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Leader (1850-1860), 24th March 1860, Edition 1 of 2, Page 285, Untitled Article

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      and mine , of the liberty of princes , peoples , and all Christia ™> " 1 s ; " . " Miserable man , have you lost all common sense , W Catnolic sense , even the ordinary sense of language ? " In vam . D . confesses liis errors ! owns that he is converted , and implores mercy , JNo , X . replies in conclusion , « this is not / enough ; your . tongue has spread scandal ; and even , if innocent itself , has sown discord . The good seed is obedience and reverence to the Pope pur Father , and theOmrch our Mother . Woe to the tares ^ of the nevv creed ' Woe to the proud and impious men , who under the cloak of mety ^ raise their hands and tongues against their father and mother ! The crows and the birds of ' prey shall feed upon their tongues , and the wrath of God shall wither up their hands / ' . . < - a The demolition of D . the devout only whets X . s appetite ; and , heedless of his coming doom , M . the moderate enters the lists . As a specimen of mild facetiousness , I quote the commencement of the Becoiid dialogue : — M . ¦ " Great news ! a great book ! X . " Where from P" - M . " From Paris . " X . " A dapper dandy , then , I suppose , j M . "No , a political pamphlet . " X . " Well , that is a political dandy . " M . "A pamphlet containing the politics of the Moderates . X . " You mean , of the moderate intellects ?" M . "I mean the policy of the Moderates , a policy of compromise between the Holy Father and , and— ., ' X . " Say what you really mean---between the Holy Father and the Holy Revolution . " After * this test of M . ' s intellectual faculties , lam not surprised to find that throughout he is treated with the most contemptuous playfulness . He is joked about the fait accompli , and asked whether he woiild consider a box on his ears was excused and accounted for by this denomination ; questioned as . to whether he would like himself to be deprived of all his property ; and at last asked . triumphantly , whether the reasoning of his beloved pamphlet is anything but rank communism . M . in fact , after this outburst , ceases any endeavour at argtimeritj and contents himself with feeble suggestions , whidh give X . fertile openings for his vitupeiative powers . For instance , M . drops a hint that ' the Pope might bes placed under the guarantee and protection of the Catholic powers ; on which X . retorts : — " The Catholic powers , indeed ! First of all you ought to be sure whether the Catholic powers will co-operate witli the Jew in tlie disgraceful act of plundering Christ through his Vicar , in order to guarantee him afterwards the last shreds of his vestment . Secondly , you , should learn whether any tribunal in the world , in the name of common justice , would place the . victim beneath the guarantee and protection of his spoiler . " When M . expresses a doubt whether there is any career for a soldier , or statesman , or an orator , under the Papal Government , his doubts are removed by the reflection that the Roman statesmen are no worse off tlian the French , and that if Roman soldiers don't fight and Roman orators don't speak , it is because the exertion of their faculties would not prove beneficial to themselves or others .. : M . hencolbrth becomes convinced and converted ; he asks X . candidly , to tell 'him whether the Papal Government is a bad one or not , and is satisfied with the quotation , " sunt hona inixla malts ; " lie then inquires in all simplicity why there are so many complaints and outbreaks against , the Papacy , and is told in explanation that the Pope is persecuted because he is weak . X ., emboldened by his easy triumph , l'iJipales the notioii of any reforms being granted by the Papacy , states that what is wanted is a reform in the Papal * Subjects , not in the Papal rulers , and finally falls foul of M . in such language as this : —— ¦ ¦ . " What good can we ever expect from this race of Moderates , who'in all revolutions are sent out as pioneers , who have ruined every State in turn by shutting their eyes to every dang-or , and parleying with every insurrection , and who would propose a compromise even with fire or fever , or plague itself ? " After tin ' s , X . repents the old fable of the- horse and the man , and then bursts into a tirade against Franco . " You rofused to believe that Italy replaced foreign influence by foreign dominion on the day . on which Franeo crossed tlio Alps . Do you still disbelieve in the treason which is plotting against Italy , by depriving- her of her natural bulwarks , Savoy , Nice , and the Maritime Alps ? Do you not see that while you are lulled to sleep by the syren song of ltabn . n iuder pendency , Italy is weakened , dismembered , and enslaved P" The fast suggestion of M ., Unit porhaps the language of the encyclical letter was a little too strong , brings forth the following retort : — "Yes , it was strong , and tasted bitter to diseased and vitiated palates ; but to the lips of justice the taste is swoot and satisfying . Poor natjons ! What have politics becomq P What filth \ ye are obliged to swallow 1 What scandal to the people ; what a lesson of immorality is this fashion of outraging ovory principle of right with swox'd , tiongue and pun ! In this chaos , blessed be Providence , there is one free voice , the voice of Saint PuTasji , which is raised in defence of justice despised and disregarded 1 " Hereupon , M . confesses , " on the ' faith , of a Moderate , that the refusal of the Popo to neeppb the advico of the Emperor " was am act worthy of him , both « s Popo andau Italian Sovereign "—and then retires in shame and confusion . ' , '« ,., ' The sincere opponent ( S . ) now enters , and announces , with foolish pride , that " Italy shall bo free , and tho gates of hell shall prevail . " Pride comoth before a fall , and S . is shortly convinced that his remark was profuno , and that by his own showing liberty was a gift of hell . S . then repeats ft number of commonplaces about the Tights of men , tho voioe of the people , and tUe will of the majority ;

      and as in every case he quotes these commonplaces wrongly and out of place , X . upsets him withoutreffort . As a specimen of the style of logic adopted by X ., I will take one case at , hazard . S . states that his * ' reason of all reasons is , that Italy belongs to the Italians ; and that the Italians have the right of dividing it , uniting it , and governing it , as seems good in their own sight . " To this X . answers , "I adopt and ' apply your own principle . Turin , with its hottses * belongs to the Turinese ; therefore , the Turinese have the light to divide or unite the houses ofTurin , or drive out their possessors , as seems good in their own sight . " The gross disingenuousness , the palpable quibble in this argument need no exposure . The argurnent , however , ra logically rather above the usual range . X . th « n frightens M . with the old bugbears : the impossibility : of real union between the Italian races ; the absorption of the local importance of her small capitals in any great kingdom , and the certainty that the European powers will never consent to an Italian monarchy . His conclusion is a short resume of Papal history , which will somewhat surprise the readers of Ranke and Gibbon . "After the death of Constantino , the almost regal authority of the * Popes commenced in reality . Gbeooby the Great , created Pope 440 a . d ., was compel led ^ for the safety of Italy , to exercise this authority against the Lombards on one hand , and the rapacious Exarchs on the other . About 726 A . D . j GitiBGOKX II . declined the offer of Ravenna , Venice , and the other Italian States , who conferred upon him , in name as well as in fact , the princedom of Italy . At last , in 741 a . d ., when Italy was not only deserted in her need , but threatened from . Byzantium with desolation and heresy * Gregory III . called in the aid of CHABtEs Mabtez ,, that 'Italy might not perish ; ' and by this law-, a law of life and preservation , and through the decree of Provir dence the Popes became Italian princes , both in right and fact . " Oh this very lucid and satisfactory Account of the origin of the Papal power , S . is convinced at once , and is finally dismissed with the question , " whether the real object of the Revolution is not to create new men , new nations , new reason , new humanity j and a new Gor > . ¦ ' ' . ¦¦ . ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ . •• . ¦; ¦ ¦"¦ ¦ ¦ , ¦ ¦ . ¦ ' •¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ . The three abstractions , S ., M ., D ., then re-assemble to recant their errors . One and all avow themselves . converted and convinced ,. ; X . then dismisses then ! with the qualified approval , that he " rejoices in their moral amendment , and trusts the change may be a perma ^ nent one , " and then asks them finally , " what is the true and traditional liberty of Italy , the only one worthy to be sought and loved by all Italians ? " To this question with one voice , S . and M . and D . reply , " Liberty with law , law with religion , and religion with the Pope . " The course of instruction is completed ; and if anybody is , not convinced by the arguments of the allwise X ., I can only say I am sorry for him . ; . ¦ ¦'¦» Turin , March 17 th , 1860 . THE result of tlie votes in Tuscany and the Emilia is highly gratifying , though nothing more than we expected . This popular manifestation , is the most eloquent refutation of the reproaches which have been uttered against our Government and the Peninsula . Tuscany and the Emilia have deserved well of Italy and of civilization , and have given Europe an example } which will not easily , be forgotten . Public opinion is a power to which both people and rulers are compelled to submit . This is a great consolation nt tho present moment , since it affords the assurance that the annexation will be looked upon as an accomplished fact , will be recognised by the civil powers , and admitted into the public order of Europe . But in spite of this , I confess that I tremble for what may yet be in store for the country . So long as Rome , Naples , and Austria are banded together against the national movement , I cannot hope that the danger of continued conflicts j s at an end . Ifc is not easy to guess at the intentions of the Neapolitan Government . When General Gabibaedi commanded the troops of Central Italy , Naples justified ! tho formation of ail army on the Roman confines as a precaution against any attempts which the valiant soldier might make against the kingdom of the Two Sicilies . Notwithstanding , however , that all reawon for doubt or fear on this head has disappeared , tho King of Naples persists in keeping his troops upon tho frontiers , although they are wasted by illness . It cannot be for the purpose of defending himself that he has thus concentrated his forces , since ho is in no danger of attack , but for some other purpose ; very likely with a view to aid tho Popo , in case the mercenary troops of Rome should attack the Roinagna and bo worsted ; or to be in readiness to enter the other provinces of the Roman State if revolution should break out there . The internal condition of the kingdom of Naples is bucIi as to demand tho wholo thought and attention of tho Government , and ought to prevent ib from interfering in affairs which arc nob of personal and vital importance . The discontent of i ' . s subjects i » potting past ull bounds . In spite of all the aovority and vigilance of tho police , from thno to tnno such hostile demujiOrations are nmde us have always proved to bo tho prelude of serious events . 1 ho administration has fallen into complete disorder , and the policy of the Government seems diweoted by pure chance , and to own no regular principles of guidance whatever . In ono single particular only does this Government munifoHt wtedlustiiosa and tenacaty—in rejucting all the influences of civilisation , und iaohiting itsolf from Ituly . Franco and England havo in vain tried to induce tho king to consider his position , and pu {; an end to a rdaimo of violence whioh is u porina ^ .. nont monuco for other states . Tho king , not being- propurcd with an answer , would not be seen tlie last time that tho representatives of tho two groat Western A ' owere ' solioitod an uudienco . Can ho bo lookiag to Russia for support P Tho Emperor lijono . i-as had some syinputliy for King- Fbbdinand , nnd counsollgd him

      Untitled Article

      March 24 , I 860 . J The Leader and Saturday Analyst . 285 '

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), March 24, 1860, page 285, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2339/page/17/