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Leader (1850-1860), 3rd September 1859, Edition 1 of 2, Page 1004, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      1004 THE LEADE R , . [ No . 4 ^ 3 . Sept . 3 , 1859

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      nmpire , arid designated first France and then Russia . The American consul had not sent in his * answer when the author of the discovery , who was morally certain of the result , gave up . his claim on the soil , and solicited authorisation to work the mine and share the profit with the Japanese Government The offer was at once accepted . Everyone speaks ltiglily of the Emperor ' s moderation in this case .

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      AN ADDRESS FROM THE PATRIOTIC TARTY AT VENICE TO THE GOVERNMENTS OF TURIN ,- &c . Ypun Excellency , ^— Europe knows our hopes , our misfortunes and dur rights : rights that are secular , but nevertheless full of life . We need not appeal , to public records to prove them , nor would any one attempt to establish a denial of their existence upon the etex-nal inviolability of political treaties , for tlicir sacred keeping will . be best illustrated by the principalities ot Neufchatel , the Danube , Belgium and Lombardy ; and Austria we need only remind of Cracow .

      Napoleon III ., in his memorable proclamation oi Milan , when alluding to our desire for independence so long expressed , and unhappily so often disappointed , asserted two truths at once : the sancity of our right , and our consciousness of it . Then , in reference to the sympathy of Europe for our cause , lie recognised the universal suffrage-of the public conscience in all that Europe possesses of spirited and generous feeling . The peace lately signed cannot in any way niter the real signification of those words which promised us that " Italy should be free to tlie Adriatic . " It would be fruitless to recapitulate all . the hopes that the war aroused in the hearts of the Venotiuns

      and the Lombards , the more sq in the > e . netians , because their rights , even in accordance with the strictest diplomacy , were the more sacred ; however , the very hope repressed their impetuosity , « m 1 tlic character given to the war , which was . to have been a regular and dynastic one , was calculated to provenr any popular movement on their part . After the occurrences of 1848 and 18-1 !) , and ui ' tev ton years of oppression that a foreign Government could not otherwise maintain than by nn overpowering military force , it is scurcely necessary to demonstrate our will . History shows us ninny more warlike nations than Italy has been ( or the liyjl ; three centuries , who nevertheless have ground , and still do groan under oppression , without being considered cither timorous or happy . All that iho ot i

      Venetians could do , without the limits : war that excluded any national insurrection was to take up arms under the banner of Piedmont , ami tins they have done . The number of volunteers was greater than might Jmvo beon supposed , particularly considering the difficulties that had to bo surmounted in escaping from a homo which had become tiu .-kind of exile 5 to bravo the dangers of a flight v « s counted as nothing ; but to consign IVieiids , lather or mother , to the vindictive suspicions arising from uii honourable and sacred confederation was dreadful . The few thousand soldiors that Vanotia offered m tliis way to the Italian army are a sufficient interpretation of . the nation ' s . will : our armed deputies representing the country at largo , throughout iui grades of society , from the huinblo villagor totuc milllonniaro and the count whoso ancestors belong to history . JU is needless to read their names at tnc

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      DE MORNY ON THE ENGLISH PRESS . The following strictures on the journals of this country , and exposition of imperial policy with regard to England , are contained in a speech delivered by the Count de Mprny , as President of the French Legislature , to the Conseil General of the Puy de Dome . He said : — " You have participated , gentlemen , in the enthusiasm excited by our victories , you have shared in the unanimous gratitude of France for the great moderation of the Emperor . But you find it difficult to understand how his Majesty ' s evident desire , to prevent a European conflagration can have caused in England the newspaper articles , the Parliamentary speeches , and the warlike preparations of

      which so much has been said . You know , without doubti by means of what logic the English explain their apprehensions . They saj-, Our press is free ; the French press is not so : therefore insults have not the same importance in one as in the other . ' That is quite an error . There are in France no means of preventing a journal from publishing what seems to it right ; the Government is only armed against the press with the power of warning arid of suspension , which are repressive measures . The English add j ¦ ' The Emperor retains at the bottom of his heart the desire to avenge . Waterloo and St . Helena . ; he only concluded peace with the Emperor of Russia in order to make him an ally ; he has been generous to the Emperor of Austria only to

      make a friend of him also ; and with that double alliance he intends to attack England . ' I do not think it inopportiine to tell you what I think on that subject . We live at a period when the . hatreds of castes and families have succumbed from the increased mildness of manners , and at which national hatred and prejudice have been effaced by civilisation . The new generations have something else to do than to avenge the past ; they are too enlightened to . act on any other motive than the interest of the present and the . future . The Emperor and the present generation of Frenchmen are not of those of whom it can be said , ' They have learned nothing and forgotten nothing . ' As for the generous proceedings between the three Emperors ,

      to ascribe them to the speculative object indicated above , is it not to reduce to the proportions of a paltry theatrical intrigue the regulation of the great interests of Europe , and to degrade the elevated sentiments which God has placed in the heart of a sovereign for the ^ welfare of humanity ? Assuredly , I am better able than any other to appreciate the loyal fidelity of the Emperor and his pacific intentions : for when he did me the honour to send me to Russia to draw closer the relations between the two empires , the part of my instructions which dominated every other was this—Do not allow any encroachment to bo made on the English alliance ; and , far from endeavouring to divide the great Powers , on the contrary point out

      that if they had the good sense to unite and come to an understanding , all the paltry difficulties which arise in Europe may be solved peaceably . " Need I recall to your memory the incidents which preceded the war with Austria , in order to prove that the Emperor Napoleon , while desiring to free Italy , and to disengage the frontier of Franco from Austrian pressure , would havo preferred attaining that object by a congress rather than by a war ? Tho number and the state of our army at the moment when the ultimatum of Austria was issued prove this . And if the statesmen of England who now consider that enough has not been done for the Italians had consented before the war to express the sympathies which manifest

      they now , it is to bo presumed that ; the affairs of Italy would have been regulated by diplomacy . I repeat that oftor all the Emperor lias done and said , to suspect lilni of proparing in the dark , without any other motive than anolont enmity , an enterprise which would throw- into confusion the gravest interests in the world , and would be tho most fatal blow to civilisation , is to doubt his word and his heart ns . a sovereign and a man . " . After expressing the opinion that perhaps tho attempts which have been made by certain newspapers and speakers i , n England to excite distrust of , France were only inspired by tho dotiiro of tho one to increase their circulation , and of the other

      to gain popularity , Count de Morny went on to sav : ~ , * ' ' ' " Time ^ and the determination of the Emperor to lead France into the occupations and " labours of peace will , I doubt not , triumph over chimerical fears . That , gentlemen , is a sort of war which ve must wage with England . Let us resolutely terminate our means of conveyance and of circulation ; let us put them in communication with our coalpits ; let us reduce the cost price of all raw materials and of all our manufactured articles ; let us imitate the English in what we are deficient ; let us gain strength from the spirit of association

      without continually requiring the support of the Government ; let us endeavour to conquer , and by prudent use preserve , the liberties which make a man absolute master of his own welfare , and which have no other limits than the wrong done to others . Yes , let us make on England a manufacturing and commercial war—a conflict of progress and civilisation , loyal , avowable , and which will be advantageous to " alJ . That is what the Emperor desires ; let us second his efforts . Already is the amnesty a work of pacification , which is the prelude of the system into which we are about to enter . Let us hope that it will be so understood by everybody , especially by those who are the object of it . "

      This fustian of M , de Morny ' s has met with a severe . rebuke in an able article by M . Peyrat in . the JPresse . M . Peyrat first notices the Count ' s sneer at Lord Lyndhurst . whom he ( M . Peyrat ) speaks of in terms of respectful admiration . He refers to abusive articles in the French papers against England , and particularly to the celebrated address of the French colonels . He allows that the armaments of England are justifiable and even necessary in the face of recent events ; and concludes by advocating a contest in the arts of peace between the the two nations .

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      the slightest weight on this side of tho Channel , and known : throughout England as the organ of a Government which is not the English Government . JC am not sorry you havo such an ally . But perhaps you will deem it just that the public should bo allowed to becomo acquainted with tho subject of the discussion , tho better to form an opinion of tho value of tho comments upon it . Therefore I havo the hpnour to , send you , with a request that it may appear in your columns , a letter in which I set forth my views on tho amnesty , and which tho Times on 4 almost nil tho English papers hrtvd published . To aop * We you of any pretoxt for refusing , I havo taken . i « j « ro to Btrlko ' out five or six words which your polltl-• Ctt * touchiness might be alarmed at . I only ask you

      for fair play ; is it asking too much in that country which you pretend is free ?—I am , &c , '? ' Louis Blanc . " The Constitiitionnel publishes the letter , and even restores the passages omitted by fcbe writer , prefacing it with an indignant repudiation of Louis Blanc ' s imputations of political touchiness and want of liberty . Thereis . no accounting for tastes . The Cbnsiitutionnel , says a contemporary , has always been in the habi t of kissing the rod , 'but that is no reason why it should lay down the rule , that nothing is so pleasant as the prospect of incessant scourging .

      LOUIS BLANC AND THE CONSTITUTIONNEL . Thk Comtitutionnel having published a long article against the letter of M , Louis Blanc , lately given in the London papers , without publishing tho docu * jnent , M . Blanc has sent it tho following letter : — " t " London , August ? 5 . 44 Sir , —You have thought fit to blame the determination I huvo adoptod with regard to * tho amnesty ; I cannot say that blamo on your part lias occasioned mo cither annoyance or surprise . You quote in support of your vituperation the opinion of tho Mornina Chronicle , a paper without

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      MEXICO : THE JUAREZ GOVERNMENT . A . telegram from Washington says that Signor Xrerdo . the Juarez envoy , has arrived there , and has l > een entertained by the President and Secretary of State . His visit will , doubtless , have the effect of facilitating the negociation of a treaty satisfactory to both countries . Letters from the Juarez or constitutional government allude with great satisfaction to the favour "with which the decree for the nationalisation of the church property is everywhere received , even

      in-the City of Mexico , and especially is the visit of Captain Aldh a , commander of her Majesty ' s naval forces , to the President , mentioned with gratification , as on that occasion he announced that by order xjf the British Government he would not enforce the measures heretofore contemplated for the redress of complaints , nor do anything to embarrass the administration . General Degollado is at San Luis de Potosi . and has , it is supposed ^ about 9 , 000 troops ¦ under his command , preparing to march on the city of Mexico . Arms and ammunition are constantly being received by the liberalists .

      • Senor Mata , who has -just arrived from New York , has concluded a contract for materials of war , ¦ which will , without unnecessary delay , be forwarded to Mexico . ¦ ¦ >¦ ' Mr .,-Otway , the British Minister , was , at last accounts * in the city of Mexico , the despatch for his recall not having been received . There is such information in New York as justifies the assertion that the vacancy thus occasioned will be filled by a successor friendly to the Juarez Government . .

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      RIOTS ^ IN JAMAICA . Fkom Jamaica we learn that the district of Trelawney has been the scene of very serious riots , which , but for the promptness of the magistracy , r » nd the mariner in which their efforts were seconded "by the Tosppctablo portion of the inhabitants , who organised themselves into a body of special constables for the protection of life and property , we have no reason to doubt that Falmouth—the second commercial town in the island—would have been laid waste , and its prosperous inhabitants reduced to bepgary , by a mob which had no reasonable cause for the insubordination which they displayed . The weakness of the police force , and the absence of the military—for , according to recent

      arrangements by the Imperial Government , the military stations at the outports have been abandonedallowed little or no check to the lawlessness of the mob ; the torch of the incendiary was brought into requisition , abandoned women , in the heat of intemperance , commenced the demolition of public buildings , and the dwellings of private individuals * vho had been unpopular with the lower classes were jilso threatened with destruction . For a whole day and a night the greatest confusion prevailed , the mob becoming the more boundless in their intemperance ns the alarm of the peaceable inhabitants increased , aqd . order was not restored without the sacrifice of human life and the wounding of several persons who were engaged in the melee .

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Sept. 3, 1859, page 1004, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2310/page/8/