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    BRITISH SYMPATHY "WITH ITALY.

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    The Duke of Argyll " did not deny that the Lords had a right to reject the Bill ; but he believed that in doing so they were striking at the very root of the constitutional . power of the other- House , and at the root of all constitutional practice as determined by precedents between the two Houses of Parliament . " . The constitutional history of England is a narrative of successful struggles on behalf of popular rights . In the days of Kin" - John the Barons curtailed the power of the Grown ; and if the mass of the people were so little considered in the Great Charter ,, the reason was that their development had scarcely be « nui . In Elizabeth's time , notwithstanding the great

    populariiy of the sovereign , and the willingness of the people to suslain ' royal prerogative to a very great extent , the House of Commons on several occasions vindicated its importance , while no advance in power could be made by the peers . The Great Rebellion permanently strengthened the popular branch of the Legislature , and the ' [ Restoration imposed but slight temporary obstacles to that career of development wlr ' ch received a new impulse from the final expulsion of the Stuarts , and was con ^ - tinned , with occasional intermissions , till the Reform Bill of' 32 ; since which time the expansion of commercial interests and the spread of education have called a new popular force into existence , in the shape of a very powerful representative press .

    ] £ o one can contemplate these changes without perceiving that thev were the natural and inevitable consequences of the moral and physical qualities of the nation , and they are all hostile to the dominion of a privileged class . A prosperous country will jilways contain a very large conservative elass , who have obtaiucd wealth and position , and do not wish to be disturbed . To this conservatism of self-satisfaction , may be added the conservatism of habit and of ignorance , which are indisposed for new ideas , and so long as the House of Lords is the fair represent ; 'live of

    these feelings its constitution will be respected but if it goes beyond this , and attempts to perform , the functions that can only be legitimately discharged by a responsible and elective body , it will only hasten the advent of some organic change . For such _ a change the public mind is prepared , and no one has forgotten the arbitrary-Itemd made by the House of Peers against the indubitable right of the Crown , supported by national opinion , to introduce an order of life peers , who might be selected from a class wider in its sympathies , and profbunder in its knowledge , than those luck y children of wealth who can afford to sustain the

    burdens of an hereditai'y position . When Lord Palme k ' ston formed his Cabinet we pointed out the want of cohesion between its component parts , and we believe that those members in whom the public -have most confidence are not the favourites with their cabinet chief . The foreign policy of Lord John Russell has been , notwithstanding occasional timidity , so much more manly and straightforward than anything that we can disco \^ eTdn ~ lTm ^ -P 3 Li 3 ncirsTON s- ^ arcerr that we " should be surprised if it has not provoked the jealousy of

    his ostensible superior . Mr . Gladstone can scarcely be a favourite colleague , and Mr . Mn / XEit Gibson , who fairly earned a seat in the Cabinet , ' is well known to entertain opinions far in advance of the Premier ' s views . The Tories calculate upon these difficulties , . and would , no doubt , like to have another lease of power while no Parliament would be sitting to control their acts . There may also be dreams of new combinations or coalitions , for it is impossible to believe that so many peers would risk a collision with a country , except in the pursuit of some much larger scheme than the preservation of a solitary impost" for a little longer time .

    There are many indications that the chief provincial towns arc alive to the importance of the crisis that has occurred ; and although London Reform organizations , from the Administration bubble down to the Guildhall Coilcc House committee , seem little better than aids to the Carlton Club , we cannot believe the metropolis will be silent or powerless when a great constitutional question is at stake .

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    the gathering was worthy of tlie metropolis ; and so many intelligent people could not have been brought together under , auch circumstances unless a very large part of the population desired an opportunity of showing their interest in the Italian , struggle ,. and their desire that af , least the moral help of England should be firmly and unsparingly bestowed . The doctrine of indifferentism for the sake of peace , with which the country has so long been nauseated by a noisy and un-English school , was severely condemned , with the unanimous sanction of the assembled

    multitude ; and the opinions expressed will have the more weight from the tone of caution and moderation that characterized the proceedings . As might have been expected , the conduct of certain parliamentary aspirants for legal honours , with reference to the legality of the Garibaldi subscription , was not forgotten ; , and Mr . Slack , who did justice to the wise observations of Lord John Russell , clearly pointed out the constitutional principles applicable to such a case , and showed that it was the duty of a British jury to resist the wrongful application of a law intended for the safety of this country , and which it was sought to pervert to the base purposes of foreign tyranny . There is no fault'to

    find with the law as it stands ,.- because it offers the means of restraining individuals from compromising the general safety or interests of the country by ill-considered interventions in the affairs , of other States ; and * it could only be made an engine of mischief through the apathy of the public or a culpable ignorance of the principles of liberty . The right of juries to take their stand upon the maxims of constitutional liberty lias always been admitted by the most trustworthy authorities ; ami when , under the old libel laws , successful efforts were . made by bad ministers to deprive the people of their right of freely commenting

    up on public affairs , Jeremy Bentham , our profbundest jurist , declared that " he should not have regarded it as consistent with his oath and duty to have joined in a verdict of guilty . " Nothing could be easier than to place the Sicilian subscription on a footing extremely difficult to assail by calling it a " Garibaldi Testimonial , " as ¦ was proposed on Tuesday , but no oXhcr-precau-H : ioiris really necessary than that of directing public opinion to the real nature of the ease . With Lord John Russell in office , in such a question our liberty would be secure , and it would be madness too great even for Lord Malmesbuuy to help his friends of misrule _ by an attempt at prosecution that would be

    put down as firmly and indignantly as it would deserve . The triumph of Garibaldi may be looked upon as certain , and Lord John Russell should be encouraged to recognise Victor Emmanuel ' s title to the sovereignty of the island , as soon as the wishes of its inhabitants are declared . There is a rumour in private circles that the Emperor of the . French has caused money to be privately sent to the Garibaldi fund , and a large party in France , who desire the freedom of Italy , will have a —^ frr ^ 4 ^ V . L ., aj . imiJJjp-r ^ iidiifih of their Government if encouraged by the frank , outspoken voice , of the English nation . In a political point of view this is highly important , as every movement which

    the French make in favour of liberal principles renders more impossible that mischievous coalition with Russia that has so often been predicted . The Czar must take his stand upon , that obsolete fiction , the " Divine Right of Kings ; " and if England and France both recognise the real and valid right of the Sicilian people , there will be another link of amity between the two great maritime Powers , and another barrier placed between the civilization of Europe and the barbarism of the Cossack hordes . Lord John' Russell stated that Austria would . not'directly interfere

    in the Neapolitan struggle , and she should be forcibly held to this course , as her intervention would be an outrage upon the common feeling of Europe . So far as Sicily is concerned , a simple declaration ' from , our Government would stop any such attempt , and the Emperor of the French should be assured of British sympathy and approval , if he ; prevented any movement on the main land . There must be no doubt as to the practical result of any embarrassments or changes the Cabinet may undergo , and it-must be felt that whoever obtains office shall be compelled to carry out the national will in this important particular .

    We need prudent precaution against dangers that might arise from Napoleonic designs , but it was never more necessary to resist the instigations of those who would provoke a feeling of jealousy against . France , and attempt to mislead us into foolish efforts ' to pro vent her obtaining that supremacy over a large part of the Continent , which is founded not so much on her own .. < r'flbrts as upon the misconduct of other states . Our Hm » ov « r correspondent last week gave an admirable epitome of German politics , which should be studied in cohnexionwith the Italian question . The various minor Governments , led 4 > y Hanover , are determined to riek everything rather than permit the development of German nationality ; and while some are openly siding with Austria and the musts , others are accused , with apparent reason , ol intriguing will ! the Empire of France . The Sicilian revolution mny bring

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    May 26 , I 860 . ] The Leader andSaturday Analf / sL 4 S 9

    British Sympathy "With Italy.

    BRITISH SYMPATHY WITH ITALY .

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    " f ^\ ARIBALDI has taken Palermo . " The news may have xJT been premature , but when it was communicated on Tuesday night to an immense audience assembled at St . Martin ' s Hall , on the authority of a great mercantile firm , the burst of enthusiasm was soI spontaneousr and overwhelming ns to leave no doubt that the British |> cop ] e nre ns ready as of old to encourage the wise and patriotic efforts of other nations to obtain a freedom which , has long been their own . Public apathy has resulted in no small degree from the want of leaders whom the people could trust , and who were felt to represent the thoughts and feelings which arc extensively cherished at tho present time . No great names were announced 1 o take part in the proceedings at St . Martin ' s Hall ; few bills were aeen as any one walked through London streets ; and yet , both in quality and in numbers

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), May 26, 1860, page 489, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2349/page/5/