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Leader (1850-1860), 21st June 1856, Edition 1 of 2, Page 578, Untitled Article

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      tant body , which has actually tried to undermine the National system ^ and to counteract it in every particular . This motion was unexpectedly carried by 113 to 103 . The accident was explained at once , % the fact tha * i **< &glf £ a ^* # ^ Buckingham Palace j buiftne JlfcVy ^ ^ *»** g * that that exp lanation is insuflgKrat . Ther ^ Wfte fifty-six pairs , " making really W $ - in favour © £ TO * motion , and 161 a ^ Snst K- M was del *« # for five hours , and caihnot in any respect TO considered as a surprise . There can be no doubt ,

      however , that the majority of the House of Com > xnons have no intention of affirming any such " motion ; and Mr . Fobtescue will bring forward a resolution on Monday next , having the effect of rescinding the vote . We all know that the Opposition can muster something approaching to two hundred members ; it did not require Tuesday Bight to exhibit that fact ; and we expect to find litr very great addition to that adverse body on Monday next , when it will of course be swamped by the great bulk of the Liberal party .

      On the same day the Lords are to take a trial of strength in resisting- improvement . Lord Bekby will attempt to throw out the Oath of Abjuration Bill on its second reading , and he will then graciously substitute a bill slightly improving the present oath of abjuration , by striking out the . obsolete reference to the Pretender , but still excluding the Jew . The question is ,. ¦

      wlieiiber the Lords wilt assent to the improvement p ' resented to them as it is in the plainest and least QlJensive form , or whether they will wait for a later day , when they will be compelled to swallow a much more disagreeable measure . Tlie' Ubyal prerogative has been exercised hv ma&ing SifEDi 4 nNi > Lyons a Peer , Sir BArJ > wicr Y ^ klkJEfc a baronet—the one " in consideration of fits services'while in command of the

      Mediterranean fleet , ' the other M in recognition of great ability and uirwbaried assiduity in fulfilling the laborious - duties of Surveyor of the Navy . " Sir Baij > win has been hard-worked ; but do afl able and hard-worked men in the public service get baronetcies ? Sir Edmund Lyons is a gallant , honcnxrabitoy clever man , who knows when to give a > hint in time , and when not to give it . His daughter hdnoured a Duke ' s heir with her hand ; Sir Edmund was popularly regarded as the man that oug h * to have been first appointed to the Black Sea . in lieu of Deans Dtjndas ;

      and the Peers will cordially shake hands with , tneir new companion . Our naval contemporjgiry , the United Service Gazette ^ hints that the Creation will not be bo very popular with the services Njatsosr and other great admirals have been made Peers ,, but only for great victories ; Jjxaxsi mi < y / nt have been a Nblson if be had had an opportunity ; but be had not . He bos } t owevert , beep& a diplomatist ; , he could perhapB criticize' the proceedings in the Black Sea ; bub will he not know onvphiohi side bis-bread is *

      butteredespecially when he has so very fine a slice ? We wish the excellen * old gentleman joy of bis title , and tbe Ministers of their most creditable champion tbaJt ytfji t »« in Parliament I At home ,, outside the walls of Parliament , we have had many , varieties of public demonstration . We have had the Crystal Palace Company displaying its newly completed waterworks in the presence of the QueTbn and of a holiday multitude *; we have had Sir Wilxtam Of Kahs , the most chivalrous man of dur day , welcomed home

      by his eomitryinen at Dover—scene of so many historical landings ; and we have had William Paxmbb , the eminent poisoner , hanged before a great concourse at Stafford . The spectacles have all bcv& ^ efararaeteristic of the day—inventive nflHWHmiepfr . uniting royalty and commonalty ; return from . iw « w ; . attd revenge fox that criminal wno haa exa # pjerated sooiaty as much by d 4 s > ctbsing its own disorders ,, as he ban by cheating it f « rt » w many years into believing , him . a respoct-¦ hJUrawn . - ! 0 ; ' :- ¦; .-.. .

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      ¦ ¦¦¦ ! . ' ¦ ¦• .. ¦;¦¦ . Moriddy , June \ § th . THE SARDINIAN LOAN . In- «*»^ H * o *> se of LpBC » $ > the Lord . < &H&teELLOR bro « Sil up ttfa Queen ' siWWssage on the gteuiniltttfLoan , whilfr was ftftiered to life' taken into consideitfttbn on ThtJKNiiay iteafit . —The Cdan , winch was for " - * rsecond miUpW , was ^ sgreed to iliMftie Ltfttter House witAftit discusdWH . ¦

      JOINT-STWjK COMHfcNIES BILL . After the presentation of petitions against this bill by Lord Overstone , who thought that the measure would lead to fraud and bickering , the second reading was moved ' by Lord StSawle * of Alderxey . fie explained that the object of the bill is , in the first place , to repeal the Joint Stock Companies Act of 1844 , and the Limited Liability Act of last year , with the view of consolidating the law for the regulation of Joint Stock companies , whether limited or unlimited . Hy the present measure , it is proposed that all companies consisting of more than twenty members should be incorporated compulsorily , and that , with respect to all companies of from seven to twenty members , the bill should be simply

      permissive . When the articles of association have been executed and the registry established , the company will be entitled to complete registration , and will be enabled to exercise corporate functions . Great complaints having been made with regard to the ^ reg istration under the Joint Stock Companies Act , it was proposed to substitute for it a register which is to be kept at the office of the company , and to be accessible to the public on payment of a small fee . Registration is to be evidence of liability . There is one provision which he thought likely to be of great service to companies , by preventing improper

      management ; he referred to the power which was given to one-fifth of the shareholders to secure the appointment of an . inspector by the Board of Trade to investigate the company ' s affairs . It is provided that a company may instantly be wound up when it becomes evident that it is insolvent , when it has existed for a year without having com menced business , when it has expended three-fourths of its capital , and when it has ceased to pay its debts . In such cases , the members might petition the court , which would immediately proceed to wind up the affairs of the company .

      Lord Monteagle opposed the bill ; which he said would establish " a gambling shop in every corner . "The Duke of Argyll defended the measure , and the second reading was affirmed by 18 to 5 . OUR DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WlTH AMERICA . The Earl of Derby called the attention of the House to the state of our relations with America , and wished to knoiv what conclusion the Government had arrived at in the present emergency . —The Earl of Clarendon answered that the papers laid before the American Senate would be presented officially to the House of Lords when the replies of the English Government had been drawn up and returned ; but there was no reason why he should not at once state that it was not the ind

      tention of himself and colleagues to suspendiplomatic relations with the United States . —The Earl of Derby remarked that it would be premature to- enter into discussion . He rejoiced personally in the announcement which had just been made ( loud cheers ) , because , though he deeply regretted the course pursued by the United States Government , it was impossible to approve the acts of our own representative . He was glad we had acknowledged our error , even though at the cost of national humiliation . —The Earl of Clarendon hoped that the House would not follow the example of the Earl of Derbyj in prejudging Mr . Cramptou . —After an explanation from the Earl of Derby , who said he had formed his judgment solely on the papers which had been laid upon the table by Government , the subject passed . h icf

      The same question was brought before te note o the House of Commons by Lord JoitN Russell , who , on the order for going into Committee of Supply , asked the Government for explanations . With respect to the dismissal of Mr . Craroptoa , his : Lordsliip' whs of opinion that the Government had no alternative but to break off all connexion with the Unitod States if Ministers thought that the dismissal of Mr . Crampton was intended- as- a wanton insult to this country ; but , if they had no reasen to think so * not only former examples , but the peculiar circumstances of this case , rendered it , in his opinion , desirable to accede to the proposition of the United States Government , and to enter into negotiations , both with respect to the recruiting question and to the disagreement ia the interpretation . of the Bulwor-Clayton Treaty . These negotiation could not bo better conducted than between Mr . Dallas and Lord

      Clarendon ; indeed , he thought that , if we could not carry on negotiations direotly , it would bo inconsistent with our dignity to do so indirectly . Adverting to the present condition of Nicaragua , ho observed : — "It is very possible that President Itivas , having the assistance of so enterprising a man as Walker , may make an incursion into the Mosquito territory , and oven assault the inhabitants of Greytown . The question is , what would bo done by out Government in that coho ? No doubt they would consider it their duty to protect British persons , British property , and British iuturu » tn ; uiul I cannot wonder that for that purnoso they ehould desire to have

      1 ^ sunrate * pMa force Greytown . But we ought to g haye boiMkiMOrniation as to what they may think fit to pafcM * hijk _ Whether they propose to interfere in the affair * dR'Nifcaragua and Greytown , I know not ; but I think-itMtfrqUUMUun upon which we ought to have some infonna « Wb > - ( I ? ear , hear . ) And I say this the more becaueeNlle reports upon the subject are very conflicting * I saw 1 - ttMay a statement in the newspapers that the ships » f ~ ytiLet ' i United States were allowed to carry men -pLUjMttljani ^ and military stores , to swell the forces no j Wtttff , of Nicaragua , - without molestation from her Ma-; 3 % sty ' s ships of war , and H have seen what is alleged to be a telegraphic despatch to < th&commander of her

      Majesty ' s ship Eurydice ia reference to the practice of interfering with vessels entering into the harbour of Greytown , which I think requires some explanation in order that the anxiety that prevails on the subject may be set afc rest . " It was but too obvious that some accidental and unforeseen circumstance might occur in the waters of Central America which might bring about a collision between the naval forces of the two countries . " For my own part , I do hope that the commanders of the ships of war belonging to the United States , and the commanders of the ships of war belonging to her

      Majesty , will receive such orders respectively , that thev will act completely in concert , and not allo-w- those miserable states in Central America , with their revolutions and squabbles , to commit two great and powerful nations , and to bring them into hostile collision . { Hear . ) I need not , I am sure , dwell upon the misfortunes that would arise from such an event ; they are obvious to everybody . The evils which would ensue if these dissensions should unfortunately increase- to a serious quarrel—much more if they should lead to actual hostility between this country and the United States—the miseries which would follow to both nations from such a

      contest are incalculable , and such as no man in this country or in America can contemplate without alarm and repugnance . ( Hear . ) With regard to the power of the two nations , there can be no question that they are both powerful , and capable of sustaining u long and expensive war . But it is equally clear that the cause of humanity , the cause of peaceful commerce , and the cause of civilization and progress , would suffer severely in the conflict . ( Hear . ) It 19 clear that throughout the continent of Europe every man who is the advocate of national and individual liberty , every man who desires to see the cause of freedom prevail , would deplore such a contest between two such nations as a great calamity ; and it is in my mind equally certain that all who wish the reign of tyranny to continue in those countries of Europe which are now oppressed , would rejoice at it . "

      Lord Palmerston , in reply , gave explanations similar to those of Lord Clarendon in the Upper House . His statements were received with loud cheers . With respect to the apprehensions expressed by Lord John Russell , the Premier observed : — "I can assure my noble friend and the House that it is the earnest desire of her Majesty ' s Government to avoid any occasion that might by possibility bring about such a c 6 llision- ( flear . ) The instructions which have been given to the commanders of the British naval" force relate only to the protection of British subjects and British property ; and there is nothing in those instructions which can tend to a collision between that force and the American naval

      force in those waters . Considering the uncertain position of our relations with that naval power , we undoubtedly did , think it right that our force in those seas should be placed in such a condition as should enable it to meet any danger that might occur . We thought it right to take that precaution ; but in doing so we gave instructions to prevent our becoming the aggressors . " His Lordship concluded : — " With regard to the conduct of her Majesty ' s Government , I may bo pormitted to say that , while on the one hand this country was never In a more fitting condition to carry on war , if war bo forced upon her , that state of preparation in which wo may to the national

      boast enables ua , without derogation honour , to act with calmness , moderation , and full deliberation , in any matter of such grave importance as one that bears on the mutual relations between this country and any other , more especially between which and ourselves are so many causes in common , and ho man ;* mutual interests , as exist between England and the United States of America . " Mr . Disrabli was glad to hear that there was to lie no diplomatic rupture with , America ; but ho hoped tlie House of Commons would hold the Government responsible for the state of things which had ensued , instead ot

      fixing the blame on an individual who had apparently acted on the instructions of his superiors , but who , it seemed , was to bo made the scapegoat . Ho also wwUcii that the House would inquire , boforo tho clone <> ' lll ' present question , what ia the cause of those constant nim painful misunderstandings between two countries wlioflt relations should bo those , of the utmost cordmlity . » would bo wiso of England to acknowledge tlmt l « . United States has a policy like all tho tfrcut nation * « Eurono , and that sho has a right to that pol « -v ( " <<"' ' hear ); and it would also De-wiso for this countrv not i look with such extreme jculousy on the louHt '"^"' i'JJ tho expansion of hor territory by tho Unite ! blot * Such a jottlotwy Is unworthy of this country . H ^ land is to show herself hostile to that syatoin ol { ^ ' Bion , it would adopt a policy whioh would not piovv

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      WPE ^ Afc PARLIAMENT .

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      at ff 8 , TH E / LEA T > E B > . []? o .-B 26 , Saturday ,

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), June 21, 1856, page 578, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2146/page/2/