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    1293 THE LEADEK [ No . 505 . Kov 26 > 1859

    Untitled Article

    of the erroneous course steered between 1793 and 1816 , the change was dictated by sheer necessity—not generosity . The ship of the State was running on the rocks , and the pilot was prudent enough to tack about . The gentlemen of England , having him at their head , could not then beinduced to give up their tax on the labourers ' bread , and were only at last persuaded into allowing the just course to be taken , while 'they ostracised their great champion and favourite for taking it ^ by the terrible famine which destroyed more than one-tenth of the whole Irish people . If for such legislation in 1842 and subsequent years , the gentlemen of England deserve the flattery of our contemporaries it will not secure them either honour from the historian or veneration from the bulk of mankind .

    From 1842 til ! the war of 1854 there was a « ain , as the rule , a reduction of taxation . . The ( Government , and all the parties which had influence with the Government , tried hard to expend the whole revenue , but could not succeed , and sO they reduced taxation . From 1842 to 1853 the only taxes imposed were a trifling sum on auctioneers' licences , and the inhabited house duty . The reduced or repealed taxes were numerous , but surely the abolition of the duties on glass and on bricks , on exported coals and marine insurances , on fine furniture woods , and on windows—from which small houses were exempt—were not boons exclusively for those who have no income but wages . We cheerfully admit that they did share with the rest of the community in the advantages of the reduction or abolition of duties on the raw

    materials of clothing , on . tea , butter , cheese , sugar , coffee , &c ., but those -who reproach them with not being thankful for this reduction , admit the injustice it only partially remedied . Their general wellbeing since these reductions were commenced , and the increased national prosperity which has accompanied every reduction or abolition of duties , and every removal of restrictions , seem to have given no satisfaction to the gentlemen of England and their class writers . They continually represent these changes as losses to them . They actually claim a property in taxation , and find no consolation , when they are compelled to give it up , in the well-being of the people and the prosperity < oif the nation which ensue .

    Wow , coming to the existing taxation , as the several reforms boasted of have left it , we grant that it is not so scandalously unjust as the taxation imposed between 1793 and . 1816 . A much larger proportion of it is now borne , in the first instance , py the other classes than those who have no other income than wages . . But , of all the indirect taxation , amounting to more than . £ 42 , 000 , 000 , they pay a large share . The excise duties on malt , hops , paper , and , spirits : the Customs duties on sugar , tea , coffee , cocoa , tobacco , &c , fall heavily

    on them , do does the Is . duty on a quarter of corn , and the duties on butter and cheese , which also have the effect of increasing the price of all the corn , butter , arid oheese grown or made at homo ; and these relicts of corn laws still transfer a large sura annually , from those who have no incomes but wages , into the pockets of the landowners . Moreover , the indirect taxes on articles , none of which are grown in England , have the effect ;' of increasing the difficulty of obtaining them , and foroing the population to use homorgrown substitutes or commodities of a similar character . The tax on

    raisins and currants keep up the price * of similar fruits grown at homo . It is virtually like many similar taxes , a bounty on home-grown produoo . With these little explanations we . adopt the statement of the Board of InlandRevenuo—published by our contemporaries—that the consumption is of Toa , Suffiir . por Owt . por Owt . By Iho Upper ClaBSoe 17 A 2 ! iA „ Mfddlo Classen 38 38 . i WagusOlaes ,... 44 A 304

    Lot us , however , remind the Board , and those wh p deem its wisdom incomparable , that the duties levied on those articles are twioe collected , first by the Custom House , before they can bo taken from the king ' s warehouses , and seoondly , by the trades Mien who sell them to the multitude . The cost of the first collection is said to bo 10 per oent . on the price , and the cost of this eeoond collection 134 per cont . On this statement , for collecting the £ 42 , 000 , 000 WMJ middle and upper classes—for the morohantgots flomotnmg in collecting the tax from the shop-Keepera—shore amongst them annually £ 56 , 000 , 000 ,

    which they collect chiefly from those who live on wages . They recover from the lower classes far more than double the sum which they actually contribute . to the state by indirect taxation . . Accordingly , it is notorious that the middle and shopkee p ing classes—as long as taxation is not so inordinate as , in 1841 , to stop consumption—get rich by the taxation they are by the Board of Inland Revenue asserted to pay . It is equally notorious that the makers of excise articles profit by the tax , and great hop growers , great distillers , and great Saper makers object to the removal of excise uties . In fact , such duties make it necessary to

    possess a large capital , in order to advance them to the Government which confines the business to few hands , effectually keeps out of it all those who have no incomes but wages , and establishes against them a grievous monopoly . Now , as indirect taxation adds to profit , raises prices , restricts competition , and enriches the middle and upper classes , it is clear , that as a whole—whatever may be the ease with individuals—they pay no portion of these taxes , whatever per eentage of the articles taxed they may consume . The elaborate calculations of the Board , therefore , may be put aside as irrelevant to the subject .

    We are now in a condition to answer the great question— Who pays the taxes ? AH wealth , say the political economists , is created by labour . Labour pays all price .. The land may be inonopolised , it is not wealth , and there is no wealth in the world which is not created by labour . B y labour , tpoj all ; wealth is annually produced , for all wealth is annually consumed . There is for ever renewed production . All repairs of instruments and implements are tantamount to new production . Labour , then , including skilled labour of all kinds , pays all the taxes . The labourers pay all the taxes . The productive labourers not only pay all the taxes , -they sustain all the unproductive classes . Of course all the recipients of taxesand under this term all state enforced

    contributions of every kind ought to be included—pay none of them . They are all paid by labour . The landlord ' s rent , the capitalist ' s profit , the titheowner ' s compensation , are all paid by those who labour , and especially by the class who are contradistinguished from capitalists , landowners , and tithe owners , as having no means but wages . We now understand why the labourers should be always poor ; they are compelled by the Stateand for this purpose the State seems to exist to provide ample subsistence , comforts , and luxuries for all the rest of society . This is unjust , and the upper classes begin to see that it is unjust . The condition of those who have no incomes but

    wages- —males and females—is seriously affecting the other classes . They are by circumstances compelled to take it into consideration . The gentlemen of England begin to see that they are made the victims of a false political system ; and a consciousness of doing injustice , with its accompanying sense of shame , is fast growing up in their minds . To stop its growth seems the great object of the snobisra of the . press , but no , &flattery enn prevail against facts ; and now that " the conscience of the upper classes is awakened , they , we are sure , will be prompt to do justice to those by whose labour they live . They will not continue to prefer political mire to social puritv .

    Who receives the taxes ? is a branch of the subject adverted to b y our contemporaries , which we may hereafter consider .

    Untitled Article

    ITALY AND THE CONGRESS . We aro unwilling to share in the desponding views expressed b y many at the turn which Italiuu affairs , regarded in some lights , may appear to have taken . " The retirement of Garibaldi is only consistent with the professed plan of action of the chief leaders in the temporary and provisional measures taken in the Peninsula . From the first , it has boon decided to wait and see the result of diplomacy before doing anything to oxoitc or warrant one of those grcai revolutionary outbursts which , on every principle of humanity and prudence , aro to be avoideUjftslong as possible , and , when inevitable , curtailed and limited within the narrowest bounds compatible with their naturo , origin and objeot . If appears that the presence of Garibaldi in Contra ! Italy was a cause of the greatest embarrassment to the Governments of tho Duchies , particularly that of Tuscany . His own ardour and patriotism -were so infectious , that tho rulers wore in constant fear lost tho enthusiasm

    he aroused among his followers should overstqp the hounds which he himself would wish to prescribe for it , and prove utterly beyond his control . It is of course a matter variously judged according to special political leanings , and decided in accordance with the prospect obtained froni the peculiar stand-point of each reasoner , whether the Italians have done , and are doing well in thus waiting and depending upon others to accomplish for them what they might , no doubt , have secured for themselves , though , w ith as little doubt , only at the cost of immense

    sacrifice of life . ^ Having , however , so decided , -we repeat that it is perfectly consistent with that decision , and so far , therefore , worthy of respect , that they should seek to repress the military ardour of their excitable youth and lower grades within the limits demanded by this general line of policy . To many -who looked upon the presence of Garibaldi and his troops in Central Italy as the best guarantee for the future of the Peninsula , it is necessarily a great disappointment that he should have resigned his charge . But in deference to the convictions of those who

    have adopted the ¦ waiting policy he could do no less . Among these , we Know from personal acquaintance , are some of the most fiery spirit , who impatiently long to be up and doing , and whose acquiescence in the present state of things is a proof , of higher self-control and abnegation of every personal sentiment than was ever given by monk or nun in the retirement of the hermitage or cloister , or by martyr at the stake . Garibaldi's very name is associated with movement and brilliant action . How , then , ask him to stand still surrounded by troops impatient to be led by him to glory ? Plow feel secure , when a single spark might kindle an inextinnruishable flame in those ranks which the rulers

    have their reasons for yet longer retaining m idleness ? tinder such circumstances it was almost inevitable that he should resign his command . It is gratifying that he has acted throughout in perfect accord -with the soldier King of Piedmont . From the 17 th of March , when Victor Emmanuel appointed him general of the Italian army , and confided to his command the Chasseurs des Alpes , to the present moment , his conduct has been marked by the utmost disinterestedness and forgetfulness of self ; and the brilliant successes of himself and his brave followers during the Franco-Sardinian campaign were such as amply to maintain the high reputation and romantic interests attached to the name of the hcyoic guerilla chieftain and republican soldier of 1 848 . Maddalena

    He retires to his farm in the island of with the promise of returning to Italy whenever his services may be claimed by his Sovereign . The manly and characteristic proclamation addressed by him to the . Italians , and inserted in the Nice journals , proves that he may still be depended upon when the right moment for action is considered to have arrived . It maybe hoped that his departure will not have depressed the military ardour of Iub countrymen beyond tho prudent and safe standard to which it is . sought to limit it , since the . second rogiment of the Bolojmeso brigade has taken tho oath to tho King of bardinia , received its colours amid tho applause or tho populace , and adopted the uniform of tho Sardinian army .

    Again , it has boon feared" by tho nlunnistd that the ' remarkable and admirable union which has no long prevailed among tho several Stated was giving way , i ) ccauso objection was made at Florence to the proposed regency . But tho opposition emanated irom a single member of the Government , supported by but a very small , party , and has boon entirely withdrawn . We will , therefore , hope unit tho groat end and object of tho presidency will be obtained $ that tho friendly tios existing between tho States of Central Italy and the Lombnnlo-Sardinian kingdom will ba still furtlior

    atrengtneued ; and that tho now Italian kingdom »>> ny present so united ami imposing a front to tlic European Congress , that it must bo aelcnowlodgou and recognised as an already consolidated power . Tho Uirootion of the present politioal movement in Italy has boon almost exclusively oonfinud to uw aristooratio and middle olassos . Similar poUticiu agitatbnB arc generally carried on by demagogues and sootnrics belonging to tho lowost ranKa oi society , who have nothing to lose , so may winy hope to gain by any change , whatever tho real loss involved in thoir plans to the country at Im'&Q'

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Nov. 26, 1859, page 1298, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2322/page/14/