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Leader (1850-1860), 12th November 1859, Edition 1 of 2, Page 1249, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      SETTLING ITAIA' . We have assumed that the letter of the French Emperor to the Sardinian King ' . was not written with the evil purpose which some writers have attributed to it . It offered a foreign solution of" a domestic question , and practically invited ' parties concerned to do better if they could ; and the Governments of Central Italy have responded by electing the Prince of Carignan , tlie cousin of Victor Emmanuel , to the temporary oflioe oi Regent . This is a very judicious sstep , because it positively rejects the most objectionable consequences of the Villafranea peace , and , at the same timeavoids placing Victor Emmanuel in a

      , position which he could not , at present , hold without compromising his friendship with France . >»' o man ia bound to do that which is impossible , or can only be accomplished by criminal means , and Louis Napoleon now stands absolved from any promises to reserve the alleged mrhtsof the deposed potentates . Their people have , in the most formal and orderly way , declared that they have no rights to resurve , nnd the monarch who proclaims to Europe that he rests upon universal suffrage , must either accept their decision or forfeit his own best chum to rule . Ilomny bo anxious

      iov the future , and may . foresee ft train of complications suiliciently entangled to tax b 6 tli military and civil skill , but we will not believe he is disappointed or regrets that the Italians have evinced si disposition to be musters of their own affairs . To have Italy in . chronic c 6 nvul * ions is to keep Europe in continued alarm , and experiende has demonstrated the folly and wickedness of one na ? tion , or acongross of nations , Bottling the internal affairs of . another . Italy will , therefore , render the wprld great service if she will soldo herself . further

      3 n attempting this she must expect collisions , " for the Tope , the Empdror of Austria and the King of Naples seem determined to constitute a " malefic triad , and oppose either overt or insidious obstacles to every movement for national emancipation . The portion of Italy already rescued from the inyailor cannot remain invincible to tlio wrongs which their less fortunate brethren still miller ; imd it is to Garibaldi and his soldiorn that uob only Jtnliun patriots nnd EJngliah Liberals , but oven Tories , like Lord Ellonborough , look for fresh movements nnd furtlior success . It ia gratifying to find nn English

      peer ottering his subscription to the Garibaldi Fund , and declaring , " there ia one man in Italy who has at once n head to direct and n hand 10 execute , and a heart to toll him what ia right . That man is Garibaldi . Let the Italians follow when he leads : they will , at least , acquire the

      honour which has been so long unknown to them as a people . " Af ter exhibiting some jealousy of France , which we think neither just or expedient , his lordship , speaking of the Italians , exclaims , " At least let us , sympathising with them in circumstances which were once our own , place in their hands the arms , by which alone , under Providence , their redemption can be achieved . " This is bold , honest language , which , coming , from a man who has held high office , ' , and may hold . . .

      it again , cannot fail to have weight both here and abroad . It tells Austria that those Tories , . who are capable of learning anything from past experience or current events , have abandoned'her as an Italian power , and although she has dismissed Gyulai , the ready minister of her vengeance and the apt instrument of her disgrace , she cannot erase the victories in which Italian valour was as worthily conspicuous as that of the French ; nor can she dream of renewed hostilities , without feeliiifj that the sword of Magenta , is still suspended

      over her head . Looking to the condition of Austrian finances , the defiant tone of Hungary , and the astounding fatuity of decrepit despotism which characterises the . Austrian Court , the Venetians may be sure that if they watch patiently they will discover an opportunity for liberation ^ and . , if -Koine be for the present left q . uiut the inhabitants of the Papal States cannot too soon be on the move to st : j .. r ..-rt their brethren of Holotrna . The time for a

      congress has not yet arrived- One of the old \ jcnna sort , impiously undertaking to deal with nations like droves of cattle ,. will not . do now , and until the Italians have done more to adjust their own affairs they will not be in a position to call upon other countries to recognise their work . We are glad to hear from Sir " G . C . Lewis , who represented the premier and Lord John Russell at the Mansion House dinner , " that no formal invitation re-pectin < x the affairs of Italy has as yet been ¦ addresseifto Her Majesty ' s Government , " and still more to find the cabinet . true to the principle of national rijdit . "If at any future time , "

      said the same speaker , " such an invitation should be addressed to us ,. it will be our duty to'tleliberatc on the matter with a view to the maintenance of that principle which we consider sound—namely , that no force shall be used for the purpose of dictating to the Italian nation the choice of its rulers , or for the purpose of coercing its people with regard -to the Government they may after mature deliberation prefer . " This is the true tone for a British - minister to take , and the / ' loud cheers" at tin ? Mansion House will find their response in every town and in every home to which the press carries the intelligence .

      It is worthy of remark that nothing has occurred which leads to a doubt that England and France may agree in the broad features of an Italian policy ; and , while wo thoroughly approve of the activity displayed in our dockyards and arsenals , we ciinnot look at similar preparations on the part of our neighbours ns necessarily involving hostile intentions . We have reason to believe that the French Government was not without alarm when it determined to attack Austria iii Italy , that , through German intrigue and Tpi-y folly , it might bo suddenly involved in a quarrel with this country , and . find its naval bnsc of operations

      destroyed * This fear cannot exist while the present Cabinet stands ; but , as wo observed last week , that is too ticklish a , speculation to act upon , and the country lias , up to ( ho present , been unaccountably silent and apathetic upon Ihe Italian cause . So fur from looking nt the present crisis as one which ought to damage our , allianco with France , we regard it as ullbrding an admirable opportunity for making it more firm and durable . M . C'hova . lior is right in pointing out the folly of mutual animosity , ami in hisopinion * "that closely invited with England France has no coalition to bo

      further approhensivo of , since every coalition from which England shall bo absent will bo by that very absence rendered powerless ; On her side , being closely united to France , England has no longer anything to fbav from the " Continent ; nnd tranquil as to the fVetuloin of her movoinonts-on tlio seas , oho broatluss with expanded lungs , oxtends her cowmoroo , seori in full repose her colonies growing up , propogating her genius , and peopling the universe with industrious , intelligent , and Iroe men . " These are words of witidoin , and ought on both sides of the Channel to prevail .

      OUR PROTECTORATE OF MOROCCO . Lobd John Kussei ^ l says , in his despatch of Sept . 22 , to Mr . Buchanan , published in the Gazette of Tuesday , " that her Majesty's . Government consider the permanent occupation of Tangier by the Spaniards as inconsistent with the safety of Gibraltar . " He says further , in his despatch to the same diplomatist , of October 15 th , that * ' her Majesty ' s Government earnestly desire

      that there may be no change of possession oil the Moorish coast of the Straits . The importance they attach to this object cannot be overrated ; and it would be impossible for them , or indeed for any other maritime Powei-, to see with indifference the permanent occupation by Sjoainof sucl a position on that coast as would enable her tc impede the passage of the Straits to ships frequenting the Mediterranean for commercial oi any other purposes . " any other purposes . " considerable

      We have read these passages with regret . A more barbarous state than Morocco does not exist out of Africa ; and in Africa it is scarcely surpassed by Dahomy . To tell the world that tlie safety of Gibraltar depends on the power- of this barbarous State being maintained over Tangier , is to make the safety of that _ fortress in our possession objectionable to Christian and civilised Europe . If England cannot keep Gibraltar without preserving entire , against all foreign , and especially European conquest , the empire of Morocco , Christian Europe will probably conclude with the Spaniards , that the sooner she gives it up the better . We demur to the" statement . We do not believe

      thiit the safety of Gibraltar in our posse depends on the Emperor of Morocco retaining possession of Tangier , and on that place not being occupied by the Spaniai-ds . As long as they be not at war with us they will as readily , carry on trade with Gibraltar from Tangier , were it in their possession , as they now carry on trade with Gibraltar from Malagar and Cadiz . Were Spain and England to be at war , the possession by Spain _ of Tangier and the south coast of the Straits of

      Gibraltar might iiicrease our difficulty of retaining and defending it , but could only compromise its safety were her Majesty ' s Government , by persisting in its feudal treatment of seamen , to sacrifice for ever its attachment of the seamensmd navnl superiority of the State . To describe the safe possession of Gibraltar by us as dependent on the' preservation of the Mahomodan umpire of Morocco , is to make that possession the opprobrium of Christianity and of civilisation . Then the noble lord is alarmed at the possibility of trade to the Mediterranean being impeded by Spain occupying the Moorish coast of the Straits . England possesses Gibraltar , nnd uses it . rather to " facilitate than impede vessels Tiassincr to and fro between the Mediterranean and

      the ro ? t of the world . To have the communication interrupted or impeded would bo a calamity , but . Europe generally will think such an interruption less probable with the south coast of the Straits in the possession of Spain than in ^ the possession of Morocco . For centuries the bpanmrds have given up piraev ; for centuries Spain has formed one of the nations of Europe which neknow-) , > , W its nublic law . whilo the Moors arc _ pirates led-re its public lawwhilo the Moors arc pirates

      , to this day , and Morocco iluspisua the public law of Europe . Other nations may again say , as they hnvo said before , that England has no objection to a piracy which harasses the trade of little Stated , and dare not touch the trade of mighty England . They may say again , as they have said before , that Eng land protocts the pirate * . The ground al egod by the noble lord for thu do . ire of her Majubt / a Government , that no permanent occupation of any part ot Morocco should .. tnlio p lace by Spam , soeins to us almost a » objectionable as hid argument about

      thii safiitY ot GibniMor . The toiio of the noblu lord ' s despatches is moro worthy of a protectionist « talo * iniui ot tlie oi .-hteenth than u froo Irn . lo minister ot the nine-Until century . . Spain has a 4 much iiituro » U « trade another countries , and is much moro lively , vear after year , to promote it n * far «* sho can than impede , it . Such language id now singularly Jnnfoiroprint * . , sinou Franco occupies such a larii part of the south coast , oi the ModitoiranJim , ami has occupied it thirty years , rrofttly to tho advantage ol Europe , and certainly not to the disadvantage of England . The noble lord ' s policy would have been suitable enough in

      Untitled Article

      NOTICES TO CORRESPONDENTS . No notice can be taken of anonymous correspondence . Whatever is intended for insertion must be authenticated by the name and address of the writer ; not necessarily for publication , but as ' a guarantee of his good faith . It is impossible to acknowledge the mass of letters we receive . Their insertion is often delayed . owins * to a press of matter ; and when omitted , it is frequently from reasons quite independent of the merits of the communication . We cannot undertake to return rejected communications .

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      OFFICE , NO . , CATHERINE-STREET , STRAND , W . C .

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      W' V _ . V — : * SATURDAY , NOVEMBER 12 , 1859-

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      There is nothing so rcyolutioniry , boeruise there is nothing : so unn : itur : il ; uiil convulsive , > 13 the strain to keep things fixed when all the world is by t ' so very law of its creation in eternal x > royross . —Oi :. Aknoo : > . .

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      SUBSCRIPTION TO " THE LEADER . " ONE GUINEA PER YEAR , UNSTAMPED , PKEl'A ID . ( delivered gratis . ) ^^^^^^^^^^^ ^^^^^ - - ' "

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      No . 503 . yov . 12 , 1859 . 1 T H E L , E A P E B . 124 9 ^^^^ MIBMM Mi ^ MMBBHPBiM MMBMB ^ MM ^* ^^*^ i ^^^^^^^^^^^ i ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ ' ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ ' ^ -TF- * ' ' ¦ * ' ... ; ' " ~ ' . ' ¦ - ¦ ¦ i ¦ - . . ^ ¦ ' I . ¦

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Nov. 12, 1859, page 1249, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2320/page/13/