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    of the two ^ conntri eaj and that appeals , pprely ^ and simply , to- the loyalty , of the English peop }« . " ' But itiia . < jlearutLat this feeling-and purpose came di » eetifirom ^ tfaofErtt ^ orori Tile French , Foreign M&iiater-quotes his'Imperial master ' s own words-:- !—"I do not deceive-- myself as to the little efficacy of the measnrea' which could be taken , bat it tvill still be a . friendly act which -will calm much irritation here . Explain our position clearly to the Ministers of the Queen ; it is > notnoa * a question of saving my life , it is a question of saving the alliance . "

    It may be seen that in these passages the whole of the demand previously made upon us is still here , covered by the word ' loyalty . ' If-we do not attain the objects-at which the Emperor is aiming , that is ; if we > do not prevent persons from going over from this country to assail him , we shall .. lose the alliance . The threat is as distinct here as it is in the address of the * S 9 th Regiment of the Iiine , signed by Colonel Haedt : —

    " But in our manly hearts , indignation against the perverse sncsceedfing t * crar gratitude to God moves us to demand-an account from ? the land of impunity where are the haunts of the monsters who are sheltered under its laws . Give us the order , Sire , and we shall pursue them even to their places of security . " Or as it is iit that of General Count GkrorN , commander of the second military division at Kouen : — "Let the miserable assassins , the subaltern agents of such crime ? ,-receive the chastisement due to their abominable attempts ; but also let the infamous haunt where machinations t so infernal are planned be destroyed for ever . "

    But iine'iaost authentic ; explanation of the Imperial mind on the subject of the duties and loyalty of England is given in M . i > b ia GiTBBBOTrN'iijEiJ ' s pamphlet , Jj'UJmpereur JVa poleon TIT . et V ' A . ngleterre . In that document there is an elaborate resume" of the circumstances in which France has behaved with the most faithful friendliness towards England , and this is followed by a mor& elaborate exposure of the occasions on which England has not" reciprocated her friendship . Then come such sentences as " The alliance then , appeared indissoluble . " " People very naturally say to each other in France , How is it , then , that it is always in England that attempts against the life of the Emperor and against society are prepared ? Is this what we ought to expect from an alliance so loyally observed during the peace , and so gloriously cemented during the war ? " Here follows a long listi of conspiracies hatched , he affirms , in London , and extending over the- past six years ; And this catalogue of conspiracies is accompanied with remarks elucidating the state of revolutionary refugee society in England , with its inflammatory grave-side orations ,- listened to by ' ten thousand people P its- ' Wyewe . Heading Booms' in which conspirators are said ' to congregate , and the Temple Discussion' Forma where , so long ago as Novembei- ' Englishmen were discussing , the ' merits * of ' regicide . In the / last despatch of Count ' Wisi . T . B'WsaEi oni the part of the Em- " pbror ; ft& draelaims-any intention to inculpate-JSngHshmew , and : lays » the mistake- entirely irpoii' France ' , which ! is' not informed on toe subject of EngHab . institutions ; We lifcve- alroad ^ rpoinrted out how easy it' would "be f 6 rrtheJ Enrperor- to diffuse information derived from the Times and other journals'on the subject of England and her institutions ^ mr as t < x correct' the mistaken opinion in . ] Eraa c ^; J&uj ^ b ;^ the pAmphlet of . M * jmbi : la > GuEiinoNNiiatOE waa-pnabtiahed ? It . waste-give-ivfallfflr : and fifeer easphviiation of' the real state of" things in France as well as in England , in , Paris as well as in London . And thus we have the moat ' authentic' evidence and proof that the Emperor did intend to charge Englishmen withisniftering if not encouraging , but certainlyvwitl *! debating , regicide and iiwpexatorl « idw-There" cennot ber a doubts' upon the

    subject . M . de iiA G-uerroitntAre quotes from a pamphlet by M . Felix Pyat , published in 1857 , the passage ending with the words , " When shall an heroic hand settle the account of blood ? " Now this Ptat pamphlet obtained no attention here , but M . de la GtrEBBONNifeBE treats it as virtually an English manifestation . " Is it not time to avenge the dead and save the living ? When a man raises himself above public justice , he ought to fall under the hand of an individual , " exclaimed M . Pyat . " More than ten thousand persons , " writes M * de la Guerbonniebe , " hailed these impious words , and the English press , in giving them publicity , either to . reprove-oir to stigmatize them , carried them to all parts : ThJe reprobation which they find in honourable minds is easily changed into complaints against the Government xckicli tolerated them . ' In this other passage the professions of the English people are contrasted with the things that they ought to do in a manner which is perfectly unmistakable : — " As to the English people , they profess , we are aware , a horror equal to ours for those crimes which are prepared among them to be executed among us . But , without undervaluing their sentiments , without touching in the slightest degree the independence of their institutions , it is permitted to consider those attempts so often repeated as warnings , and to find in them the indication of great duties for all Governments . Thus , after the 14 th of January , there was but one single cry throughout France for two things—first , the removal from our frontiers-of the . assassins condemned by the Courts of Justice ; ' secondly , the interdiction of the public apology of assassination in journals or at meetings . ' " In the conclusion of this famous cor respondence , then , we do not find anything to justify the satisfaction expressed by Mr . DiSBAEiiL The intentions of the Emperor Napoeeon are manifest—he has only been deterred by circumstances from attempting to carry them out . If more evidence were needed , we think it would be found in the exultation of the JPays and Courrier de JParis , both of which papers consider that a victory has been gained over England which will give strength ) to the arms and diplomacy of France in her future relations with this country . Now we have not to do with France , but with her ruler . That France , real France , has not learned to value the English alliance , or looks on with satisfaction at the perilous course taken by her master ; we do not believe . But what we do believe is , that there was very good reason for Lord Derby ' s satisfaction at the state of England ' s resources and readiness for even grave emergencies . We see there is the will ; luckily the way lies across salt water .

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    STATE OF PARTIES . Ma . Diskaem asks * where is the majority in thcHbuse of Commons ? It fell from Lord PaijMEjiston- ; it has not followed Lord John Busseij . ; it does not yet manifest itself against Lord Derby . The truth is , that up to this moment" no division has been taken affecting the new Tory Cabinet . Parties are inxeserve , and the only leader who has ventured to count has . nxen is the First Minister . Not'more than a hundred and sixty members responded to a somewhat pressing- solicitation- —five or ten less than nave boon accustomed to obey similar signals from Lord John Ross em ,. If this be all the regular support Lord Dmiwy can command , his rankV ~ ifi ? t ' e ^ nof' ^ nlal ^ ffgrnave-atfrenuated ' since 1852 . That probably is the fact of the matter . Toryism , as a solid section in Parliament , has dwindled year by year , and it is impossible not to detect , in the language of the' Conservative journals , a constant appeal to something aparb from constitutional principles , as if the question wore , Who is'to carry on the Qaeen ' s Government P Indisputably the-iron ority in the

    Houeeof Commons belonged , last year to Lord " Pai / mebston ; but it belongs to . him * no , longer . His own subordinates have : told , hixai the reason why . Mrv Osbokn © 1 referred tt »> his indiscreet and careless personal conduct } Mr . Horsman asked whether he was to trust , a Minister who , with an . immense Liberal : majority , habitually relied upon Conservative ' votes , and complained , that there had been " neither a Liberal party in power nor a Liberal party in opposition . Nothing that Lord PaI / MERstok may do will have t he effect of restoring him that reputation which he has wantonly sacrificed . The late Sir Eobeet Peel declared that one of the

    first duties and highest ambitions of a political leader should be to stand well with the House of Commons : Lord Palmerstoit has neglected this duty , and pretended to despise this ambition ; and whenever the present transition Ministry dies a . natural death , it . will not be through any desire in . Parliament to revive a Dictatorship . Both Houses ' are waiting for a glimpse of Derby-Disraelite ' policy , or , as Lord John Kttssei . 1 , hinted , for a legitimate opportunity to vote the Toriesback to opposition . Mr . Disbaeu , therefore ,,

    conceals his budget , the framing of which will perplex his invention , since he has to meet a deficit and to cany his proposals against the criticism of three hostile ex-Cha-Dcellors of the Exchequer . He cannot reduce expenditure , although pledged in a manner to abolish the paper- * duty , so that he may have to apportion a newtax , which will , in all likelihood , bring him under the influence of his fatal star . Here Mr . Gladstone , Sir James Graham , Mr . Sidnei Herbert , Mr . CARDWELii , and others _ the same party will cross the path of the Finance

    Minister , who may be sure , of opposition from , the systematic " Whigs . The next point , arising is connected with the plans and dis positions of the independent Liberal members ; and , although many of these are still suspicious of Lord John Busselx , we believe theyare , as a body , hostile to the idea of Lord Paltmerston ' s return to office . With respect to Lord Derby , they have no right to treat him as a . Tory until his policy appears ; but they want a Minister who will move in the understand

    direction of Reform , and they clearly enough that the Government artificewill be to appeal to the credulity of the working classes , by promising , abundance of employment and high wages . This is , perhaps * , the stalest trick in the Conservative repertory —so old that it has ceased to deceive . Lord Derby ' s advocates will not persuade English public opinion in the belief that he has ma-r tured a scheme for * reconciling ¦ labour and capital / and creating a plenitude of employment out of nothing .

    The state of parties in the Houso . of Comrr mons is not encouraging to Lord Der&t . .. Nor is it favourable to Lord PAi-MiitSTom But the Constitution provides a remedy agaiust Parliamentary and p ublic op inion- —a , juggle behind the scenes . What may be th © i result we do not pretend to prophesy .

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    LOBD PALMERSTON'S A 1 FTEIUTHO TJGHTS . Iir the two Englishmen in King Febdinat * d'& dungeons had been Gibraltar Jews , Lord Paimbrstow would probably have strotcbea a ^ chivira-Tacross ^ -the-Bay-of-Waplej ,, £ iJi ! L ^ l ___ national rights had been doubtful , ho might havo blockaded the entire coast . Then the- divine afflatus of a truly British Minister : would have filled the House of Common * with Bomnn heroics . But the act of th » Neapolitan Government having been on © of unquestionable illegality , and our coun . trymon having , indisputable claims , » to j ' nothing was done . A correspondence too *

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    a 78 £ ^ THE BEADEB . [ Ko . 417 , M& 3 BHDH - 2 Q ; 185 B-.

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), March 20, 1858, page 278, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2235/page/14/