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NOTICES TO CORRESPONDENTS . No notice can be taken of anonymous correspondence . Whatever is intended for insertion must be authenticated by the name and address of the writer ; not necessarily for publication , but as a guarantee of Ins good faith-.. It is impossible to acknowledge the mass of letters we receive Their insertion is often delayed , owing to a press of matter ; and when omitted , it is frequently from reasons quite independent of the merits of the commumca"We cannot undertake to return rejected communications ..
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: W ~ . LORD PALMERSTON IN PARIS . The prolonged stay of Lord Palmerston in Paris Las given rise to an infinity of conjectures . Among those whose opinions give the . tone to what is called * good society , " the visit of the ex-Premier of England is looked upon with vague emotions of misgiving , qualified only by the prevalent conviction that the Viscount ' s day of power , whether for good or ill , is past , and that , as a Minister , should he ever return to . office ,, he will never be paramount again . Bonne socieiie in ' France -comprises many sects ,
differing- ' . from one another widely in points ot political faith , and warring fiercely with one another wherever the hope ' of eventual supremacy is rekindled . . But all these sects , whether Legitimists , Orleanists , Fusionists , or Republicans , concur in remembering with unassuaged resentment the active sympathy shown by Lord Palmerston in the success of the coup d ' etat . M . Walcwski , then ambassador in London , was then on terms of peculiar intimacy with his Lordship , and a very general impression prevailed at the time in both countries that
the venturous attempt of the 2 nd December , 1 S 3 . 1 , caused our then Foreign Secretary no surprise . Before it was possible to be sure that popular resistance might not have been organised , and measures taken for a co > Urecoup , Lord Palmerston hastened to present his enthusiastic congratulations , and to give the warmest pledges of personal support . It was whispered audibly at the time that these
assurances liaving been semi-ofhcially given without the knowledge of the Court , or the assent of the oilier members of the Cabinet , no little dissatisfaction was expressed at what seemed to be so rash and premature a step . But ere explanations could be demanded , Louis Napoleon ' s triumph was a fait accompli ; and the nuirmurcrs , whether princely or ministerial , were sarcastically given to understand that had they been as well aware
beforehand of what was in preparation by Lord Palmerston ' s confidants of the Elysoe , thry would not have doubted the possibility of success . Outwitted and humiliated , there was nothing left , but to acquiesce . The leaders of the Tory parly were prompt and loud in their admiration of the skill and during cx . hibii . cil in , the cottp d ' dtat . _ The Palace trembled at the triumphant restoration of the Bonaparte . dynasty ; and , true to its instincts , hastened to propitiate the newly-born power . The Whigs resolved to temporise . They confirmed oUiciall y all thai their uncon-Ming colleague in thb Foreign Ollico hud done j and within three weeks the grudge of Court and Cabmot was gratified b y his contumelious dismissal . Wnatovor mystery might bo thrown over tho real causes , either in Parliament or tho press , and howover technically true might be tho osLonsiblc provo-CatlOlia O'lVf \ n l \ w iU * „ ., .. „!_ . * 3 - M I . I
last seven years , been no want of proofs of personal accord between these distinguished friends * Schisms ' and estrangements there have been between each of them , and other potentialities . But to the claims of individual confidence , and of what may be called personal politics , both have continued true . A second occasion unexpectedly arose , when the strength of this attachment was put to the test ; a second time Lord Palmerston realised all that the French Emperor expected of him ; and a second time he was in consequence hurled from power .
These things are too fresh to be forgotten , and people naturally ask what are the confederates about just now ? Paris is entity ; the salons are shut ; few of the celebrities of war or statesmanship arc to be found lingering there ; what is the veteran Minister doing in the French capital at such a time ? What , means the unusual empressement with which he is invariably received ? Why these repeated and protracted visits to St . Cloud , strangely contrasting , as they do , with those so brief and
ceremonious paid at Osborne ? What does it all mean ? Far from seeking to allay the curiosity of observers , or to tranquilhse their conjectures of his having some definite purpose in view , the diplomatic Viscount takes especial care to see every one who calls on him , to talk with apparent frankness to every one he meets , and to volunteer now and then indications of his future policy on questions relative to French interests , Or to those of the alliance . Nothing can be niore conciliatory than his whole deportment ; and nothing better calculated to create the impression that he contemplates a return to power , and that at no distajit . day . The naivete with
which he asks French politicians why this and that has not been done by Lox-d Malmesbury , and tile suggestive look of wonder on being told that the present Foreign Secretary has pronounced it to be impossible , are said to be worthy of Talleyrand . " If he stays long enough , he will make us all believe , " said a French politician the other day , " that not only is he worth a score of the Emperor ' s old boon companions . , in London , but that he is , after all , the best minister we could have in England . " We , of course , means the friends of the existing system : all others stand aloof and watch what this singular species of embracery will come to .
At seventy-four it is doubtless hard to get up a belief in oneself ; and it would be incredible that any man of shrewdness and experience in . the evanescent ways of political life should ivy , were not Lord Aberdeen still busily engaged as ever in muffled intrigues , and were not Lord Palmerston still playing the part of "the Coming Man , " to select audiences in Paris . When it was proposed some weeks ago that the members of the House of Commons ought to invite themselves to Cherbourg , and take for granted that , his Imperial Majesty would be very glad to sec them , Lord Palmerston , with the levirv that
has always been intertwined with his other characteristics , said he would go , and Captain Gossett had actually made arrangements for his accommodation . A few days afterwards his lordship sent word to say he had changed his mind , and that he would not go on "the parliamentary lark . " No reason . was assigned , and the solf-invitcd made the trip without the ox-Premier . The circumstance is thus accounted for . Tho iml ' orgctting Emperor of the French did not choose to recognise or receive the " gentlemen below the gangway" who had so recently denounoed him and his Conspiracy Bill , and who , oddly enough , formed a considerable * proportion of the expedition . He wished , moreover , to have a better opportunity
of private and confidential conference with his best ana ablest friend amongst British statesmen . An intimation , therefore , was conveyed from the occupant of St . Cloud to the tenant of Cambridge House , thai : if ho would visit France after tho Cherbourg festivities were over , his presence would bo regardou as a gratifying mark of consideration and good-will . The hint sulllco . d . Lord Palmerston suddenly discovered that urgent business required his personal attention on his estates in tho county of Shgo , and thither accordingly ho repaired till tho smoke of the sinister fetes htul rolled away , and tho coast of Britj Luojwij ^ wu : ** --, m — !_*« . —
, . ¦ . ini-r .- ^ .- 'g - " .. ~ i - ' - "M "MMiiuHfiV ^ " ? " *—" rP '" - ! - " * - "" - """ - " ^"" - ' Viscount nTlus modo of communicating with Princo Albert , ovory one of ordinary information understood tho real history of tho transaction . Lord Palmerston was , and ia still , regarded by tho partisans of Henri V ., of the Comto do Paris , and of thoJRo .-i Public , as an nooomplioo in tho ' resuscitation of tho I 3 iV T t ° , , ^ trulh f no P " I'ftvo boon spared by lus Lordship to maintain tho impression , lu diplomacy and m the press , tUoro has , during Lho
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verdict was arrived at be clear and definite . We are bound to confess , that the more we consider the dictum of the judge who tried the case , and the verdict of the jury in connexion with the evidence , the more difficult we find it to arrive-at-a ' satisfactory and conclusive opinion on the case . No one , we apprehend , will be disposed to dispute the propriety of punishing fraudulent directors of jointstock undertakings ; no one will be disposed to question the expediency of making fraudulent directors suffer in purse and person whenever fraud is undeniabl y established . But it is essential to the ends of justice , nay , it is indispensable to the prosperity of the country , that , fraud should not be assumed , but that , as the preliminary step , a clear and unambiguous definition of what constitutes fraud on the part of a director should be laid down .
In the present excited state of public feeling much , folly , as well as positive injustice , is committed in . respect to directors , who are held by the unreflecting to be responsible for matters over which they exercise no possible control , and of which they can have no personal knowledge . At the present moment senseless attacks are made on every director of a public company ; indeed , to be a director , by one class of writers is held to be of itself a damaging circumstance . But let us recollect for a moment that
among the thousands of directors of public companies are to be found the names of the highest and most honourable in the land , many of whom have , from patriotic and unselfish motives , consented to associate . ^ themselves in great undertakings calculated to enlarge the commerce Of the country and to minister to the national prosperity and security of the empire . Let us recollect ^ that the senseless outcry and clamour raised by a p ortion of the press is placing these parties in a false position before the public , and causing alarm to themselves and their families . We have said that joint-stock undertakings have t and
minisered , are largely , ministering , to the material prosperity of the country . Look , for instance , at raiiwavs , at the " telegraph , at joint-stock banksj would they have ever been , brought into practical and profitable operation but for associated capital , and for combined personal enterprise ? Hecent disclosures may have shown that in some , nay , if you will , in most of these undertakings , jobbing and " fraud have found entrance . It seems to be a law of human nature that nothing merely human shall be pure and perfect—we must expect , therefore , to find , especially in great commercial combinations , that something not
altogether squaring with abstract notions of honesty is discoverable ; but after all that can be urged against such undertakings , will any one be bold enough to deny that the balance of good vastly preponderates , or that the whole nation is not benefited by what joint-stock enterprise has achieved ? Take joint-stock banks : in spite of the delinquency of one or two concerns , the general body has shown itself to be souud and the management beyond suspicion . These banks have proved of incalculable advantage to tho extending commerce of the country , but it is not merely , owing to the governing body of directors that so much public good has boon attained . ' With most of the joint-stock banks , wo believe , the main recommendation held out to
the publio is , that tho directors have never interfered with or inspected the customers' accounts ; indeed , several pass-books of large banking establishments Iiavo this fact set forth conspicuously in them . The powers , therefore , of directors are limited , and y » -ry properly so , when tho circumstances of their position and duties are taken fairly into account . In many cases they must not bo regarded as in a more responsible condition than that m which trustees of friendly societies are regarded by the public . It is customary for such societies to put forward great names as trustees , but the public are never deceived by this ; they know that the functions of trustees are limited , and they would never dream of holding them responsible ' for tho business arrangements , still less for the continuod solvency of tho concern . And in tho case of a
HESrONSIBILLT . IKS OF DIRECTORS . Tun recent doqisiou in reference to tho responsibility of directors hits lost , none of its interest . Viewed in its relation lo , and bearing on national enterprise , Its importance cannot bo overrated . . Hut , in proportion to its importance ami possible uil ' eets , so ought tho principles and tho law on which tho
great many joint-stock companies , tho functions ^ tHv * rlii'C ptor ~ aTc ~'" not"morc extensive ihan flioso of a trustee ; in common fairness , therefore , tho rosponsibiltios should not be greater . Tho public arc too apt to throw on tho-shoulders of directors that responsibility which propci'ly oolongs to shareholders . ' ' . ' Wo have nlrcmlv referred to lljo courso lakou by some portion of ' the press on I ho question of lho new-born rcttpoimiullitioa of directors . lhoso journals are houudiiig on the publio to un m-
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Ko . 442 , September 11 , 1858 . ] T H E Ju E A P E R , 935
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. * There is nothing so revolutionary , because there is nothing so unnatural and convulsive , as the strain to keep things fixed when all the world is by the very law of its creation in eternal progress . —Dn . Aknold .
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SATURDAY , SEPTEMBER 11 , 1858 .
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Leader (1850-1860), Sept. 11, 1858, page 935, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2259/page/15/
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