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    MORAL ISOLATION OF ENGLAND )

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    position withia the walls , they mount guard , on the fortifications , they command the gates , and even patrol " same of the principal streets , but while proclamations are posted up , offering rewards for tie bodies of foreigners , dead or alive ,. and compensation to patriots wounded in the work of cutting off " the barbarians , " it may be . questioned whether our operations in tiiat quarter Jiave been so triumphant as they were origiflaJjy . described . Neither our naval nor our military force lupoa that coast is overwhelming , even in

    comparison with Chinese means of opposition , and it is evident i 4 iat unless our plenipotentiary be backed by . a . more powerful material demonstration , he will . ! be enabled to pre , ss no demands at all satisfactory to British commercial interests . Indeed , we find it stated in © ur special letters from Hong-Kong , that the Imperial Government declares its resolution to make no -alterations in existing treaties . ¦ ¦;•'« A ( Miethod must be found of changing its temper , and every week of delay will render the taskimore di&eolt . We have been armed in those

    waters for-upvflards ipf -a year ; we have achieved successes , of course , but not such as to awe the Emperor or - the Mandarins , who believe , naturally enoi&la , -that we have exhausted our powers of attack . Wedc | not blockade their harbours , or cut off ,-i tiieir coasting trade ; we levy no duties at Canton ; we assemble no additional ships or regimenta ; we intimate by no , sign that we have the intention or the strength to establish ourselves at Pekin , where our influence must be felt , if it is to be felt at all .

    Thi ^ j rthen , is the state of affairs which we must regard-as * insatisfacfcory ; . "Nor does there seem ground for hoping that . "we are nearing the conclusion of oar Qhineae quarrel . The Lord Chancellor , inltis Mansion Housespeech . on Wednesday , spoke of the endeavours made b y Lord Derby ' s Government to restore * " the amicablerelations which ought never to = have been disturbed , " and to procure , " for the whole civilized world , the greatest commercial advantages . " The two parts of this statement do not fit together . If the peace ought never to have heen disturbed , we have no right to exact fresh conceasiofls frpm China . , ] 5 ut we look suspiciously upon the Chinese policy of the new Cabinet . It is

    pledged-against the principles upon which the late operations have been carried on , and which . ; are represented . by the . British plenipotentiary . It may be expected , then , that the objects proposed by the late Ministry will be abandoned , unless the Hous-e of Commons , which ought , at least , to be consistent with respect to Chinese affairs , should check the tendencies of LordMalmesbury to compromise . The matter involved is . not a diplomatic punctilio , or the indemnification of one or more , Bfitish subjects ; it is the basis of an important trade ; it relates to . the intercourse between Great Britain and a vast nation of the East ; it : touches our position as an empire- in relation to the other competing empires of the world ; and nothing is further from -the washes of the British commercial

    community , than--that Mr . Disraeli should rise in the Home of Commons and announce , amid Conservative loheers , peace and , jgood-will in China , unless s < MBesub 8 tantial reforms are effected in the imperial antithods of transacting international business We have had more than enough of premature pojwfitttiona * % ned , at Pekin , and of mieeraible indemnities . granted at the cannon ' s month . What is jiow wanted t is an explicit . understanding , with the JSinperor and the Mandarins , x ^ adeijv t indefeasible guarantees .. securinc . imrreas ti maiiiuiwler

    mi ^ , u ^ r , ( M ( | Q-- : ive » sonaMe * estriotTons , of vfcouree— 'tue WkVjigation « f tW great inland wtf ^ iUw thorough aeeitmty of ^ Eucope * n lijf ^ , jmd ptopetty , » th « rfmn , range , at laast . of , Canton j »> d U ) p . *« M » iont » f . Chu 8 | aftMV |» er |> iet ( uity . Unless -these fcwiM 5 ti > 8 , or toeaefits resembling thorn , accrue from the partial w waged during the kat -twelve months ^ gaiast China , the , ostentatious demonstvationof the four powers will have been an . impostuwi Qur expenditure upon a squadron . and an army willrhavo bom thrown away ; . Lord Elgin ' s niissao s tt will have , a diplomatic collapse , and tlieBritjjsli flag will have been dragged in Chinese dust .

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    SIR JAMES BROOKE IN BOIOTO . The Earl of Kingston has been making himself a nuisance in the House of Poets , by a series of personal attacks directed against Sir James Brooke . He cannot endure the light o f that roan ' s reputation . There 3 ire some few persons who agree with Lord Kingston ; but since his return to England , tlie- ' Sarawak Rajah must Jiave been convinced that public opinion regards him as one o £ the most distinguished civilizers that ever left behind him . the pleasures of cultured society to labour with unselfish devotion for tlie welfare of his feilowrbeings . Nevertheless , a curious misstatement has received & limited circulation , to the effect that Sir James Brooke went out to the East with

    avaricious views , and that he has amassed a fortune by his adventures . Now , this is absolutely the reverse of the fact . Instead of enriching he has Im .-povenshed himself . He has lavished , a competency which would have enabled h iiti to live at home in ease and distinction upon the natives of his Bornean principality , and he Itas done this in a manner which precludes the possibility , of any proportionate pecuniary return . ' - Therefore , when proposing to

    hand Sarawak over to the Colonial Office , be frankly explains tliafc , being about to divest himself of his position as an independent ruler , should the . 'Governmeut be disposed partially to jreimburse him , he would willingly accept its offer ; but it . must be emphatically understood that Sir James Brooke is not in England to obtain a grant from the Treasury . Such an interpretation can only . have one of two or igins—jealousy , or ignorance . We are not bound to show what his communications with the Cabinet

    have been , or to enter into details concerning his private proce ' edings in Sarawak ; but we regret that statements deformed , as we have said , either by ignorance or by malice , should be put forth , with a repetition of the exploded libels with reference to Sir James Brooke ' s acquisition of liis Raj . If particular individuals entertain prejudices which they cannot overcome , it is at least due to xui Englishman not to , impeach him as a pirate and murderer , simply because he opens a . generous negotiation for the . transfer of liis , princely right to the Crown . It is not always that these calumnies are so completely self-refuted . as vr hen they come

    irom Uie lips of Lord Kingston . When Sir James Brooke hod been for some years conspicuously before the public eye , his old agvent , Henry "Wise , after becoming liis enerny , complained that , so far from having ; beeu remunerated for his labours , he liad even paid his own cab-hire . We would suggest to a noblcLord—Go thou and do likewise I Tiiere would . then be less . necessity for Lord Brougham ' s Bill for scouring the ; digaity and independence of menxbers , of Parliament . The latest private . accounts from Sarawak amply bear out all . thatihas . been said in approval of Rajah Brooke ' s molicv . Many of the piratical

    tribes formerly .-ati war with him liave settled down toi peaceful iudustry under the administrations of his ; agents . . TJio people . are impatient for their English ruler to return . Commerce thrives . The community has recovered from the Chinese disaster of last year . Sir James Brooke is the only person whose losses have been irreparable . His object . in residing for n few months in England is not to redeem these or any oilier losses . If 1 ho British Government be disinclined to do justice , he asks them to take Sarawak as « free gift under the protectorate of the Crown . His reasons arc self-evident . When . he who created the settlement , pacified the Qoast , attracted the immense concourse of

    industrious natives , and civilized tlics province , ceases to exercise that diffusive benevolence , it mig ht become a question whether bis sucoesaor , however experienced , could hold Burawjik with us lirni sv grasp , whether the Dutch might not intrude , whether , iu fact , tho

    Moral Isolation Of England )

    MOI ^ AL ISOLATION OF ENGLAND . Djbswto the activity of diplomatists , this , country fe ;^ raduttUjf ; geUiug into a stato of moral isolaliou wlnclt . rauat bo regarded . as , eminently wholesome Tlicre are few nations , if ia « y , ready to became our antagonists ; but there are still fewer reacK to , act prdiajfy with us . Kow ( nnd then , for various j flpwjuUfcbjccts , vtfi ifind onraclvcs acting withlTiiuico

    or Austria , Turkey or Sardinia . We may undertake some common work with Russia by-and-by . ¦ But we liave no real friend—at . least on the continent of Europe . * Whatever silly French and German writers may say , this state of things has not been brought about by any grievous misconduct on our part . Doubtless , we have done evil deeds , in the teeth of our Puritanism , and foolish deeds , regardless of our reputation as disciples of Machiavelh ; But , to be candid , outgeneral political behaviour will stand comparison with that of any other great State ; and , although foreigners and Irishmen , contriving to smuggle tieir virulence into this country under an English garb , dilate every

    day with so much relish and unction on . " British brutality , " they do not succeed in -finding a . very extensive hearing . The public is reminded of the story of the keen-sighted thief who intruded himself into the society of a set of blind honest men , and , having led to their arrest , exclaimed to the judge : —" Beat us ; for we are all rogues . " Nobody , either abroad or at home , pays attention to these sham self-accusations , precisely because they are seen at once to be sham . When Englishmen discover their countrymen to be doing wrong , they cry out against them as individuals ; but it never enters into their minds to make this an opportunity of

    cursing and abusing their country . As to the general mass of foreigners- —we speak of the tolerably enli g htened—ifc is quite a mistake to iaia ^ ine that they relieve one tenth part of the accusations which tiey suffer to circulate against us . No one who has seen anything of good society abroad can doubt that the ideas of honour and uprightness are peculiarly connected with an Englishman . Even in the worst circles , concessions are iaade to good taste and propriety when we appear . We exercise

    a sort of feminine influence . Ihe moral atmosphere is purified by our presence . Rou ^ s try to look upon us with contempt—and of course honesty is ipotttemptible ; but somehow or other they cau't do it . Politicians try to exphain ihow a nation of honourable men may disregard the laws of morality in their public acts , but they shrink from the consequences of their own demonstration ; for what must or rnay be the pablic acts of a nation of sceptics , debauchees , blacklegs , flunkeys , and slaves ?¦ ¦ ' . '

    Still , though we are respected ^ because are respectable—by comparison in ithis wicked worldwe find ourselves , to a very igreat degree , alone in Europe . Xet us remain so . No statesman could do a greater disservice to the reputation of this country than to endeavour to tighten bonds which circumstances have loosened , and to seek for partners in any new political adventure . Our louelmess is a homage to the peculiar nature of our principles . Although some small states have endeavoured to imitate us , with more or less ; success , it must be admitted that our example has not acted with any very great effect upon Europe . Representative ,

    institutions are everywhere i at a discount . A . free press—their necessary accompaniment—rn < whe * e exists , save in this island . Our manners , our law . s , aur . modes of thought i ^ ire' the very opposite of the manners , laws , and modes of thought which prevail eveiywhere else . : Aiud there is , at j ) re 8 eftt , no tendency to lessen this dissimilarity . On the contrary , until some convulsion comes abroad weican only become ! more aad more . unlike . Wr neiglibours . Although , because we ihave the sea for . ia moat , this isolation has not yet led to anv very disagreeable consequences , it cannot be denied liiat it ibas its disadvantages . However high a ( nation may stand morally and intelleotually , it is not good for it to be alone . Accordingly , whilst each successne Government , with tiie true routine spirit , seeks to find

    or make . new friends , if reconciliation canaot ; be brought about with . old ones , by means of commercial and poilitical treaties , royal marriages , and so forth , Dhe Engiish public , or , to uae a loss vague expression , a very largo body of liberal Uiiukers , have adopted quite an independent policy . It , seeks its friends not < am . ong sovereigns , but among the nations ; and as it has learned that most of these nations unwillingly obey the individuals who usually ap j \ ' ^ > ifc s ^^ pat » iz < is with ^ Imt is called tlie revolutionary or rebellious spirit abroad ; No insurrection . against any established authority w ° ^' * P art'i 3 ttn 3 !» - This is quite natural . Wo aro in search of friends ; and as we find nearly every organized . polity hostilo or indifferent , we , of course , arc glad to sec now arrangements attempted by which our desires may be accomplished .

    Foreign . Governments arc prone to mistake cause for eUcot , und to , imagine , bcoausc we find , it cliitieuh . to conceal our syinpatlncs for revolutionists , tlwt

    we create or aet them on . This is a mistake of ¦ vanity . They do not see that their own imprudence makes them enemies , and if those enemies ibehave in a gallant and generous manner , or sutler great and disproportionate punishment , all inhabit , ants of free countries must leel-an interest in them We advise , therefore , the adoption of less arbitrary measures ; but we will not be so-hypocritical as to insinuate that ; we believe our . advice will betaken . All we « an say i $ , therefore , that it is proper for Eftgland to ; remain . alone , watohful and armed , until the vast frozen expanse of despotism which stretches almost without a br « ak eastward from , our shores begins to thaw arid to break up . We may . then make discovery of lands with which we shall be glad to enter into communication .

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    ® & THE LEADED . [ No . 431 , Juans 26 ^ jL 85 g ^

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), June 26, 1858, page 614, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2248/page/14/