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    more extensively , perhaps , than those of any unofficial English paper , and we now learn that one of the ministerial writers , in order to cut off the point of the Leader ' s opinions , has explained to the Piedmontese that we are Hungarian refugees , and that ours is a purely foreign and revolutionary inspiration . " We think the ingenuity of this idea is admirable , but then its audacity is also very fine . The press in Sardinia ^ however , is not completely free . Its political offences are liable to inquisition before a jufcy , but attacks on the dogmas of the Catholic Church may be punished by an irresponsible tribunal of judges . This distinction dates from 1852 , being one of the novelties introduced at the instigation of the French Emperor . Ihe Government would , apparently , be more liberal if it dared . When its own acts are criticized , it rarely interferes ; but when reference is made to him who cannot bear criticismbut who is , nevertheless , the saviour of society ,

    , the police are called in , for the young civilization of Piedmont is dismally in fear of the power that rescued the ancient civilization in France . Mr . St . John notices seriatim the ministerial , liberal , reactionary , and ecclesiastical journals , indicating the origin and influence of each . -, , ,. He then proceeds to religious matters—to the deep hold which Catholicism still has in Piedmont , to the fact that it is declared , by the first article of the Constitution , the religion of the state , that Protestant proselytism is illegal , that the Catholic propagand is exceedingly active , that Count Cavour is a believer in modern miracles , that the centre of oppression in Italy is not in the Legations , not in Naples , but in Rome , protected by the Empire of Morality : —

    We all know that nothing but the presence of French troops prevents the Romans from rising and spurning the hatred Papacy into the sea . But this means revolution , —this means democracy , republicanism ; or else this means foreign conquest and iron tyranny ! Who but a few dull diplomatists caa imagine the quiet succession of a monarchical constitution with King , Lords , and Commons , all created by articles and clauses -written on a piece of paper—to a Theocracy of fifteen hundred years' standing ! Have we another Otho or Leopold to reign over the Transteverim ? Is there a single human being who can imagine Victor Emmanuel II . son and -widower of an Austrian princess , packing up his carpet-bag , leaving Turin , and going to reign in

    the City of the Seven Hills ? What would the Turinese say ? and -what the Romans ? We are told that the Liberal party of Piedmont and Italy , all but a few impracticable men , have rallied round Count Cavour . They have not opposed him , because it is not their cue to interfere with any attack on the Papacy ; and they wish to compromise the Sardinian Government as far as possible in their war against the Church . But with the exception of a few dreamy exiles—made credulous by suffering I am persuaded that the greatest anxiety and alarm is felt among the Liberals . They know what terrible consequences follow when Louis Napoleon Bonaparte writes liberal letters , suggests memoranda , and shows an interest in suffering nations !

    This chapter , on the religious question in Piedmont , is one that will probably be looked to with particular interest . The sum of it is , that the people in general " only desire to eradicate some of the abuses of the Church , " and that the Government on every occasion has been a timid interpreter of these tendencies . In the chapter on education occurs the following passage : — The small party that presumptuously calls itself Rationalist , is of course not recognized by statistics . It does not seem to be in great favour ; but unfortunately a good many of the Liberal leaders have adopted that dreary doctrine , partly seduced by its name , partly driven irrevocably away from anything that has connexion with

    Christianity by the fearful crimes committed under cover of that faith by the friends of Rome . These persons make the same mistake as the French philosophers . They have undertaken to drain the human mind of religious ideas , and work for that purpose very industriously ; but they have set up their pump by the margin of an ocean into which the rivers , and the torrents , and the rains of heaven are perpetually pouring , in defiance of their puny industry , which indeed has nowhere to put what it takes away , and is compelled to send it back by other channels whence it came . What learning , what eloquence , what courage , what perseverance , have been expended in this monstrous undertaking ! Enough , certainly , to regenerate and moralize the world . They have been at it for three centuries , and the Jesuits are more powerful now than ever .

    This is the view taken by the body of English liberals . The opposite doctrine , besides implying a contempt of the human understanding , has been the blight of liberal ideas . " Crime and Punishments , " " Piedmontcse Workmen and the Anglo-Italian Legion , " " The People and the Lottery , " " The Piedmontese Theatre , " and the " Traditions of Piedmont , lead up to a chapter on Constitutionalism in Piedmont . Before touching this a page must bo quoted by the way : — As speech affords the chief clemiHR in the definition of our species , I may be permitted to place merely " musical people" on the extreme verge of humanity towards the frontiers of beastdom . I know that in so saying I expose myself to all manner

    of sneers and witty retorts , — " The man that Las no music , " &c . But I have all political philosophers and stern moralists on in } - side . Observe in private life : whenover you meet an individual whoso occupation or chief pleasure is music ; who talks much of Erard ; who pesters you with his opinion that Beethoven and Shakspcare are on the samo level ; who produces a Jew ' s harp , or any other instrument , in the midst of conversation , and proposes a " little rational amusement , " be euro , he 'will take an opportunity of telling you that ho does not care about politics , — that is to say , is indifferent to the gcncrul interests of humanity . It is my private conviction that every man in a free country who tells you that ho doesn ' t caro about politics , makes a profession of dishonesty—because ho profits by the advantages without uhtiring the futiguea of freedom .

    That we would wish to sco taken as the text of incessant preaching . But Mr . Bayle St . John ' s special views—which will have to work Hgainst preconceived ideas in England—are apparent in his account of Italian constitutionalism : — In Piedmont I am not content to see a Re Galaittuomo , as they call him , with obstinate but limited virtue , nbido by tho letter of a Constitution which his father gave na a temporary expedient ; and do nothing to make that Constitution loved . Tho impression produced by hia conduct is , that ho feels contempt and distaste for tho forms whloli ho so Bcrupulously maintains , as it is pertinaciously repeated , because he hoa Bworn ^ o do so . It ia not hia business , ho seems to think , to assiHt in adapting thorn to tho circumstances of tho countr } -. There th « y are , make what you can of thorn . Ho ia a soldier , a mero soldier—cannot understand what » U thoso babblers are about—ie determined to let them do as they please , provided of course that his prerogatives and hia civil list are not interfered with—but feolu certain that in tho end

    the country will be tired and disgusted , and will fall back again for rest and comfort into the arms of a paternal monarchy ! This , probably , is the truth , and what Mr . St . John says of Count Cavour may also be true ; but , though we are willing to adopt his report on the king ' s character , we have a serious difficulty in accepting his opinion of the minister . He compares him with Sir Robert Peel . Is that reproach , or flattery ? Cavour is , at least , better than the i gnominious ministers of oppression . He has been the author of benefit to Italy . He has not been an imitator of Metternich , on a small scale ; he has not even been a petty reproduction of

    Guizot . If ho has served the Savoyard dynasty , and has been unable to comprehend the higher and purer aims of the Liberal party , that is little surprising or disgraceful on the part of a statesman in a country where Constitutionalism is not yet ten years old . The Liberal party , disbelieving in monarchical patriotism , is , no doubt , that which reads history aright , and studies most philosophically the aims and aspirations of the Italian people ; yet it is something to have an Italian minister devoted to the cause of an Italian dynasty , instead of being the impure sycophant of a foreign tyranny . Still , what follows cannot but engage our serious attention : —

    Experience teaches me , however , that the Piedmontese politicians are more in want of criticism than praise . They have taken the panegyrics of our press and our statesmen far too literally ; and instead of continuing the good work of regeneration , are inclined to stand still , admiring themselves , and giving the world an opportunity to admire likewise . Of course , it is preposterous to imagine that Italy would ever consent to be governed from Turin . Brofferio's idea of " the United Italian" States seems a reasonable solution of the problem ; Valerio ' s is different ; for he thinks that the upper provinces might be united under a Constitutional sceptre , while Manin dreams of Unity and Unification . Mr . St . John inclines to the idea of a Constituent Assembly to found an Italian Constitution , addinsr : —

    Perhaps it will be necessary , considering our love of compromise , as a temporary arrangement , to make Lombardy a province of the Sardinian monarchy . But why should we shut our eyes to the fact , that a very large proportion of the Lombards do not desire this consummation ? Those who do desire it warmly are a fraction of the aristocratic classes , who nourish for very good reasons an undying hatred to Austria , but who are equally averse to democracy ; and who expect to be protected from the one at the same time that they escape from the other , by rallying round an already established throne . The forms of a constitutional government are extremely agreeable , to them . They look forward with pleasure to becoming senators , deputies , ministers , to holding places of high honour and emolument . Gold lace , ribbons , and decorations are an attraction to the less intellectual . The prospect of moderate

    freedom , the advantages and pleasures of which will be concentrated chiefly in one class , they consider very alluring . The odious prejudices of race-and high birth are peculiarly developed among them . They do not hate a Croate more than they despise a plebeian , but fear has taught them to be as condescending to one as they are polite to another . Their manners , therefore , are not particularly haughty or offensive ; but you should hear them speak pf Mazzini , the great Italian of this century ! Their tone is then as disgraceful and bitter as that of the Piedmontese courtiers themselves . For my part , I can feel little sympathy for men who are thus eager to repudiate a debt of gratitude . It is not necessary to share M . If azzini ' s views on all points ; but I heartily wish that any Italian who reviles that indefatigable worker in the cause of liberty may remain for ever under the despotism of a Radetzky or an Antonelli .

    His course lies thenceforward through the political subjects connected with . Italy , though these are developed , not disquisitionalJy but descriptively , —the several points being illustrated , rather than argued . What these subjects are the—headings of chapters will show : — " The House of Savoy , " " Representation and Royalty , " Parliamentary Studies , " " Count Cavour and his Ministry , ' ' The Reactionary Party , " " Origin of Liberalism in Piedmont , " " Angelo Brofferio , " " Lorenzo Valerio , " " Lombards in Piedmont , " " Army and Navy of Piedmont , " " Here and There in Piedmont , " and " Genoa . " These topics are discussed b y Mr . St . John from the point of view of advanced Liberalism , the allusions to English affairs bein <» in the sense of the new school of politicians , which seeks to invest the people at large with power , and to qualify them for its exercise . This is his commentary on the history of France , from 1851 to 1856 : —

    I leaped ashore at Genoa , —not at the Genoa of Charles Albert , but at theGenoa of Andreas Doria . " There was his palace with its many pillars , dropping as it were in showers towards the waters of the port within tho new mole . He had a fleet of hia own , manned by soldiers and sailors and slaves of his own , always moored close at band . A strange power for a citizen of a free state ! But he never abused itnever attempted a coup cVttat of any kind . That atrocity was planned in his time , however , by Fieschi , who did not succeed , and therefore did not become an idol . He was foolish enough to allow himself to be stifled in the mud , dragged down by tho weight of his armour there in tho arsenal—an appropriate fate for an emperor in embryo . Schiller represents him as drowned by a republican accomplice , to whom ho muttered too soon about the purple . Whatever be the truth , anathema on him ! Ho should have obtained the government of the republic—sworn to defend it against all enemies—thrust the state twenty times to tho verge of ruin , in order to appear at tho riglit moment na its saviour—bought and corrupted all ofliciala—and , finally , have done tho deed cleverly at night , when all honest citizens were in bed . Ho might then hnvo founded a dynasty , and would most certainly have been styled , not an infamous wretch , not a pirate , not a parricide , but a " good and a great prince !"

    We have now done with Mr . St . John ' s book . Upon its literary qualities , or the place that should be assigned it as a political study , we have preferred not to oiler an opinion .

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    SINGER'S SHAKSPJOAKE . The Dramatic Works of William Shakespeare , the Text carefully revised , wM Note , By Samuel Wcllor Singer . —The Life of the l ' oet , and Critical Ksaays on the Play * lly William WatkiBS Lloyd . Bo " *? ldy Six of the promised ten volumes enable us to form an opinion of this edition . First , as to externals : the typo is good , the page small , and the volume nocketablo — a very desirable tlnng with so companionable a poet . Iho illustrations are superbly bad ; they are almost worth preserving as specimens . CM the text , all we venture to say is that it has undergone tho revision of Mr . Silver ' s jealous eye , which moans a groat deal , both for good and bad ; Mr . Singer being one of tho learned Shukspearian students , and having tho full

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    Jult 5 , 1856 . ] T H E L E A P EB , 641

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), July 5, 1856, page 641, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2148/page/17/