On this page

• Departments (2)
  • 
  • 
• Text (5)

  Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

  • 

    Untitled Article

  • 

    Untitled Article

  • 

    Untitled Article

  • 

    THE HOUSE OF OBSTRUCTION..

  • 

    QUAERELS OF INDIAN OFFICIALS.

• Transcript

  • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

    Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.

    Untitled Article

    with these tender-conscienced tradesmen , if Sunday trading be no more necessary than late shopping . But even if their representation were correct , they have no claim to legislation in their behalf . The law ; has no business to interfere with the . public convenience , to protect a small number of grown up men who want to serve God and Mammon at the same time . The law interferes to protect women and children against engagements , which , strictly speaking , are voluntary on their part , because it supposes that they cannot protect themselves . Its interference here , besides being illegitimate , is either unnecessary , or would be ineffective . ...

    The Bill is , in fact , a specimen of that meddling , mischievous appetite for legislation , which devours bur noole philanthropists as much as our socialist demagogues . Both see a great deal of suffering and immorality , and both would cure those diseases at once by Acts of Parliament ; both obstinately refuse to perceive that the only real cure is to leave natural laws to their free unchecked operation . Something they may , indeed , do by encouraging the social and moral elevation of the people . Sunday trading will diminish as the condition of the working classes improves . As

    their wages increase , and the fund at their disposal for purchases is larger , they will buy in larger quantities , getting better articles at lower prices ; and when their dwellings are improved in sanitary respects , they will not be forced to buy their meat just before they cook it . Should this Bill be carried , we shall have another law on the statute book operative only to gratify malice and annoy honest people- —another illustration of the utter ignorance of bur legislators of the habits , manners , _ wants , and wishes of the people for whom they persist in legislating . of would stultif

    We cannot suppose that the House Commons y itself . % passing such a foolish measure , but we are glad that it will be " spared the exertion of formally rejecting it . The House is just now preternaturally sensitive about its privileges , and the objection of Mr . Digby Seymour , which it might have poohpoohed at any other time , will probably prove fatal to Jhis . one Bill of the slig htest public interest which hereditary -wisdom has producedthis session . We willingly accept any way * however undighifiedj of getting rid-ef- a mischievous measure , and , professing ltttle admiration of Mr . Seymour's patriotic watchfulness , we thank him fer saying us the absurd and irritating speeches for which the further progress of this Bill would"have given too much occasion .

    Untitled Article

    THE House of Lords , although performing its old functions , wants a new name . It might be called a House of Detention , as measures that get in there do not easily get out again ; but perhaps House of Obstruction best expresses the services itTTOWT-erniersH ^ the 4 stafr ^^ reformed

    by strong-external pressure , or it must be made to -reform itself , in which latter case it would become a House of Correction for its own members , and would then become worthy of public support . At present , the Peers are like a broken-down omnibus stopping the traffic in Cheapside ; and they seem to deli ght in holding themselves out not as an institution to be supported , but as an obstacle to be removed . In the Paper Duties question they overstepped the legal boundaries which separate their

    functions from those of the Commons ; but in rejecting the Church Hate Bill by 128 against 31 , they have exerted a power which they legally possess , although their conduct is as badly advised as in the former case . The Dissenters have , however , no right to complain , for their demeanour has led the Peers to presume that public patience was inexhaustible , and that no amount of smiting would rouse the British Lion after the chloroform of respectability and moderation had sent him fn 3 t asleep .

    internal peace and supremacy of the law which form the only basis of the liberties , as well as of the prosperity of the nation . " After this , came praises of the regiment for defending Charles II . and James II ., and for aiding George III . in the American war . Naturalization , like vaccination , appears liable to failure . No English Prince would have been guilty of such remarks . He would have known that loyalty to a nation is a loftier principle than servility to a king .

    forget . H . R . H . the Field Marshal is reported to have said , " But , gentlemen , the duty of the British soldier is , unfoitunately , not confined to opposing the external enemies of his country . It has been his fate to stand in arms even against his own countrymen , a mournful task . In such circumstances the soldier is upheld by the consideration , that while implicitly obeying the commands of his Sovereign , to whom he has sworn fidelity , he is purchasing for his country by his blood , that

    It is the vice of the popular agitations of the hist ten years , that they are destitute of earnestness . They furnish their friends with no power , and inspire their enemies with no fenr . Some wisdom may be learnt from repeated failures ; and the middleclass Reformers may see that unless they can surrender a portion of their own exclusiveness , and originate a really popular movement , tliey will be subject to n series of ignominious defeats ; and when the time of excitement comes , they will not have that influence over the masses which their education and social positionrender desirable , _ if the integrity of our society ; is to be maintained .

    The spirit of reaction is , from its more definite direction , apparently stronger than the sp irit of action ; and the successive niul successful courses of opposition to measures which hnve the sanction of the people and the House of Commons ! are significant signs . In high quarters the hatred of popular power , nnd the contemplation of extreme measures for its overthrow , is painfully apparent ; and the Prince Consort , only a few days ago ' , hnd the bad taste to remind his regiment ot Guards of historical passages that it would have been wiser to

    Untitled Article

    FROM " copies of correspondence between the Government of India and the Government of Madras , " etc ., at length reluctantly laid before the House of Commons by Sir Charles Wood , we get some precise information as to the quarrel betwixt Mr . Wilson and Sir Charles Trevelyan . It will be seen by the very title that there is a claim on the side of the subordinate Government of Madras to some independence . Sir Charles points out that prior to 1833 , the Madras Presidency had a legislature of its own . Then the legislative power for the whole of India was vested in the Governor-General in Council ; and in 1853 this plan avas so far modified , as to give a representative from each Presidency a seat in this legislative Council . This is a recognition of the right in the Madras

    Presidency to give its opinion on subjects of legislation , particularly if they concern that Presidency . Moreover , it was customary for the Council to ask the opinion of the Presidencies , on important measures . Only last year this course was adopted wit h respect to the proposed imposition of a license and income tax ( Mr , Harrington ' s ) , and the unfavourable reports from the Presidencies stopped that measure . According to Sir CHARLES ^ rREVE LYA N -it was the practice to give three months * notice of ordinary projects of law , for the very purpose of enabling the people as weir as the officials to make themselves acquainted with measures affecting their interests . To this end projects of law were published in the " Gazette , " and considering the extent of India and the diversity of languages which prevail , three months to consider any proposed legislation is by no means too much . , " ., ¦'' ¦ . But the Council , consisting exclusively of Sir J . Outram , Sir H . B , Frere , and Mr . Wilson—the Governor-General and one

    ? fhrrTTr ^ W-7 »^ h « r ^^ ° > a re ~ monstrance from Madras , resolved that it would " not lose the time required again to circulate ; these measures , " but " move the Council to suspend the standing orders that they might be proceeded with without much delay . " These three gentlemen , then , in order to pass a law for imposing a-new and extensive system of taxation , " nullified , " says Sir C . TrevelYan , " the organic constitution , " and took from the Presidency of Madras , as well as all the people , the right which it has by act of Parliament to be

    patiently heard against any proposed law . Ihe first wrong , then , was done by the Council , consisting of only three members , which , fearing probably that its proposed , taxes would , like the preyious scheme , be shown to be erroneous , or unnecessary , or , mischevious , cut short all discussion by suspending standing orders , and denying the public , including the persons responsible for the peace of the different provinces of India , the opportunity of expressing opinions which the Council professed and Avas , in . fact , by custom bound to ask .

    The President of Madras , resppnsible for the welfare of 30 , 000 , 000 of people , with an annual revenue of £ ( 5 , 000 , 000 , and an army of 80 , 000 men , was neither wrong nor disobedient iu remonstrating against such hasty legislation . Nor was he wrong in giving publicity to his remonstrance . The whole system of advice ami appeal has publicity for its basis . Accordingly , Sir Patrick Grant , the Commander of the Madras army , solemnly stated in a minute , that he considered Sir C . Tuevelyan ' s conduct , in making public his comments , A ' worthy , of

    all admiration . " It appears to have been the only possible way to meet the arrogant attempt of the Council , without tho Governor-Genkual , to enact a new system of taxes in hot nnd uncontradicted haste . The Times , and other journals which fallowed its lead , confounded the discussion of a proposed law with an order of tho Executive Government . Sir Charles ' \ Voot > , with his customary pertness , fell into the same error , and punished Sir C . Trevelyan for not " giving cordial support to a decision of tho Executive Government . " The latter only advised

    Untitled Article

    586 The Leader mid Saturday Analyst . 1 /™ e , I 860 .

    The House Of Obstruction..

    THE HOUSE OF OBSTRUCTION ..

    Quaerels Of Indian Officials.

    OTTAftRELS OP INDIAN OFFICIALS .

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), June 23, 1860, page 586, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2353/page/6/