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    THEATRE ROYAL , HAYMARKET . ( Under the Manag cment of Mr . Buckstone . ) ^ S ^^ S ^ sSe ^ an ^ l ^ « f £ S ^ lfe ^ thtmagnificent scenery by O'Connor and Morns , and last i i ^^^^ a ^ w ^ f ^ l ^ i iig casiont Miss Balan Zamora , Miss Emily Allen ; Hostess , M StoS& . LEND ME FIVE SHILLINGS . Goliffhtly , Mr . Buckstone . vrTIiA Miss Arily ^ Sedgwick ' s engagement terminates on Saturday , June « h . Manfl 6 r > Mr _ Chippendale . .

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    THE POLITICS OF THE WAR . rpHE political movements of the Continent , if - ¦ - less immediately exciting are not Jess important than the marches and counter-marches of the hostile forces whose operations are now watched with such intense anxiety . Were we able to feel certain that the conflict could be circumscribed in its area and confined to its avowed object—the settlement of the question whether the hateful dominion of the Plouse of Hapsburg shall cease in Italy—there could be no hesitation in throwing our sympathies heartily on the side of France and Sardinia ; but we are not only compelled to doubt

    Teutonic race . The interest of scores of petty princes will lead them to support Austria if their subjects will permit it , and thus preserve for themselves a little longer the baby game of Royalty in miniature , which they have so long been playing .. Prussia lias a difficult task to arrange this confederation of minor monafchs , and great ^ allowance must be made for the obstacles to plain speakin g that her position entails ; still we could wish to see her take higher grounds , and separate more distinctly the free Protestant interests of Germany from the Popish despotism of Austria , which is not , and never can be , a real German Power . We should watch the course of

    Germany with deep interest , under any circumstances ; but we do so now with the additional motive that our own chance of keeping the peace depends very much upon the attitude she assumes . The French Emperor ought to be certified of the moral support of all Europe , provided he keeps strictly to the letter of his promises . There would then be some reason to hope that , af ter the bankrupt despotism of Austria had suffered a signal defeat , the Italian question might be takenout of the hands of the soldiers , and made the subject of diplomatic arrangement . If , however , Louis Napoleon should be made to feel that he will be thwarted by Germany , even in those points in which he is right , the chief blame will not rest on his shoulders if the dimen

    war assumes European - sions . Immunity and approval for doin ^ anything that is reasonable , and in favour of the Italians against their cruel tyrants , or , on the other : hand , a strong confederation against him to resist the extension of French dominions—r-these arc the simple alternatives that should be offered to the French Emperor . They would be just , and far more likely to keep the peace than the slniffling uncertainties in which secret diplomacy deli ghts . The success of the French loan proves that the Emperor can readily obtain jfrve times as . much money as he wants for present purposes ; aiid with money in his pocket , and—as we hope he soon wilL . be—with victory over the Austrians in his hands , no one can expect that he Avill submit to

    trifling from any opponent . Europe should be determined to offer him no excuse for doing wrong . Austria has furnished a pretext for one war . Let not the Germans furnish a pretext for another . - : _ The behaviour of Austria ought to unite all hearts against her . The retirement of Count Buol , and the substitution of Count Rechberg is a proof that unmitigated military despotism , and subserviency to all that is bad in Popery , are / the principles dominant at Vienna , while the atrocities committed upon the inoffensive inhabitants of Piedmont show that the young Emperor is desirous of re-enacting the scenes of disgusting cruelty

    that rendered his pet , General Haynau , infamous during the revolutionary war . Military critics were puzzled at the movements of Count Gyulai , and they have only become intelligible now it is apparent that they were the operations , not of a soldier , but of a marauder . __ Making every allowance for exaggeration , it is plain that the Austrians , instead of carrying on the war with the decent humanity of a civilised nation , have deliberately and designedly plundered and devastated , with circumstances of sepoy brutality , the unfortunate district of Piedmont , in which no resistance was made or attempted . Such a Power deserves the utmost execration ; and if it should

    fall under the assaults of the hero of tho coup d etat , its punishment will , because it is moro ignominious , be also more just . The mobilisation of a portion , of the Russian army , said to amount to about 200 , 000 men , is a stop rendered obviously necessary by the attitude of other Powers , and ought not to excite alarm , unless some good and specific ground for distrust should appear . If such a movement leads to greater caution on the part of Prussia , it will do good ; and it should also bo remembered that , although Russia may one day bo glad of French aid in schemes not opnsonant with English interests , she can have no desiro to see Napoleon III . imitate tho aggressive conduct of Napoleon I .

    the disinterested declarations of the French Emperor , and to look to his character with its profound dissimulation , its long cherished ambition , and its unbending will , as affording ground for alarm ; we must also view the conduct of Prussia with considerable uneasiness . By resisting the wish of Hanover—stimulated by Austria— -that a federal anny should be assembled to threaten France on the banks of the Rhine , Prussia 1 ms certainly increased the hope that she will act with prudence ; but the speech of the Prince Regent , and the hatred to France excited in the minds of all Germans who remember the marauding campaigns of the first ,

    Napoleon and his marshals , have created grave doubts whether the influence of the Court of Berlin will be exerted for peace or for war . " Prussia is resolved , " says the Regent , u maintain the basis of international law and the balance of power in Europe . " What basis of international law P What balance of power P are questions anxiously asked in all quarters ; A vague declaration pf this kind looks vary much like a threat against France—not for what she may do , but for her avowed purpose of turning tho Austrians out of Italy . Of course , the success of such an operation would change tho " balance of

    tho power . " Europe might easily find another way of balancing herself , but the particular balance now existing would be overthrown ; and , unless compensation wore obtained by the union of Germany , France and , Russia united would be almost omnipotent , so far as the Continental States were concerned . Prussia is weak against Russia , as her strategists have often pointed out , through tho partition of Poland having given to tho former Power positions of groat military value ; and it would bo unwiso for her , or for any patriotic Gorman to stand by and see Austria depressed without making any movement to guard against tho undue subordination of its

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    fact . It may be regarded as a test paper , proving his ability to emerge with honour from a competitive examination in the grand art of " how not to do it . " The thing wanted was , that a large number of ablebodied men , of various ranks and classes , scattered throughout the country , should , as speedily as possible , become good rifle- shots , and sufficiently acquainted with military movements , and especially with the art of skirmishing , to render a hostile march through their own district a matter of extreme difficulty and risk- With some hundred thousand regular troops , a considerable force of militia , serviceable pensioners , and

    dockyard labourers , accustomed to drill , the country need not be anxious for a larger number of soldiers to act in masses and fight a new battle of Hastings , with improved results . What we desire is , that in reckoning the chances of invasion , a foreign power should have to set down every copse as a fortification- —every hedgerow as a line of defence ; and look to a contest not only at select spots with a few thousand professional men , but to a harassing , tormenting , and deadl y fight with the people of every district through which an enemy attempted to push his way . Were a moderate proportion of the four millions of adults that England alone contains anything like

    as skilful with the rifle as their forefathers were with the bow , and able to execute the simple manoeuvres that would be required , no fall of autumn leaves in a brisk gale would be more striking than the way in which an invading army would be stripped of its members , and see them cast helpless upon the ground . With a country and a people like ours , we could reduce invasion to a grim practical joke that the most foolhardy despot would be afraid to try . We cannot prevent our neighbours falling out . The Popish powers must hate iis for our Protestantism , the despots for our liberty , and those who seek the false glory of conquest must

    see in us a people who , in defence of justice and Civilisation , ' would be very likely to tear the ensanguined laurel from their brows . With the lapse ' of iiges jealousy and bitterness may die out , but in the present state , of society envy waits on proud positions , ai * d to be as successful as England is to possess few reliable friends . It is vain , therefore , to deny that we are surrounded by dangers ; since the Peninsula war they have been small , because we have been relatively great ; and they will dwindle into insignificance whenever we adopt rational means of " developing and methodising the resources at our command . We do not ' want a

    system of national defence which is the offspring of a panic , and destined as speedily to pass away , but a sufficient modification of national habits to permit military exercises to take their turn with those outdoor sports which contribute so much to the vigour of our race . The Government scheme can have no such effect , and is , indeed , intended to oppose it . It is not an encouragement , but a formal enunciation of obstacles carefully adapted to hinder Englishmen from touching military affairs . In the first place , nothing Can be done -without the lord-lieutenantr—a sublime functionary , dwelling in a paradise of Cre / ne de la creme , far removed from lifeThose who

    the skim-milk of common . are very desperate for uniforms , and longing exceedingly for drill , may propose to this great person the formation of a corps . They must be willing to buy their own arms and accoutrements , and hand over to . the friendly Moses , or the propitious Nicoll , a considerable cheque in return for tho uniform which the lord-lieutenant may approve . They must bo officered by any blockheads who will help to keep up tho political influence of hi » lordship ' s party ; thuy must bo prepared to leave their business for eight days in each four months ; and take tho oath of allegiance before practising tho goose ste . p . Thoy would bo liable to bo called out on tho recurrence of actual invasion , ' the mere " appearance of . any enemy in force on the coast ; and to bo ordered oh" to any place included within

    A DAMPER FOR VOLUNTEERS . General Pem / s circular on Volunteer Rifle Corps proves his . fitness to bo a member of a British . Cabinet M days ' when Parliamentary Reform " is a dim expectancy , and not a palpable

    the limits of their engrfgemont , " whether the same ahall extend to any part of Great Britain , or bo limited to any district , county , city , t own , or place therein . " Thus , fbr twenty or thirty pounds a yoar which would bo getting oft ' ohonp , including pic-mcs and dinners , the loss of all the working days in a whole month , and much personal inconvenience , Jflng-IishiAoii may bo permitted to contribute to tho safoty of thoir country by learning the use of arma . Gonernl P ool haa recapitulated , soioo of tho advantages incident to this kind of soldiering , but Uo

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    SATURDAY , MAY 21 , 1859 .

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    There is nothing so revolutionary ^ because there is nothing so unnatural and convulsive , as the strain to keep things fixed when all the world is by the-very law of its creation in eternal progress . — -Db . Abnold .

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    OFFICE , NO . , CATHERINE-STREET , STBAKP , W . O .,

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    ^«™ Afkairs . 1 THE LEADER . 645

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), May 21, 1859, page 645, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2295/page/13/