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    PARLIAMENTARY JUSTICE—DOVER AND NORWICH.

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    DO ES the House of Commons really wish to put down corrupt i on at elections ? . Has it any conscience that practically stirs it to activity in the matter ? Or are we to regard its occasional manifestations of repressive energy as but spasmodic twinges , which , at rare intervals , afford no real indication of settled purpose or sense of judicial obligation ? Recent proceedings drive men , however unwillingly , towards the latter conclusion . Where the party interests of those who happen to be in power do not clash with the reprehension of bribery , or the political punishment of those who bribe , it is possible to persuade Parliament to say and do that which is right . But where a seat or two may be secured for supporters , it is marvellous to see with what inr firmity of visions the judicial eye of Parliament becomes suddenly " afflicted . No matter how strong the proof rnay be , there are always candid partisans ready to come "forward and declare that no sufficient case has been made out on which the Housecan be called upon to act ; and committees have so great a facility in the art of making inconclusive and imperfect reports , that there is seldom wanting some broken link on which to hang an evasion of penal action . The cases of Dover and Norwich aptly exemplify the inconsistency of Parliament in this respect . The return of the two sitting members for Dover , as every one , is well aware , was mainly secured in 1859 through the active interposition of Mr . ChukchWaud , who was then , as he had long been , a familiar pf the Admiralty under various Administrations , and who , when Lord Deiiby wanted to make sure ' of the return of two friends for the borough , exacted the concession of a highly advantageous Mail Packet conti-act as an indispensable preliminaiy . The contract was made in due time by the Treasury , Mr . Disraeli and Sir Stafford NorthOote taking especial care to talk aud act throughout as if they were really ignorant of the political sendees to be rendered by Mr . Churchward . All that related to that part of the matter was negotiated at the other department , a hundred yards higher up in the street . How couM any privity or concert be proved between the negotiators at the Admiralty and the contractors at the Treasury ? And if none could be 2 3 rovec ^ % should y ^ assumed or asserted ? Sir JoJiN Pakington was naturally anxious to -promote the return of his friends to the new House of Commons , and ; , in the innocence of his Conservative heart , did what he could for them at Dover by speaking to the influential Mr . CiiUKCinv . uti ) , -whom he happened to know , and who Jiappened to have considerable influence there : and simultaneously the sunple-ininded Sir Stafford Northcotd happened to find himself in official cpmmunicatioii with this same Mr . Churchward respecting an exceedingly beneficial bargain which the iast-nnrned gentleman was impatient to close with the Treasury . Who , but some sourminded caitiff , would suspect that between the two proceedings any corrupt connexion existed ? ' What , in point of fact , could be shown beyond the mere coincidence in point of time ? A committee of ' the House of Commons , however , thought otherwise , and the whole of the facts were laid before them , and ' resolved by a majority of eleven to four , that the Treasury had not been warranted by any considerations of the public interest in making the concession of terms which Mr . Churchward had required . That was last session : this session i \ n Election Committee was appointed to try the merits of the Dover petition ; and by their report they seem to have ignored , or at least to have found a verdict of non proven , the charge of administrative corruption , in which the members of the late Government were involved . Emboldened by this decision , ( about as bad a one as was ever pronounced even by « n Election Committee , ) Mr . ChurchwaRip ' s friends in the House of Commons tried on Tuesday last to obtain a vote mandatory on the present Government to carry out the contract entered into by their predecessors . Captain Leycestf / r Vernqn introduced the subject in a speech admirable for its intrepidity of assertion and coolness of tone . Ho wns supported appropriately by Mr . Whitjjsim , Six F . Kbily , Mr . - Maliks , ' Lord Lo . vatse , and tho inculpated px-First Lord of the Admiralty and cx-Secretnry of tljo Treasury ? and one hundred and seventeen members wero found rondv to vote with him on ft division . On the other hand , Ministers , while professing to abstain from loading the opinions of the Houso on the question , sppko deoidedly against the contract , ns

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    296 The Leader andSaturday Analyst . [ March 31 , I 860 .

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    it levels to the ground all considerations of right and wrong . Our foreign policy ought to favour the political rights of the Italians and Hungarians so far as it is able to' affect them . ; It ought to do what it can for the defence of Protestant principles against the despotism which seeks to crush them by brute force ; and yet these are things that cannot fail to draw upon us the envenomed hostility of absolutist sovereigns and Jesuit priests . It is impossible , in either public or private life , to do right without incurring the anger of those whose evil deeds are repressed ; and not until robbers and murderers are willing to support an honest and effective police need we expect to win the friendship of evil-doers by sustaining causes which are righteous and just . We quite agree with Mr . Bright in deprecating intimate alliances with foreign Governments , but we differ entirely as to the chief reasons for avoiding them ; and if our countrymen are to be kept out of the dangers they will entail , something higher must be laid before them than mere appeals to the selfishness of the pocket and the morality of the till . When Lord John Makxbbs complimented Lord John Russell for the declaration we have cited , he gave vent to the delight of his party at the prospect of making England lead a new coalition against revolutionary Prance . This , as we have again and again explained , is the scheme of the Je ' suits and the hope of the various princes of Germany , who feel that , without external aid , their little thrones will gradually sink or be summarily overthrown . If this were no more than a Tory and a Jesuit idea , it would have little chance of success ; but there are Liberals—or people who faiicy themselves Liberals—who day by day hold out to this country the most alarming prospects , and endeavour " to make it appear that w&rimst either join a coalition against Prance , or see our would-be allies disposed of one by one , and fin a lly bear the whole brunt of an assault against ourselves . We fear that Lord Johx Russell ' s speech will tend to strengthen this notion ; but a little cool reflection will show , first , that it is by no means certain that England must take a part in a geriSral Continental war , if such a calamity should arise , either af the beginning , in the middle , or at the end of it ; and in the second / p lace , it is far from being apparent that we could gain any ^ strength by allying , ourselves with decrepit Governments , founded upon reactiohary princi ] 3 les . If , for example , France and Germany should quarrel , it would be more difficult iand more expensive to sustain the Austrian Empire and the German system , than to defend our own coasts , and protect Belgium against any ' act of conquest and annexation . It is rumoured in some quarters that Lord John Russell is permitting himself to be estranged from France in consequence of a strong pressure exercised by the German party in our coui't ; and another report-, ' to which some credit is attached , is to the effect that Austria is again attempting to negotiate an alliance with France and Russia , to secure assistance through her difficulties , jn consideration of her joining in scheme for the division of the property of the incurable " sick man in the East . " There is very likely some truth in this story ; but the success of the negotiation is far less probable than its existence , and it would be extremel y foolish for England to become entangled in alliances to guard against perils which may never arise . Str ipping these alliance questions of national prejudices , which should be suffered to die out , and of diplomatic disguises which conceal their real character , England ought to leave France and the great continental powers to settle their questions of territories and supremacies as well as they can . To join Russia is to condemn Poland ; to join Austria is to condemn Italy and Hungary ; to join the Thirty-One princes and the Four Free Cities of Germany , is to endeavour to perpetuate interests and dynasties which are * incompatible with the welfare of the German race . If we stand aloof from the intrigues and wars of governments which are founded upon principles we condemn , we may mitigate the calamities they bring upon their subjects and the world at large ; but by intimate alliances we can only become abettors of their despotism , and accomplices in , their efforts to prevent the progress of liberty and stay the march of mind . During the time that Lord John Russell hns been minister for foreign affairs , there is proof that lie has exorted a beneficial influence upon , the councils of Franco , and he will do more good by continuing ( i firm and friendly remonstrance against whnt is bod , than by threatening to act with other powers to establish a countei'noise which French ambition will be stimulated to overthrow . If tho Continent runs n race of despotism , Franco is likely to win , because her despotism is loss stupid thnn that of most other , powers . Let tUoso other powers , when they please , change the race for ono of liberty , and they will then need nothing from England more expensive thnn « good example to assist them in their career . Stroud lias had- the good sense to repudiate the conduct of Mr . Horsman . Mr , Kjngxake abandons

    his motion on Savoy , Our warehouses are full of French silks ; wine is on the road , and our iron ^ masters , potters , and cottonspinners , are getting ready to establish something more , useful than a diplomatic connexion with our nearest neighbours . Let these peaceful influences work , and no harm will he done to the great interests of humanity by proclaiming that England will not fight for despotic interests or incapable courts .

    Parliamentary Justice—Dover And Norwich.

    PARLIAMENTARY JUSTICE—DOVER AND NORWICH .

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), March 31, 1860, page 296, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2340/page/4/