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Leader (1850-1860), 13th August 1859, Edition 1 of 2, Page 928, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      , IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT . Saturday , August 6 . The House of Commons met in order to expedite the remaining business of the Session . xne remaining Dusiness 01 me ochbiuxi .

      CONSOLIDATED FUKD APPKOPBIATION . On the motion for the second reading of this bill , Sir II . Wixlougiibt put a variety of questions to the Government upon financial matters . He observed , he said , that a very considerable increase ( about 7 , 000 , 000 / . ) had- taken place in the Funded Debt , the charge of which had consequently increased without the authority of Parliament . This had been done by the conversion of'Exchequer Bills ; but he contended that the operation had been effected upon terms disadvantageous to the public , whereby 469 , 000 / . more stock had been created than necessary . He insisted that if a conversion of unfunded into funded debt was desired the Chancellor of the Exchequer should come to the House of Commons for authority . He

      duct of every European Power in relation to that question . ENDOWED SCIIOOLS . Lord Chanwohth moved the second reading of this Bill . The Bishop of London thought it advisable that the intention of this bill should be understood , and proceeded to explain its scope and object . He denied the existence of the grievances of which the Dissenters complained , althoug h he thoug ht that the case of the Ilminster Charity had better be settled at once in order to destroy any ground for complaint . The bill was withdrawn . Their Lordships adjourned at half-past seven .

      THE CONFERENCES . In the HorsE of Commons , the orders of the day having been postponed / on the motion of Lord Palmekston , Lord Elciio moved , b y way of resolution , that an humble address be presented to her Majesty , stating that in the opinion of this house it would be consistent neither with the honour nor the di gnity of this country , which throughout the late negotiations has preserved a strict and impartial neutrality between the contending powers , to take

      flourishing , and happy ; but it did not follow , that they might not have their own feeling and conviction that she might , by another policy , better discharge her duties and consult her own separate and individual interests . To understand the present position of Austria it was necessary to go back for the last forty-five years . During that interval , wherever liberty raised its head in Ital y , it was crushed by the iron hand of Austria , and abuses were re-established in all their rigour . The position of Sardinia , with her improved institutions , became of necessity a standing danger tp Austria . It was necessary that the British Government should consider what , in the present state

      of circumstances , was best for Italy , for Austria , and for Europe . Might not Austria be stronger out of Italy than in it ? This was an opinion which might be held by honest men , and he was himself strongly of that opinion . But the true policy of this country , according to Lord Elcho , was the policy of non-intervention . What then , asked Mr . Gladstone ( triumphantly exhibiting the blue-book ) , is the policy adopted and enforced in these papers ? If you go into the conference , Lord Elcho said , are you prepared to do this or to do that ? His ( Mr . Gladstone ' s ) answer was , the questions he referred to had not been proposed . The question for the House to decide was , would it , b y a

      dry , hard , rig id formula , take upon itself the functions of the executive ? My noble friend says ( added Mr . Gladstone in conclusion ) , "If you have confidence in the Emperor of the French then there exists no necessity for your taking part in a congress , inasmuch as he will do all you require . " That is my noble friend's argument . I am at a loss to know whether he could halve used it seriously . My noble friend in effect says , —" The Emperor of the French is , under circumstances of great difficulty , going to enter the circle of the other great European Powers , there to contend for objects of importance , the realisation of which is dear to you in your

      hearts : ; therefore give him no assistance whatever . " ( Cheers . ) Yes , that is the argument of my noble friend , and if the House adopts this resolution it will be recording it | to be its deliberate determinationwhatever may be the disposition of France to give effect to the fair and temperate longings of the Italian States for constitutional freedom , and to grant them institutions more liberal even than she herself possesses at this moment—that we ought steadily to refuse to assist France in the endeavour , and leave her to struggle with the difficulties of her position , and , if needs be , sink under their pressure . ( Hear , hear . ) That is the recommendation of my noble

      part in any conference for the purpose of settling the details of a peace , the preliminaries of which have been arranged between the Emperor of the French and the Emperor of Austria . Premising that the late Government had ( as he had stated in the preamble to his motion ) pursued throug hout the late negotiations a strict and impartial neutrality , and adverting to the discordant opinions entertained respecting the late hostilities in Italy , he avowed his concurrence with those who did riot consider the

      war justifiable , or that Austria was aggressor . Sardinia , he said , had pursued towards Austria a policy of provocation and insult . She had been long bent upon the war , and had made preparations for it . He could not , therefore , sympathise with Sardinia and France , and he insisted that the princi ple of armed intervention , on the ground assigned by the latter , was one against which we ought , to protest . The neutrality of the present Government , instead of being similar to that of the late , had been , he said , rather that of an advocate-and a partisan , Neutrality was defined to be a state of indifference , of neither friendship nor hostility ; but the neutrality of the present Government was not of that in

      indifferent character . What they had sought 1848 they sought now—the exclusion of Austria from Italy . In urging the inexpediency of this country taking part in the conference , he maintained that the true policy of this country was that of nonintervention—a polic ) 1- strongly advocated by the late Sir Robert Peel . The Government said they did not mean to go into the conference on any questions pf detail , but if they entered it as friends of Italy , and upon its general affairs , what did they propose to do with reference to the Duchies , to the States of the Church , to the French occupation of Rome ? If we had confidence in the Emperor of the French , let us , he said , keep out of the conference ; if we

      disfriend , although—and I g ladl y admit it—it is not a recommendation which is borne out by the whole of his speech . It is , nevertheless , the advice which is embodied in his resolution , and I earnestly entreat the House , whether by means of a , direct negative , or by following the course proposed by the lion , and learned gentleman behind me , to dispose satisfactorily and finally of this motion this evening . ( Loud cheers . ) —Mr . S . Fitzgerald denied that the motion of Lord Elcho was open to objection as to its form , its object , or its wording . He defended the policy of the late Government , and pointed out the hazard to which the taking part in the Conference would expose England if the majority wore to enforce its

      decisions by arms , or to enter into guarantees . He dwelt upon the complications that must arise from the utter divergence of opinion between our representative and those with whom he would have to act , with reference to the political condition of the various States of Italy , and especially to the temporal authority of . the Pope . Divergencies of opinion , ho obsorved , must occur , which rendered it undesirable for an English representative to take part in the conference , since his presence would be either dangerous or degrading to this country . Mr . Fjtzoeuajld entered into ninny details , nnd put various qtiostions to the Government relative to the proposals made to them try M . De Porsigny , to be communicated to the Austrian Ambassador , for the cessation of hostilities—a transaction which , ho said , had produced most important and injurious effects . Lord H . Vane supported the amendment . — motion

      Mr , B . Cociiuanm supported the original , and said that tho Chancellor of the Exchequer had given utterance to sentiments worthy of Mazzini . — Mr , Gn-riN said he thought tho speech of tho Chancellor of tho Exchequer would bo responded to by tho poopld in all parts of tho country , lie abjoctcd to tying up the hands of tho Government in matters connected with tho highosc diotatos ol humanity , and with the best interests and honour ot tho country . — Tho O'DoNoauuis said if tho Government had a true regard to its own honour it would assent to tho motion of Lord Elcho . After tho speech of tho Ghancollor of tho l ? xohoqu « r , ho would , » lie could , neithor sit near , nor on tho snnie sido ot tho lioueo with him . —Mr . M . Mh . niss contended that tho speech of tho Chancellor of tho Exchequer was expressive of tho goi \ oral fooling throughout the co \ mtry . —Mr . IIknnkssy supported tho motion . — Mr .

      trusted him , a fortiori , let us keep out of the conference . He sympathised with Italy , and believed that it would be for the good of that county that we should abstain as far as possible from interference in its affairs . The motion was seconded by Mr . Horsman . —Mr . Kinglake concurred in believing that Eng land ought not to take part in the pending conferences , and observed that on former occasions of a similar character British diplomatists had proved themselves anything but skilful or successful negotiators . Nevertheless , he could not vote for a motion winch practically amounted to a vote of want of confidence in the Government , as prescribing their course in anticipation of events that had not yet

      transpired , and ho therefore moved as an amendment tho previous question . —Tho Chancellor of the Exchequer observed that tho Government were ready to have met tho resolution by a direct negative ) but were willing to accept tho indirect issued raised by tho amendment . Tho original motion spoke of taking part in a Conforcnce for tho purpose . of settling the details of the peace between the two Emperors . Ho was not awaro pf any such intention . Tho dotails of the peace would be settled by the belligerents themselves , and what remained would bo , not tho details of tho peace , but great questions of European policy , vitally affecting- tho happiness

      of Italy . Tho principal point made by Lord Elcho was tho contrast between tho neutrality of the lato and that of tho present Governments . Ho ( Mr . Gladstone ) gavo credit to tho lavto Government , represented by Lord Malmosbury , for their intention , and for a restless but a sound and manly assiduity- to maintain peace , and thoro had been no departure from that neutrality on the part of tho present Government , Tho objeot of Lord Elcho ' s motion was to prevent tho Government" . from taking part in the Conference , lost they should bo hostile to Austria . To disclaim such a motive , ho said , was ncodless ' and would bo disparaging . There was no foundation for such a supposition . It was tho desire of tho Government to sco Austria strong ,

      inquired whether any measure was contemplated for amending the law relating tp the custody of the public moneys . ^ -The Chancellor of the Exchequer confessed that the financial machinery of the country , so far as related to keep ing and accounting for the national revenue , was full of incongruities . It was his . wish to carry oufc in this respect , as far as possible , the recommendations of the select committee oh public mohej's , and during the recess he intended to consider the-question with the view of devising such reforms as might appear practical and beneficial . In parr ticular , he : should endeavour to introduce a measure by which the'finances of the state would be brought more c ompletel y under the control of the House of Commons . The bill was read a second time .

      The Teport from the committee of ways and means was brought up and agreed to . Other bills were forwarded their respective stages ^ The Corrupt Practices Prevention Acts ( 1854 ) Continuance Bill went throug h committee , after some discussion on the clause relating to " travelling expenses . " The House adjourned at twenty minutes to two o ' clock .

      Monday , August 8 . THE TERMS OF PEACE . ., In the House of Loeds , the Marquis of Normanby , in rising to ask a question relating to the proposals for peace submitted to Austria by her Majesty ' s Government , expressed his belief that this was the only country in which any mystery still existed in regard to the propositions of the peace of Villafranca . These propositions were popularly believed on the continent to be the joint production of M . De Persigny and Lord Palmerston , and were considered discreditable to our professed neutrality , which , in spite of the declaration of the present Government to tread in the steps of their

      predecessors , had , in the . opinion of other Powers , been often violated . In support pf this opinion he quoted a despatch from the Prussian Minister at Berlin to the Prussian Envoy at Vienna , and insisted that Lord John Russell , instead of uniting the policy of this country and Prussia , had established a complete breach between them . Ho proceeded to defend Austria against the charge brought against her of having been the first to declare war , and of having thereby abrogated the " treaties of 1815 , and pointed out that Austria had agreed to a mediation , which was rejected by Sardinia and France , and that Sardinia in 1848 had invaded Austria , but that the treaties of 1815

      -wero not then considered to have been abrogated . Willing as he was to do justice to the noble impulses of Lord John Russell , he was afraid that the prc sent Minister for Foreign Affairs had taken a onesided view of the question , and bad been misled by enthusiasts who would , he feared , bo overborne by the Mozzinian party . In connexion with Mazzlnl , lie reviewed the present state of affairs in Central Italy , and especially in . Tuscany , whoso present Government was most tyrannical , and defended the Grand Duke from the accusation that ho had ordered the bombardment of Florence . Ho strongly deprecated any course by which England might bo

      mixed up with these differences , ana hopou wo should not bo parties to any conference to settle Italian affairs . —Lord WoDianousis explained that tho only communication in which tho English Ministers had taken part related to a French despatch transmitted hy thorn- to Austria , containing propositipns for poace , but on which thoy had Offered np opinion of their own . Thoy had aoted ns B * mpj | e intermediaries . Ho objected to produce a document belonging to an extensive series ; and in reference to other topics touched upon by Lord Jsrormwiby , declined to embark into a discussion so wide ana miscellaneous as that Involving tho whole rango of the Italian controversy , as well as tho con-

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      Untitled Article

      928 THE LEADER . { No . 490 . Aug . 13 , 1859 -

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Aug. 13, 1859, page 928, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2307/page/4/