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    PAPAL HOME*

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    OF . the Roman Catholic Church , thut mighty for a reason nobly corresponded to some of Humanity ' s noblest needs and aspirings , but which has long been ha / tening to its downfall , « e would spwik with becoming reveivnce ; but toward the popedorn as distinguished from the Roman Catholic Church we cherish no other feeling than tliat of unutterable loathing . Whatever the . Ultramontauists may say , the popedom and the Roman Catholic Church , so far from being identical , are , and have been for the moat part antagonisms . The first then may perish , and yet the second survive . The present'work is n crushing exposure of the huge papal imposture , and will , when finished , have as much historical translation from tho

    as polemical value . The book is a French unpublished Italian mnnuscript of a Roman patrician ,- —a former member of the Human Constituent Assembly . It does not deal in declamation , in denunciation ; it heaps fact on fact , detail on detail , draws vivid pictures which convince more than the longest , most powerful argument : * . The author , thoroughly in earnest and with the profoundest knowledge of liia subject , writes often with indignation , but never with bitterness ; it is obvious that ho has not wiwheu to make out a enso by special pleading , by misrepresentation , by a concealment of the circumstances indispensable to honest and impartial judgment . Recent converts , chiefly willy EnglJHh persona , .. i . A . „ A _ . 1 I ... ( La -.... ¦ w . ^ . SYaa .. i . linni j * 4 4 1 t 4 k 1 ? Jkttt fl VI I 111 I IW \ I in fill II i *(* . 11 _ lll * ft

    „ very zealous in defending popery in all its aspects and relations . Hut what irt the worth either , of thi-ir testimony or opinion ? Spending a few days or a , tow weoks in the Eternal City , they are satishuu if the shows are numoroua ' and splendid enough . They rush to be enchanted by theatricalities , and theatricalities abound . 1 < rom the misery and corruption of the Roman States , from the woes and wrongs of Italy , from the slavery , anguish , and degradation ot the human race they turn away their ears and thuir eyes , limy thinlc themselves pious worshippers , but they are aimply hunters tor amusement , indolent viptih )* <> f the' worst kind of chlettnntoiam , poor drivelling flr « ntur «« , who insult Religion by their vuui <» ' protended superstition . How pope , and cardinals , and prolnton inuM London

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    by the late Lord Colchester . Nor must we omit to mention / among the many useful maps and plans which accompany the- ¦ work , a facr simile of a sketch ' of the entire plain of Waterloo taken by the Duke's orders and used by him in the battle . We may here just hint that some of these materials - -have perhaps been obtained at a price which the reader may think too high . It is not possible to write a life of Wellington under the patronage of Apsley House without assuming something of the diplomatic formality of the Court Historiographer , There are difficult and delicate points in all biographies ; but it is not well that the biographer should be haunted at all times with a dread of committing himself . Mr . Yonge , however , is a genuine admirer of the Duke ; he accepts all his positions , and justifies all his sentiments and declared principles . He is just such a biographer as the family of a great man disposed to be communicative might consider safe ; and ' we should be much surprised if the present or any future bearer of the title of Wellington should take exception to Mr . Yonge's version of any one of the scenes in which the Duke bore a part . . ¦ ¦ ' ^ , We do not , of course , in this notice intend to follow Mr . 1 onge s narrative of the progress of the great soldier from boyhood to his honoured grave , the battles with Tippoo and the Peishwa , the chequered struggle in the Peninsula , and the final triumph over foreign foe and party detractor , the great page of Waterloo , and the less successful struggle with Whigtfery and the Political Economists , are too well known in their outlines to require s . i brief sketch . What Wellington did—the nature of the . man , and the value of the influence which he brought to bear upon his times , are things of which most Englishmen have a distinct idea . , No . higher proof of the inherent greatness of this man could be found than the fact that his name has lost none- , of its original brightness , though the world , with the exception of Mr . Youge , has long left behind the principles with which it was identified . There are facts in his life which political moralists of a later and a better school cannot easily overlook . It is impossible to forget that the Duke was , from first to last , the consistent opponent of progress and improvement ; the apologist of established power , however corrupt . It was he who , at sin age when the love of freedom and of justice is as natural as health and strength , recommended , " main force " as the only syst em suited to the Irish . It was he who supported the Duke of York in the scandalous business of Mrs . Clarke ; who fought long and obstinately for nomination and rotten boroughs ; who opposed the claims of Catholics , dissenters ^ and . Jews to civil equality ; who approved of the " opium -war" with the Chinese ; aivd who , even while faniine was abroad , and a Tory so confirmed as Peel was shaking , stood fast , for an iniquitous bread-tax , declared the corn laws particularly essenti a l in Ireland , and " a benefit to the whole community . " The Duke ' s ideal of apolitical systeni was perfect rest . - The constitution was to him athiiigto he preserved like the text of the great Hebrew writers , in which he who should t-alie . away or add one word should stand accursed . He was no worshipper of the abstract divinity of kings . The -Crown was to him just that power to which what the great families -. called the " constitution " has reduced it ; no more . no less . He would have been no party to an encroachment on the king ' s prerogative , but nil encroachments already secured he was ready to maintain . Ho accepted the very last edition of our political system ; but now the work was done , no one should do more than Copy to the letter . Curious instances of this might be adduced ;—as his insisting that George the Fourth should not allow his ministers to choose their own leaders , refusing himself ' * even to offer any advice on such a subject , " on the ground—we hope it sounded agreeably in royal ears—that the choice of a minister was , " under the British Constitution , the only personal act of Government which the King of Great Britain had to perform . " Couple with tin ' s his famous advice to the Queen on the Bedchamber Question . Lori Melbourne and Lord John Russell were gallant enough to allow thqir youthful sovereign the privilege of selecting her own laidics of the Bedchamber—reasonable enough , it might bo thought , to mere common sense unenlightened by the study of the British Constitution , The Duke , however , had no hesitation in taking the contrary side . He looked upon the choice as the established right of the ministers ' , and frankly stated to the Queen that it was " their positive duty to require it . " The demand was one which scarcely disguised the truth , that the ffveat funiiljos who ruled in England have monopolised ' all but the shadow of power and patronage ; that the Civil Xtisb itself , though nominally granted to the sovereign , who has the credit of spending it , in , in fact , divided among the friends and dependants of the reigning faction , on the" pretence of filling posts in the household ; and " that tins is so much regarded as their right , that any attempt on the . part of the Crown to divert patronage from them beyond the comparatively trifling limits of the privy purse , is treated as a fraud . The fuct is humiliating enough - —Insupportable , one would think , to any but a . mayor of tho palace , a llama of Thibet , or a well-trained constitutional sovereign ; but to the great Duke , it was a part of the established order of things , and ns such—whether gallant or uiigallant , . whether it raised or degraded royalty into tho dust—it must bo maintained . Even the Duke's changes of opinion airo not , as might at first sight appear , contradictions , hut , in fact , confirmations of this view , He did not , like Canning or Peel , see the change coming , and by a well-timed withdrawal nulp to break up his party and take the lead initho new regime when tho clmnge came , or vri \» ho clearly ix fait accompli * that pointaiico was no louder possible ; ' hd received the novelty as an addition to the count itut ion—tin welcome , y « fc henceforth to bo defended as pertinaciously as all the rest . He would have stood up for General Warrants in tho days of John Wilkes : but the victory once gained , not even the recantation of

    John Wilkos himseif could have induced him to return to General Warrants again . Once gone from , the book of the constitution , no less a battle'than Lad sufficed to remove them would , to him , be sufficient to bring them back . It is curious , however , to remark the force of . public opinion in all these things . The outward strength of Wellington's Toryism lay not so much in himself as in the public , who so long supported him and his party , Jt is a common error of Liberals to regard the men who monopolised power in this country from , the rising to the setting of the star of Napoleon as a kind of insolent usurpers , who maintained themselves in tyrannical defiance of the people ' s better sense . We would it were so . Unfortunately , the truth is that our Wellingtons , our Addingtons , our Liverpool ^ , Eldons , and Bexleys , were strong in their Toryism , because Toryism was a madness -which , had then seized upon the nation . When this madness subsided—with the dread of the Revolution , and its representative—Toryism declined and fell . This is indeed the invariable history . Even the Reign of Terror , to-those who read its annals attentively , will appear rather as the creation of a public opinion which maintained it . throughout , than as the unsupported tyranny of Robespierres and Dantons according to the popular belief . The popular horror ^ of French excesses was a mine of patronage and power to the Toryism of those days . When France fell , and those who laid her low dreamed of nothing : ' but greater security and long-unchallenged possession , their stronghold was shaken in its foundations , and did not long delay to show its weakness . London mobs would no longer hoot a Foxite for liberalism ,- , nor Birmingham rioters burn down the meeting-houses of such reformers as Priestley . Radicals , whom whilom the very tag-rag of the town despised as low ,, began to get hearers ; the old claptraps lost their virtue , and peace and reflection brought in the better time . The world ' s judgment of the great Duke has long taken a set shape , and will ' probably be little modified as time rolls on . The events with which his name is mingled have already receded into the domain of history : the Waterloo Banquet has dwindled to a shadow , and the great order of change and progress which the Duke so dreaded , moves on with even swifter turns . Even those who least love the system of which he was a part , do not refuse him a place among our greatest names ; but the number is not small of those who believe that his influence was too long extended-for ' . his country's good ; for its shadow goes beyond the-grave ; His exairiferated fears of enemies , domestic and forefgiij-so conspicuous in 1 . 847 , 1 S 43 , ami 1851—were among the most powerful causes of that invasion- panic which still shakes the nation periodically from its seat Cf dignity ; but the Duke was honest , and men recognised in the opinions he put forth the natural characteristics of the man . No better proof , indeed , could be given of his disintere . tedness , than his unprofessional approval of a militia force , aiid acknowledgoi-hent that its'inferiority to a standing army had been exaggerated . The Duke had fought battles with militia forces and the . rawest troops ; and knew , in fact , that when the struggle comes the combatants are almost invariably new levies , or men the bulk of whom know nothing of war . This opinion alone , rightly appreciated , was a strong antidote to the mischief which we believe his invasion terrors to have caused , and was no small service to the cause , of liberty at home . ¦ .

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    Pfb . 4 . I 860 . ] The Leader and Saturday Ancdyst . 115

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    * Xm JlQiiwdes P < qitv . Premier Volume Halo : tfohwcitfhausor , s John Chapman .

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    PA PAT , HOME *

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 4, 1860, page 115, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2332/page/15/