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    stand-still , notwithstanding that manufacturers are offering their goods at prices which are considered ' extraordinary . ' But the truth is , that shippers have no prospect of being able to get their hills discounted , and are , therefore , unable to buy . Birmingham and Sheffield are "both suffering from the loss of their American , trade . The laee and hosiery trades of Nottingham and Leicester are in a

    state of diamal depression . At Kidderminster the carpet-manufacture is reduced to almost stoppage by " the cessation of American orders . Leeds , Halifax , and Bradford , are all waiting upon America for a return to work . The iron , trade of South Staffordshire is in like condition . In all these places mills and manufactories are working half-time , quartertime , or are wholly closed .

    ^ This dark picture represents , on the one side , loss of money , anxiety , bankruptcy ; on the other , misery , starvation , death . " We must deplore the merchant ' s and manufacturer ' s troubles , but our heart ' s sympathies are with their beggared and hungering workmen , left but with one resource— -patience . On the last day of the Session , Mr . Neytdeqate said : " He almost regretted that the House was about to separate for so long a p eriod , for he did nob look forward to any immediate relief of the existing distress from the steps taken by Parliament during its

    present meeting- and if that distress continued without any attempt to mitigate it on the part of the Government , it might eventually beget in . the people a disposition to seek other remedies , which the House might have cause to lament . " Sir George Grey ' s answer was really just and reasonable . He " was anxious that the passage in her Majesty ' s Speech should not be interpreted as implying the assent of the Government to the notion that the working classes were to loolc to Parliament for any special remedy for the local distress occasioned by the recent commercial distress . Nothing , " he added , " could be more creditable than their conduct

    during the recent privation to which many of them had unhappily been subject . " No ; Parliament can give no relief to the pining labourers ready to work , but without a market for the products of their bands . There is nothing for them but patience and reason ; the calamity must be borne . Trial , suffering , hope deferred , are nothing new to English men ana women ; and courage , endurance , and fresh hope are never wanting to either . The immense improvement observable in the behaviour of the masses on all late occasions

    of public gathering can only have come from improved intelligence and refinement of feeling , and they are qualities such as men do not exhibit only on holiday occasions , but such as show most strongly under trouble . The suffering thousands in the stagnant towns will endure the trial which has come or is coming upon them by an unavoidable or is coming upon mem rjy an unavoiaaDie

    necessity , with the same fortitude and resignation as their suffering brothers and sisters in India , have so long borne their yet moro terrible trial . To all , God send speedy relief . Meanwhile , as we said , against the heavy demand which will be made upon their endurance , they can make no better provision than that of good spirits . Let all who can , then , keep their Christmas merrily .

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    CONSTITUTIONAL OPPOSITION IN FltANCE . M . Emile de Girabdin , whom everybody thought to have retired from the noise and turmoil of political contest , pat on his helmet once more the other day , took up his lance , and sallied forth in quest of adventures ncv . His expedition lasted a week , during which he cameoled along the columns of the Courrier de Paris . He has now retired to his castle , partially satisfied , because he succeeded in drawing all eves towards him during his gallant

    ride , but somewhat surprised and puzzled to find that , with all his experience , he , the roue of publicists , is not only ignorant of the real character of the present regime , but of the tone , temper , and aspirations of the party he attempted to lead . The late proprietor and editor of the Presse endeavoured to do what M-Peyra / d lias been wrongfully accused also of attempting-. He wanted to found a constitutional or dynastic opposition—that is to say , he thought it possible to form aud marshal , in the press , the . Legislative Chamber , the Senate , and the country at large , a party equally faithful to the Emperor with M . he Mobny and M . Biliaitm , but haying another policy , and seeking to carry out that policy by voting , writing , and so forth .

    Amiable delusion ! M . de Girakdin seems utterly to have forgotten that the chief doctrine of the Emperor , and the one on which he is most fond of insisting , is , that ' all old parties are dead ; that , in fact , the great bane of France was the existence of parties , and that his government is the expression of the general will of the people , made manifest in the absence of discussion , which disturbs instead of enlightening , and in the utter silence of

    all political passions . ' Napoleon III . disdains to lean on a party : he chooses to lean on the country at large . Whoever comes to divide , therefore , friend or relative—for Prince Napoleon is at the bottom of all this—is looked upon as an enemy . Parties can have no existence without discussion , though conspiracies may . Towards what joints could discussion be directed ? From declarations of war and

    peace down to the smallest administrative acts , everything is now done in the name of the Emperor ; and . you cannot comment on the violent bearing of a village mayor , or oiv the petty tyranny of a sergent de ville , without an insult" to Imperial Majesty . Once allow attack , and Government is reduced to a defensive position . This degradation the Ernperor never will put up with . He is the expression of the will of the nation ; and knows that "will better than the nation itself . It is the will of the nation tliat he . shall exercise complete and undivided authority ; and for fear the individual members of the nation should make a

    mistake , and suppose that they wanted something else , lie undertakes to guide and direct the expression of that will . We liave had too many revelations of the way in which elections are now carried on in France to doubt this fact . The electors are so many bodies that come up to the poll in number about equal to the bulletins that are to be found in the urn ; but that there is any connexion between their wishes ( except in Paris , and a few cities where public opinion exists too strongly to be derided ) and the results afterwards proclaimed , no one now professes to assert . This arrangement

    is absolutely necessary for the safety of the Imperial Government ; because the French , however loyally disposed , sometimes do not know their own mind . Its efficacy is not to be doubted . In no other way could the wonderful result be obtained , that in the provinces , where tlic terror of Red Republicanism most prevails , the Bonapartist candidates arc always elected unanimously . On individual constituencies tlie effect may be startling . There was a inagjc mirror once , which , instead of representing the features of the person who used it , called up a clown , an angel , or a devil . The inhabitants of the AixWchc , for example , who are especially remarkable for not knowing their own minds , must often be reminded of this mirror . But

    the general effect is admirable . One uniform result of dishonesty or stupidity attends on the elections ; and when the Corps liegislatif meets , there is no more danger of the formation of parties than there is of water congealing into icebergs under the Equator . Why should the Emperor allow this happy state of things to be disturbed ? M . de Gihmidin seems to have laid too much stress on certain expressed Governmental aspirations towards political movement that have from time to time attracted public Attention . Perhaps he took seriously the admonition addressed to the Senate a year or two ago , to the oifect that it was not to draw its salaries as if

    they were pensions , but that its members were at least to appear to do something for their money , lint he forgot to notice that this humorous ebullition of the Emperor came to nothing . The Senate has not since distinguished itself—and was not meant to distinguish itself—for anything but its servility , its alacrity at , pay-day , ana the brilliancy of its uniforms . 11 is still « is delightful as ever to behold that august body on a summer's day ,

    sparkling beneath the gleams of a Luxembourg sun ; but the tranquillity of France has not been disturbed by a single patriotic proposition from that quarter , a ., . PS suggestion , a single sign of political vitality . Senatetir continues , as of yore , to be a term of derision among the populace . Before the last elections—whilst tie Republicans were preaching the ruinous doctrine of abstention—the Government organs talked largely of the necessity of voting ; but this was for fear the polling-booths should be deserted—or rather , it was because they felt the necessity of saying something . lb being- determined beforehand that there should

    be a vast and overwhelming silent majority , there seemed no danger in provokiag a semblance of political , life . The victories gained here and 'there by the Opposition have , however , alarmed the Government . It perceives the possibilit y that some day the electors , no longer caring for the intimidation of mayors and gendarmes—provoked by sonic national disaster , or merely wearied by national degradation—may , by one of those sudden movements of which . France is capable , determine to come uj to the electoral urns with Opposit ion bulletins in their hands , and refuse to allow them

    to be torn from them and . exchanged for others . "Where , then , would be the Empire ? This consideration has had its influence ; and the mot d ' ordre now is , to check and discourage , by all manner of means , the intermeddling of tae peopLe in politics . M . de Girardin could not , therefore , have chosen a more-unfortunate time for his move . He has had the courage publicly to confess his discomfiture and disappointment . The Empire does not want a party which , however friendly , could not exist without disturbing the beautiful -unanimity which at present is its chief aim .

    And then there is the Opposition , which lias a right to be consulted in this matter . It would be foolish to disguise the fact that this Opposition , whatever profession it is forced to make in public , and of whatever heterogeneous materials it may be composed , is radically hostile to the very existence of the Empire . Amongst the Bonapartists , whom it is impossible to count , who may form a majority in the nation , and who may be- . ' miserable minority , there is no difference of opinion . They recognize the surpassing wisdom , the courage , the honesty , the patriotism of Napoleon III ., and would consider any opposition to his will as little short of blasphemy . ' By the grace of God and the national will' lie '

    Emperor of the French—commissioned to govern and guard them . His very existence is an admission that they are incapable of taking- care of themselves . Why , therefore , should they discuss with him or his ministers the means of tiieir preservation ? People whose minds have been corrupted by contact with constitutional ideas , and who fancy that tlie choice of ministers depends in every way on the fluctuation of public opinion , may deceive themselves if they please . Ministers in France are , in real ity , what they are nominally in England , the servants of the Crown . If they were the representatives , of parties , where again ,-we say , would be the Empire ?

    The Opposition—Republican , Orleanist , or Legitimist—separates itself in the most marked manner from this autocratic system , and habitually refuses to discuss the details of Imperial policy . Its enemy is the Emperor himself . Now that it has resolved to abandon the policy of abstention , to bestir itself , to vote and send members of its own to the Legislative Body , even if they < ake the oath it is not evidently with any intention of helping to carry on the business of the country . It must desire to assert its existence , to shake off the torpor that was creeping over it , and prepare for eventualities Many of its members seem to delude themselves with the idea that these ' eventualities' arc not far

    distant . With the faculty for hope which distinguishes exiles—and theyarc to a certain extent exiles in their own country—they keep their eyes perpetually on the Eastern horizon , and ever and anon fancy they perceive the signs of com ing dawn . Until their state of mind is changed—and whether it ought to be changed or not may be fairl y discussed —there is no chance that th <; y will join in anything like a ' dynastic opposition ;' and M . » e Ghiaiidin is obliged to admit that he has reckoned here also without his host .

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    THE ELECTIONS IN BELGIUM . Thk conduct and result of the Belgian elections arc equally honourable to the King and to the nation , and , even the governmental press of Imperial Frunce is obliged to confess , present a happy

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    No . 4 ( H , December 19 , 1857 . ] T HE L 13 A D EH . m

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Dec. 19, 1857, page 1213, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2222/page/13/