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    and to-morrow and the next day , forty-seven boroughs , whose aggregate population does not exreed the population of Birmingham , will return , not two members , the number Vrhich you are about to rfect but seventy-two members to sit m the House of Commons ? That is hot representation . There is nrobahly , no other country in the world where a i 5 p ? esentative system exists , in which the ballot has £ ot been adopted . In the United ^ states , in the Australian colonies , in France , in Belgium , and m Sardinia , the votes of the electors are taken by ballot " Referring to the news from the Continent , he said " The war which for four months has been coming ' on with stealthy , but not unseen of unheard made its in all its grim

    stetis at last has appearance and develish proportions . What are we -to do ? "Looking to the past , I know what we are todo . \\ e are fora time to mediate , when meditation is of no use We are to give a little encouragement here , and ¦ a little discouragement there . We are by and by to connect ourselves with one side in such a manner that the other will accuse us of hostility and perfidy . Ifvour Government is disposed for war , there will be agents of the press in London to magnify and distort everything , and to . stimulate you by appeals in some cases to passions that are noble , but in others to passions that are base , until at length this country this precious gem set in a silver sea , ' which alone

    rides secure amid all the storms and tempests that agitate and perplex the world , will be asked to mingle in the strife , and English blood and English treasure , as you know from past history they have been , will again be poured out like water in every part of Europe , wherever a battle is to be lost or won . You are all in the dark as to what your Government will do . We have had two speeches from Lord Derby , the second intended to correct what he calls the false impression which had been created by the first . No man knows better than

    Lord Derby the use of words in the English language , ' ¦¦ arid * P nlv hope that the second speech more truly explains the policy of the Government than the first . War is in its , nature destructive and anarchical . There can be no freedom in Europethere can be no permanent or assured peace . , in Europe—so long as the great Powers maintain 3 , 000 , 000 or 4 , 000 , T ) 00 of men in arms at a period of profound peace . ( Cheers . ) Even in England and to us what can be more anarchical and less conservative than war ? Look back to the war in which we

    were engaged from 17 93 to 1815 . That wasapenod of fearful suffering ! It was also a period of utter tyranny . The other day , in the House of Commons , a Minister bad the audacity to taunt me , not with having criticized the House of Lords , but with having spoken in disparagement of the Crown of England . Whoever did so—for I was . not present—on whatever occasion , I throw the slander in his teeth . ( Great ; cheering . ) The Crown of England will never be jeopardised by a prosperous and contented people . I am for ' Peace , Retrenchment , and lier form' the watchword of the great Liberal party thirty years ago . Whpsoever may abandon the cause I shall never pronounce another Shibboleth ,. but as

    long as the old flag floats in the air I shall be found a stedfast soldier in the foremost ranks . Every man who has read what I have said within the last six months knows that upon no single occasion have . I stepped out of my way to bring any charge of a personal , or ungenerous , or irritating nature against any single individual . " Referring to the observations which had been made as to his attack upon the peerage , he allowed there were some good men among the peers , still he protested against the undue supremacy of the territorial power . *• I , and such as I , have been the saviours of the very order which I am charged with wishing to destroy . We are come to that time in the

    history of England when no institution , however venerable , lofty , or deeply rooted , no tradition or sentiment , can dare With impunity or safety to stand long against the united and growing opinion of the people . The safety of the highest , the safety of the titled class , the safety of the wealcjiy and powerful , depend upon their watching with careful eye the manifestations of public opinion . I have never been an official servant to the Crown of England . I havo sought no such distinction . I seek it not now . I venerate the monarchy of England , and wish that its wisdom and its virtues may render it perpotaal .

    X am not a servant of the aristocracy , ( is you doubtleas know , but I recognise in that order a branch of the constitution created for the Intorcsts , and subjeot , aoftll must bo subject eventually , to tho will of tho nation . I am , if I am anything in political lifo *— I strive to bo at least—a servant of tho people and of truth . I pledge myself to defend their interests , to guard their honour , and to promote with all the faculties and all the powers with which I o , m endowed , such measures as shall givotous in permanency , happiness and tranqulllty within this roaljn . " Lono John liunamA ,. —Tho noblo lord enunciated lus views on foreign polioyat a crowded meeting in

    the City on Saturday . After alluding to the grinding tyranny exercised by despotic Governments upon the people of Italy , he added , " I cannot say that the conduct of Sardinia has been perfectly right . She was hardly entitled to interfere with foreign States . All that she had properly a right to say was , ' Let not Austrian troops interfere with the other States of Italy . ' She said more than that ; and the two Powers will , I am afraid , soon be committed to hostilities . Those hostilities will perhaps extend beyond the Powers with which they will commence . In all probability the Emperor of the French will assist Sardinia ; possibly some States may assist Austria . Our only course is to keep honestly , fairly

    and strictly neutral . ( Loud and long-continued cheering . ) The Earl of Derby said that our position must be one of armed neutrality , and that we must after a time see on which side the right was . The Earl of Derby and Mr , Disraeli have at all times shown a very strong leaning towards Austria . ( Hear . ) So that if the Earl of Derby were to carry out his plan , I have no doubt that plan would prove to be to arm in the first instance , and being armed to take -part after a time with Austria against Italy . Now , I am against that policy . I am for preserving peace . I am not of opinion ,

    though others may differ from me on that point , that our taking part in the fray would be more likely to end the calamity of war in Europe , and to restore peace to the world , than our carefully abstaining from any interference . When there have been long wars in Europe they have generally been kept up by one side or other obtaining a great deal of money from England . Sometimes it has been called a subsidy , sometimes a loan ; and it is my belief that if in this case we do not furnish any such means—if we resolutely refuse to take either side- —the hostilities will not last long .

    and the parties to them will find some means or other of making peace . We are , I hope , going to amend our representation , and to consider several other subjects which very much concern pur future liberty and happiness . Are we to give up attending to all these things in order to help Austria . Or , on the other hand , are we to enter upon what I should consider a Quixotic enterprise in . behalf of the states of Italy . By keeping out of war we shall retain some chance of a reduction of taxation ; whereas , if we go to war , or even maintain an expensive system of armed neutrality , we shall deprive ourselves of every chance of obtaining that object . —A meeting was held in London Wall , on Monday , at which Hyde . to

    Clarke , Esq ., presided , when Lord John again ok the opportunity of speaking upon the foreign relations of tliis Country . He ( said that in his opinion France and Austria were both greatly in the ; wrong . Austria has declared herself determined to strike the first blow . In so far , Austria is , undoubtedly , in the wrong not to have exhausted every means of procuring peace before she had recourse to arms . I cannot believe myself that there Was any necessity , as tilings stood , for either France or Sardinia arming to the extent they have done . What then is the part which we ought to pursue ? Now , I must tell you how for I agree , and how far . I disagree . I entirely acquiesce in- the opinion , that less and defence

    England ought not to be in " a help - less condition . " I should say that past Governments , as well as the present Government , are to blame if , at this moment she is in a helpless and defenceless state . I do not believe myself that she is in such a condition . I believe , further , that that is well known , and that there is no enemy prepared to attack her . Referring to the duty of this country to preserve a strict neutrality , Lord John said , we have no just cause of quarrel with Austria . We have no right to say to Austria that she has done any injury to us . But , in tho next place , are we quite sure that we should be helping the liberties of Italy , by taking part against Austria ? When a with armieswhich

    country is overrun great , ever conquers , the people are likely to sullbr . On the other hand , there are upwards of 20 , 000 , 000 of Italians , not included in Xombardy or Venice , or the dominions which appertain to Austria ; and ¦ would it be a flt course for this free country —< a course that any Englishman could approve—that wo should send our fleets and armies to assist in tho oppression of those 20 , 000 , 000 of people ? I think we should attend to our own internal concerns , that we should promote tho amendment of tho Reform Act , and that in tho approaching contest in Europe wo should maintain , not an " armed neutrality , " but a fair , open , honest , and peaceful neutrality .

    _ , , Sin . Ghaii&ks Naimicu , — The gallant Admiral addrossed a numerous mooting of tho doctors of Southwark on Tuesday . In the course of his speech lie said , that two years ago ho foresaw that nuschiof was browing abroad , and ho did all ho could to put tho country in a proper stato of defence . Lord John Russell , who was unquestionably a great-statesman , however people might difl ' or from him in somo rospeets , oxprosBoJ im opinion somo time ago , in Parliament , that it wouhl bo to tho advantage of Austria

    herself if she would abandon Italy * because it woukE enable her to concentrate her power and increase her ? strength at home . He was inclined to think sqtoov and that the Italians should be left to fight for their ? own liberty . We have had to fight for our liberties ^ and we had won them , and he would leave the-Italians to do the same . No doubt our Government had a very difficult part to play . If the French : succeeded in routing the Austrians out , they might take it into their heads to hold Italy themselves . That would not do for us , because , it would maker France , perhaps , even more powerful at sea than she was at present , which was by no means necessary It would make her , in fact , almost superior to ourselves as a maritime power , while the establishment of Italian freedom would be as far off as ever ; .

    The Attorney-Gexebal . —At a meeting of the electors of East Suffolk , on Tuesday , the Attorney-General said , he was one of those who felt convinced that , notwithstanding the lapse of twenty-, seven years since the passing of the great Reform Bill of 1832 , a further reform in the representations of the people was not really and truly called for by the public opinion of the country . Consider for a moment why and how the question of reform haft been brought forward . The House of Commons was divided into four great sections . First , strongest , ablest , most compact , most united , and , he fearlessly declared , most patriotic , was the Conservative portion . Then there was the small , attenuated , and of Lord PalmerstonThenu

    almost powerless party . came another body banded under Lord John Russell . What were their real views , except to take the place of the present Ministry ? On one night they were found to sway and tend towards Lord Palmerston and his small party in the House ,, while on another night they flew with open arms towards the party of Mr . Bright . He ,, for one , did think that , seeing there were many persons scattered throughout the three kingdoms who possessed fortune , property , high character ,, education ,, independence—all qualifications for the ; elective franchise—common justice , if not political expediency , called loudly for the extension of the

    franchise to those classes of the people . But when they were called upon to listen to the suggestions of Lord John Russell , acting in concert ' . with Mr-Bright , he must seriously call upon the electors todeclare whether they were disposed to intrust the government of . the country to the Earl of Derby , or whether they would place it in the hands of Lord John Russell and Mr . Bright . Lord John was , somewhat indefinite as to what he would advocate himself in the way of reform ; but Mr . Bright did not deny that he had in view a reform so extensive that it . would entirely substitute a lower class forthe existing class of voters—the : higher and middle classes of the country . lie did not deny either that

    it was his object to annihilate the established churclj and to destroy the House of Lords . If Lord John . Russell proposed to the House of Commons a 6 / - county franchise and Mr . Bright should move an amendment for a 5 Z . or a 31 . franchise , could there be . a doubt that Lord John Russell and his followers would accede to the proposition . What would be . the consequence ? Why , they would create in the cities and boroughs of England at least 1 , 000 , 000 of new and untried voters , who would constitute a majority of the entire constituencies , name a majority in the House of Commons , and have thus the entire power of tho country . His own belief was , that if they to any considerable extent enlarged the franchise in the borough towns they would create

    constituencies which would establish and support a Government by whom the interests of the ownerR , occupiers ; and cultivators of land would be sacrificed to the manufacturing and commercial interests , us the latter would return a mnjority to tho House of Commons , which really exercised the entire powor of tho state . Tho learned gentleman proceeded to contend that tho efforts of the Government to promote a series of social reforms hail been impeded by faction , and . appealed for support to an administration which , lie argued , was causing , the mime of Britain to be respected to the farthest corners of the world ; which was engaged in tho sacred ami holy work of peace , and which was lnbouriny to secure the prosperity of the country .

    Messrs . Handuky and Bvn «» . ~ Thcao ffontltmeir acklrossod tho doctors of Middlesex on I ucsilny .. Mr . Manbury mud ho wished to hoo tho working classes fairly and fully represented , not flimsy n < v cording to their munbors , but thoi-r wealth ; for it could not bo denied that wealth nttiiehod to them , seeing that ninny of thorn vera in Iho receipt' of wagos amounting to 100 / . n-yenr , and Hint sum multiplied by tho thousand * of anizan . s wouhl produce * millions . The true Conservative policy was a liberal policy anil if wo did not lulvnnco with the ago we should havo , to uso tho phruso of Mr . Henley , to g <* on with a "rush , " ami those > vho now shut tlwilir oyoa to tho necessity of an wlviuioa would havo cause to rqgrot their wimt of foresight . —Mr . Uyng coi * .-

    Untitled Article

    No . 478 , Apbu . 30 . 1859-1 THE II APES , 54 ^

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), April 30, 1859, page 549, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2292/page/5/