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Leader (1850-1860), 12th February 1859, Edition 1 of 2, Page 212, Untitled Article

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    • OBIGINAL CORBESPONDENCE.. . ¦ ¦ ¦ —^—?—¦ — ¦ ¦ ¦ . ¦ ¦ ¦
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      Untitled Article

      I'BANCE . { From our own Correspondent ?) Paris , Thursday , 6 J p . m . SATOvp-os xa . et l ' italie . Events Lave followed in such quick succession since I last wrote , that what is barely a week old is now antiquated and almost forgotten . Close on the Piedmontese marriage , which seemed to people here the consummation of a union against the peace of Europe , came the long-expected pamphlet , " Napoleon III . etl'Italie , " the joint-stock production of his Majesty and of M . le Vieomte de la Guerroniere , C hancellor of State , and inspiring medium of the Patrie . Intended as an elaborate defence of the Bonaparte policy towards -Italy , , and having , besides , a twofold mission to fulfil—to convince Europe as well as France that aggressive wars would not be entered upon , and , at the same time , to satisfy

      Italians that a warlike demonstration would be made in their favour , it is not surprising that this last specimen of Napoleonic literature should be a failure . I mean a failure so far as regards its influence as a State document . As a mercantile speculation , it must have been eminently successful , for 25 , 000 copies were sold the first day , on which the net profits must have been not less than 8001 . With regard to : the substance of the pamphlet , I fear it is on an equality with previous literary productions by the same band . Its form is a very different matter , and so far reflects credit upon , one of the authors

      at least . But in all other respects it is held to be most unsatisfactory—in short , a grievous blunder . The constant strain on the Imperial vision which . has been maintained for the last ten years has rendered the coup ( Fail less comprehensive and less accurate than formerly . He ¦ w ho spends , his time in striving to look beyond the deep shadows that are falling thick and fast on France , may be excused if he fails into errors and deceits ; if he mistakes his solitude for homage to his power ; or fancies he has but to speak to find a ready echo on all sides . It is when the light of freedom breaks through the gloom that hesitation and doubts occur , as owls are scared by

      SHnlight .-People abroad , probably , are not able to do full justice to the difficulties and dangers of the throne here . It is based on universal suffrage , and served by the agents of an alien power to whom feelings of home and family are prohibited . A breath made it yesterday , and a breath inay unmake it to-morrow . The Imperial regime no more than any other form of government , has taken or can take permanent root in the country , but it is for the present the only one possible . Still , it can only exist on condition of satisfying the requirements of the priesthood , and . of appearing to possess absolute control over the physical forces of the empire . On the one hand , the Government is obliged to make concessions to

      the priesthood , as well as great sacrifices , to maintain the reputation of France for being the eldest daughter Of the Church . On the other hand , it is compelled to pay deference to physical force , and to justify itl title to be regarded as the offspring of revolution , the liberator of Europe , and the defender of oppressed nationalities . Hence the extraordinary compound of revolutionary and reactionary ideas which startle , vex , and dissatisfy the readers of the pamphlet . To conciliate the support and services of the clergy in France , the power and prestige of the Pope , must not be diminished , but to prevent the Liberal party from passing into open opposition , and to remove the causes which frenzy men into assassins , the Pope ' s Government must be reformed .

      Wherefore the Governments of Italy are proposed to bo federated under the presidence of the Pope ; once again the wearer of the fisherman ' s ring is to be set above the wearers of crowns , and , in the eyes of the ignorant , be made to seem the chief sovereign of Italy . How long it would take to proceed from semblance to reality , each , may judge for himself . To remove the influences which goad the Romans and populations of the Legations into desperation , and make assassination excusable in their eyes , the states quo in Rome must not bo allowed to continue . Wherefore civil administration should be secularised , the people should be represented in the discussion and examination of laws and expenditure ; local municipal councils

      should keep alive public spirit ; the administration of justice , bo reformed by the introduction of the Code NapoMon ; and taxes bo levied on a more equitable system . But to reconcile Fopory with liberal government , to give the Pope a Parliament , is felt to bo an impossible anachronism . As well might ono attempt to harness a cart-horse team and locomotive to a railway train . No people have a more lively ' sense of the ridiculous than the French—none are more impatient under it ; and they feel that if NapolCon III . ot ritallo"ia taken in Europe as a faithful exponent of the character and intelligence q ( the French Government in tho last half of the nineteenth century , they must : excite the contemptuous commiseration of tho world .

      TUB KMPBROR ' S SPMECH . Bad enough as tho pamphlet is thought to bo as a State document , tho speech from the throne is to bo more impolitic and unwiao . The public required to bo re-Assured , ngaiust tho chances of war . With a unanimity

      I never before witnessed , all organs by which people could express their wishes declared against the folly and wickedness of plunging into hostilities " which would necessitate the sacrifice of the treasures and sol-f diers of France , and of which no one could foretel the end . " From this unanimity the Presse is , of course , to be excepted . The Prince , whose wishes it represents , though past the age of illusions , would not hesitate , like another Paris , to sacrifice his native Troy for another Helen . Moreover , the military ardour which burned so fiercely at the commencement of the Crimean campaign has again revived , and Horace Vernet has been asked if he would" paint Prince Napoleon at the passage of the Ticino as pendant to the picture of the

      same illustrious general on the banks of the Alma . In presence of the unequivocally expressed determination of France not to incur the hostility of all Europe , and risk life ,, money , and position to procure a fresh subject for Horace " Vernet ' s magic pencil , and an additional pictorial illustration of the Prince ' s military virtues for the gallery in the Palais Royal , the pamphlet was a failure . The speech from the throne was looked for to compensate for the mistake and restore pu blic confidence , which had been so rudely shaken . The speech was certainly intended to be sincerely pacific . But as the necessity of speaking to Buncomb is as great for the Emperor as for the American President , there was an additional dose of Bbnapartesqiie fanfaronnade which , harmless as it would

      be at other times , is construed into evidence of offensive intentions . The hope that the apprehensions of war would be dissipated has been again disappointed . The reiteration that VEmpire , c \ est la pair failed to produce the anticipated effect because it was preceded by a clumsy deceit ^— a . pretence to be innocent of the causes of the perturbation , which was " deplored" and called " surprising . " The great card qf the English alliance was played without winning a trick , for it was neutralised by the assertion that " irritating remembrances of the past " and " national prejudices " still existed in France towards you , and had to be trampled under the heel of

      despotic power in order that the good understanding between the two powers might not be interrupted , leaving it to . be inferred that the heel had but to be upliftedthe strong personal authority of the Emperor to ceasefor these remembrances and prejudices ! to destroy the alliance . Some people affect to see in ; these injudicious expressions a threat applied tp England that it rests with the Emperor entirely to light up another war , and that nothing but his despotic will saves you from the eruption of French . militaTy ardour . Certes , if this be so—and I sincerel y believe that hitherto the Emperor has done more than , any one else to preserve amicable relations between the twO countries—the alliance rests

      upon a very frail foundation , the life . of one man—nay , on his condition of temper . Nor was it calculated to promote belief in the continuance of peace to declare that the policy of France was to be still as officious and meddling as previously . For that is what is taken to be meant by the stilted declaration that " the interest of France is everywhere where there is a just and civilising cause to be promoted , " The allusions . to Italy and Austria are regarded as of the least importance , although they ought to be of the first , for it is believed that they state no more than it is desired the public should know . Taken altogether , the speech is , perhaps , the most extraordinary that was ever delivered from the throne . It is the defence of the Emperor before the bar of public opinion , the laboured protest 6 f his innocence from nourishing guilty designs against his neighbours , and the ingenious excuse for his policy . Qui s'excuse a accuse .

      M . DO MORNY'S ADDRBSS TO THE UICUSLATIVK BODY . After the Emperor , M . de Morny , par ncbilefratrum , was called upon to try his soothing powers upon the public . This gentleman ia believed to bo the instrument of Russian policy in Western Europe , and to be hostile to the English alliance , from not having been allowed to take so large a share as ho wished in certain Belgian speculations in which ho was associated with some English capitalists . Tho reader will remember that it was the Count de Morny who thistime last year uttered such terrible menaces against England for " nourishing assassins in her bosom , " and led tine way for those insolent petitions to bo allowed , to rush upon " your den and tear revolutionists from your culpablo protection . " Since then M . do Morny has changed his ¦ one . He now pipes the dulcet notes of peace . Rumour

      sayB that he is not indisposed to bo associated with English capitalists in constructing tho Algerian railways . It may bo that tho remembrance of huge profits derived , from the St . Aubin iron-works and Qrloans Railway has revived ; and as tho old war-horse will to the last obey the sound of the trumpot , ho will M . do Morny follow his instincts of •? stag . " Last Tuesday , the day after tho speech' from tho throne , M . do Morny met the assembly of uniformed pensioners , which is by courtesy called tho Legislative Body . As neither the Imperial pamphlet nor the Imperial speech had producod tho effect desired , the President of tho Corps Ltfgislatif was instructed to crow peacefully on his own heap , or , if ho would roar , to roar in no fiercer notes than tho turtle-dove . In justice to tho -well-disciplined body over which the Count presided , though ho spoke to them with cruel Irony of •' the ofljoaolous and reul infliienuQ

      the constitution reserved for them , " it should be state d that they were earnest in applause of every peaceful sentiment , and allowed their wishes to carry them beyond the traditions and instruction of the claque . When asked to . meditate upon the Emperor ' s speech and prove their gratitude for the Emperor ' s care of the honour of France ( how strangely some people prize what they neither possess nor understand ! ' ) , they gave the due measure of applause , But when the Count de Morny spoke of the Emperor ' s assertion that " peace was not to be broken , save in the defence of national interests , " thereby rudely dispelling the delusion that France would interfere to

      establish Italian independence—rthat "peace was the chief wealth of modern society "^ that " people ' s blood was not to be lightly spilled , and war was the last resort of offended honour "—that " most difficulties may be overcome by peaceful arbitration "—that " public opinion was omnipotent , to which Governments were obliged to defer , " the obstreperous and enthusiastic applause seemed to fill his Countship with astonishment and perplexity . Evidently in the copy of the speech from which he read , the " signs of applause " were not printed . When he paused for signs of approbation , as printed , there were none , and as he read hastily , he was interrupted , much to his dismay .

      The general conclusion is that there will be no war . It is currently reported that Austria has offered to withdraw her troops from the Legations , concurrently with the disappearance . French soldiers from Rome , thus removing the only cause for dispute , and effectually checkmating the turbulent policy of the Emperor in Italy . Your readers will not . fail to remark in the published accounts of the opening of the sessions , that whereas in democratical and aristocratic England , where the people are " enslaved , " the sovereign goes to meet the representatives of the nation ; in imperially democratic France , where every man has a vote , the representatives of the nation are summoned to- dance attendance in the palace of the sovereign .

      Untitled Article

      GrEBMANT . QFi-om our own Correspondent . ') February 9 th , 1859 . There is nothing of interest to report in the proceedings of the Prussian Parliament . It would seem as if all were afraid of disturbing the delightful unanimity which the Prince Regent represented as being the glory of Prussia in the eyes of an enviously admiring world . The Prince is liberal , his Ministers are 'liberal , and the delegates , for the far greater number , also liberal- What more do we want ? By maintaining our present masterly inactivity we form part of a grand phenomenon . We have our Regent ' s word for it . Besides , the budget which has been laid before us proves that the finances are in a

      splendid condition , and there is no need of increased taxation—at least for the present . The political change in Prussia is beginning to produce a movement among the neighbouring states , a 3 shown by the attempt made by the Hamburgers to reform their mediaeval constitution , as your readers were informed by your Special Correspondent . This large city , which has been , and stjll is , in constant intercourse with the most enlightened nations , and which holds within itself all the elements of freedom and truly enlightened self-governmcut , is ruled by customs that . belong entirely to the middle agqs . That now , for the first time since 1848 , a public spirited movement should be commenced , is evidence of the crushing influence of tho absolutist party that waa the lust

      carried into power by the reactionary panic of ten years , This reform agitation in the old Hanse town is the most interesting subject at present , but I refrain from dilating upon it , as your Special Correspondent may perhaps e ° f « Hy into it . I have , however , sonic observations to mnke upon another question connected with Hamburg . My attention has been directed to a loading article which appeared in tho Daily Newa'ot February 1 st , in which some grave and hardly credible errors occur . From tho stylo of the article I should say it had boon originally written in the German language , and with tho object of raising Hamburg at tl » o expense of a neighbour . If , however , it is tho production ot an Englishman , I can only say he 1 ms perhaps " die CSlP oko klingon geh&rt , und woiss nicht wo sie hiingt . " jMigliart most fro

      papers often , and justly , ridicule the errors , - qupntly malicious , of foreigners with regard to Jwgiwii affairs , and a mistake , although committod by a . loading English journal , as in this instance , not ill-mount , win be greedily seized upon to hold up the English , pross to ridicule " London journals more especially , having no inconsiderable influence upon tho minds of thinking man in Germany , ought to bo particularly cnrolui whon they pretend to state facts , for if ounu fulso in facts , they will bo considered false in their Woob . In the article alluded to , the Daily Nowa says ; -- *« ° position of Hamburg ia full of danger , for slio -nlono oi tho Hanso towns has boon able to resist the prowuro or tho rest of Germany , omplpyod to induce her to « » n « ° " those croat principles ot free trado which , while tiioy inroo

      are part and parcel pf her history and Her , «•« also the object of tho unmitigated hostility of the 8 U \ w * of tho Zollvorelu . " In onothor paragrap h « flB ? ? TI "Of the ohnraotor of that policy and the weight ol inaj pressure ( alluding to the efforts of the Zollvorolu States against the froo trade of the Ilanso towns ; , wo

      Obiginal Corbespondence.. . ¦ ¦ ¦ —^—?—¦ — ¦ ¦ ¦ . ¦ ¦ ¦

      OBIGINAL CORBESPONDENCE . . . ¦ ¦ ¦ —^—?—¦ — ¦ ¦ ¦ . ¦ ¦ ¦

      Untitled Article

      212 THE IiEADEJi . [ No . 464 , Fe ^ bruaiit 12 , 1859 ^ — ¦ ¦ ¦ ' - "" ¦ ' i- . ' , ' ¦¦ ' ¦ - ' - " ¦ : : : jl _——_ jj—^ ^^ —¦^ — M ^^^———^^^^— ¦

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 12, 1859, page 212, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2281/page/20/