is true , indeed , as I remarked in my last letter , that Germany has enjoyed a certain degree of liberty from the fears of their princes , but they have likewise shared , and still share , those ; fears , and , what is more , have had to pay dearly in consequence , in the shape of heavy taxes , dear provisions , and stagnant trade . If England how declares her alarm . % the mouth of her first minister , what must be the , feeling of " the immediate neighbour of France ? H NAPOLioir represents the defeat of WaterloOj and is resolved to

      revenge it , the Prussians , who made that defeat so bitter , who placed bags of gunpowder under the Jena bridge , at Paris—who attached ropes to the statue upon the Vendome column , will , they know it well , be the first or ^ last objeets of his worst revenge . It is worthy of remark , that the mass of liberals , in Germany , arc by no means inclined for an alliance with England , under the Ministry of Lord v Palmtcrston , whom they have long been accustomed to regard as a persistent opponent to the union arid material progress of Germany ; they point to the anti-German policy ever pursued by England , while Lord PalmeRstpx was Minister ; the support of Denmark against Germany , with reference to Schleswitr and Holstein ; the threat to treat the

      vessels of the Whilom German fleet as pirates , on their appearing in the waters of Heligoland ; and , more especially , they ^ emembei ^ hat ^ e ^ vw ^ Seevetai' ^^ thwarted the Germans and ltussians in putting an end at once and for ever to the power and influence of France , by utterly destroying Paris , and partitioning the countries which had been cribbed and united by the intrigues , marriages , and wars of the ancient kings of Franc ' e . The English niadcuse of Germany , to strip Franceof her colonies , but left the latter on the Continent , as great as sin ' was before , to be ii constant thorn in the side of Germany . They can never forgive npr forget that , notwithstanding the insults Germany had endured from France , and the awful sacrifice of her sons , France was permitted to retain possession of Alsiitia , a 'country ¦' thoroughly German at that time and , indeed , still so , in spite of the

      exertions of the French Government to Gallicise it . As nothing less than the partition of France , measo of a war , would satisfy tho Germans , both liberals and feudalists ,, and as they cannot expect England to join in it , they would much prefer an alliance between Prussia , Russia , and Austria , even at the sacrifice of their present liberty , such as it is . They think , however , their loss of liberty would only be temporary ; for , Franco crushed , and the excuse for the enormous standing armies removed , they would be able to deal with their princes themselves . It is certain that the diplomatists of 1815 , were neither very wise nor very far-seeing ; and to judge by tho results which have followed that settlement , it is as easy , it not easier , to be minister to a king than cleric to a merchant . The faith in diplomacy , as an art , is fast declining—overwhelmed by the experience of the last twenty years . Nobody wonders now that the plain country gentleman Ceomweix , tho colonial planter Washington , the printer Fbankxin , proved bettor rulers , lawgivers , and

      negociators , than our Grace of God Sovereigns , our hereditary aristocrats , and our drilled diplomatists , Tho exasperation at theso werlastlng"tocs ^ reached such a degree , that it inu « t bo calmed very soon , or it . will find vent in a way that will servo as a lesson for all futuro times Tho numerous Conferences of tho Princes slio > y how ill the nil ois fool at ense . They begin to porcoivo the folly of relying upon their armed hosts , instead upon tho love of their subjects . They must perceive that tho educated classes . have not tho slightest confidence in tho ability of tho Governments to protect them in their national independance , or their private property . Two or three hundred ragamuffins , with an imposing national rallying- cry , may revolutionise all Germany at any moment , tho groat body of tho people

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      * Speeches In Parliament , and some Miscellaneous Pamphlets , qf the late Henry Vrummond , Esq . Edited by Lord Lovnluo . 2 Yole . London : Bonworth And Harrison .

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      7 Q 6 The Saturday Analyst and Leader . [ Aug . 4 , 1860 .

      P^3llamentaey^Ccenti^City=Jc

      P ^ 3 LIAMENTAEy ^ ECCENTRlCITY */

      Foreign Cokrespoxdenoe.

      FOREIGN . CORRESPONDENCE .

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Aug. 4, 1860, page 706, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2359/page/10/