On this page

• Text (2)

  Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

  • 

    Untitled Article

  • 

    Untitled Article

• Transcript

  • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

    Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.

    Untitled Article

    antd iuatthey , the refugees , could not declare the crimes of I 84 £ to > be the virtues of 1855 . SMus is the exact . substance of the declaration . We are not seeking to revive the memory of the < y&typ < PEtat . We desire only to know ¦ what parts of the statement was false . What part of it -was so violent as the language of the Jinxes and every , other London organ ( " with * me base exception" ) in December , 1848 ? W ^ ould the Jersey refugees have been expelled had they reprinted the letters of An Englislhman ? These are grave questions . We , who do not think our liberties so secure that we may afford to violate the principle on which they rest , -wish to learn upon what authority thirtyseven gentlemen , some of them of European reputation , and all of high culture , have been driven from Jersey , by an edict as absolute as the Firman of a Pasha . It is to be remembered that the original paper in L'Ifomme has not been translated afc length by the English journals . Colonel Pian-CiA . Ni , one of the editors , affirms that the text waa garbled , mutilated , misrepresented . The public , at all events , must be set right on this point . On another point there can be no doubt . lij nch law was opeiily advised at the indignation meeting in Jersey . We do not suppose that the hooting natives of the island were conscious of the murderous nature of the proposition ; bufc it would have taken away their right to complain had any illegal action been committed . Tho self-elected champions of law , opder , and decency are not the proper authorities to recommend personal violence , tumult , and . the risk of bloodshed . It has been established , we believe , that a large police force was required to prevent the citizens from destroying Colonel Pianoiani ' s house , with Oali'fornian ferocity Incendiary and libellous placards were posted , with no effort , oa the part of the officials , to suppress them . Some of the high-minded loyalists are reported to have volunteered to betray the refugees to the French Empeuou , or to sink them in the lay . Great moderation was ascribed to certain military enthusiasts who were merely disposed to commit an act of felony , and effect the destruction of the refugee printing-press . It must not be supposed that all , or a majority of the Jersey people concurred in this policy of violence . Several of the magistrates , lawyers , and merchants of the islands , called upon the doubly proscribed ( the word " proscribed " being at last naturalized in England , ) ¦ persons , assured them of their sympathy , and bade them appeal to public justice . A protest on a larger scale > ras afterwards made against -jfelie Qovernor ' s abuse of his authority , which , however , appears to have boon sanctioned by iiord Palmerston . While we are upon this subject , it is projier to notice the efforts made by a section of persons , loud in tongue , but whoso influence is inappreciable , to fasten upon M . Mazzini a charge of vonnlity . Tho charge , formally preferred , has been formally investigated and disproved . The proof , too , is of a nature that fixes upon- tho originators of tho accusation the disgrace of a doiibei'nto and unmistakeablo prevarication . lu itself , the statement was too absurd to need repetition ; it was discredited by the source whence it cumo , mul we should not notice it , wero there not grounds for thinking , that a total contempt of the calumny might Ijo misconstrued . IVee at al times to criticise tho policy of Messrs . Kos-SUTH mid Maz / . ini , the English liberals appreciate their character , but arc not surprised to see it assailed by tho itinerants of Birmingham . The character of thefio midorling-ngitntorfl ia . presented by Mr . J . A . Langifoiu >; fonnorly

    their iionorary secretary . They have conceited " an organization of scurrility , defamation , malignity , and abuse . " There is yet health in the industrious classes .

    Untitled Article

    SCHEMES IN ITALY . An intrigue that may lead to most calamitous and disgraceful consequences , if public attention be not in time directed towards it , is at present going on in Italy , secretly co untenanced by France , and , we are afraid , not sufficiently discountenanced by England . Its object is to place Lucien Murat on the throne of Naples , and even to extend his dominions northwards as far as the Po . The remainder of Italy , including Lombardy and the Venetian territory , is to be given temporarily to the King of Sardinia ; but of course it is foreseen that between this new power and France , despite the promised protection of England , it will be impossible for any state to hold its position long . The two Bonapautist dominions will therefore soon join the two frontiers on the top of the Alps , and the blessings of slavery will extend without interruption from the cliffs iu sight of Dover to the mountains in sight of Malta . There has been a good deal of talk in the press , and iu various continental circles , of this scheme ; but it does not seem to be generally known or admitted that the Pretender is moving heaven and earth to procure adherents ; that his agents are at work in all quarters ; that he has emissaries in Sicily , in Naples , at Home , iu Tuscany , but especially Piedmont ; and that the precious constitutional press of that last kingdom —as the Opinions , the Unione , the Piemontis actively engaged in applauding and propagating the ideas on which this culpable conspiiacy is based . It is necessary to add , that the Diritto , a truly Liberal paper , yet strictly Constitutional , has had the courage to make a dashing charge into the enemy ' s camp—as a punishment for which the Government , at the instigation of the French Representative , has commenced a prosecution against it , under pretence , that it has insulted the Emperor . Insulted the Emperor ! We should have thought he had been hardened to that by this time . Our private letters from Paris and Turin , tell us that many persons , long accustomed to watch the course of public event ? , remained doubtful whether this fatal scheme was really approved by the French Government , until a paragraph appoared in the Afoniteitr , denouncing it . Certainty then succeeded to doubt . No one , who knows tho steps of Louis Napoleon , indeed , can hesitate to believe that to be true which he publicly and solemnly asserts to be false . It is not necessary to repeat his history , to ransack documents , iu order to prove what wo advance . Every one knows , that tho Koman Expedition , the Coup ( TEtat , the Assumption of the Imperial Crown , tho War in tho East , were precedednot merely by official perjurion , but by multiplied , and apparently , gratuitous and wanton assertions of a contrary policy . In this , consists the art of tho great Modern Man . If he could guide the world thus , to peace . and happiness , and prosperity , and virtue , perhaps , we would absolvo him . But is thia possible ? Do we not , on tho contrary , see signs , on ovory side , that immorality in high places generates greatly immorality below ? Is it not self-ovidout , that h e who will lie , must apologise fur that lio when a Grown is at stake—that ho who commits or approves of a public crime , is not a safe person to trust with a secret or a purse ? Secrot , imd therefore moio dangerous , support of tho French Government—pusillanimous or corrupt connivance of tho Piedmontsso Government—stupid carelessness of tho future , in oiw Cabinet—with theso aids , can wo wonder that LirciKN Mukat is active and confident—thut his

    partf is iBsaleniand aknost irluniphant ? Themost remarkable fact in all this—for the conduct of France is not remai 4 ? sble— -= is the . extraordinary attidude of the Pie&montese Ministry . No-Parliament , it is true , is on foot to watch them * and the King is broken down by illness . They re , therefore , free to do as they please , and this is the use they make of their freedom . At least , so says our correspondence . We are almost inclined to hope that the Ministerial pressnot celebrated for integrity—has , simply beenallowed to run riot by accident , and that the articles which have excited the fears and indignation of our Liberal friends have been launched from a distance , with something inside to weight them , as is usually the case , in sending such light rubbish . Perhaps , a Morning Journal , read by club politicians and fine ladies—also by chambermaids , —could inform us how their matters are managed . There can scarcely be two opinions as to the character of the actual Government of Naples . It is abominable and intolerable . It must be changed , or checked . But is the only alternative a new tyrant , not able , not clever himself , but who has a mighty protector who is ? Verily , the situation of Naples is less pitiable now—when there is , at least , a chance of some immediate change for the better—^ than it would be under the heavy Bonapartist gripe , expecting release only from a general Euroj ^ oan conflagration . The true liberals , who bear their exile with dignity , all protest against this infamous project , and profess themselves willing to wait for what the future may bring forth , as they are not disposed to buy a moment ' s breathing-time by handing over their country to a more ignoble and unintellectual tyranny , than that which now stifles it . The weight of a Bourbon is heavy enough , they say ; but what is it to tho weight of France ? The author of a pamphlet on the Neapolitan Question—written with some temper and art , just published in Piedmont—professes to prove that Naples has nothing to expect from the liberal party it possesses ; nothing to expect from Victor Emanuei ., and that , therefore , it must throw itself into the arms of Luciex Mujiat . Upon this , up goes the cry in the Ministerial press of Turin . 3 and in society , too , we are told that we have hero a masterpiece of reasoning . They do not so much admire the style , the moderation , the main bodj- of facts , as the logicthe irrefutable logic . Great judges of logic arc these gentlemen ! Heaven help the country that is guided by such masters of syllogism ! Do not they live under the shade of a constitution ? Cannot they reflect tliat if a republic bo impossible—and it appears for tho present to bo impossible—and if tho Bourbon be intolerablewhich he seems to be—there is something-better to do than to go begging about all Europo for the first Prince , Pjretender , or Pander , who will consent to play tho Bourhonian game over again , with stranger antics ' 2 Thcprescnt King may bo constrained to abdicate . Oporto is a good rcfugo for lato Sovereigns . lie has ,-. on . s and brothers in plenty . Tho hereditary Prince , the Dujce of Catalina , would not do ; but ho lias live sons by a second marriage . Out of these a puppet might bo . chosen . Wo could givo hints from England how to pull the string * . Is not this a more reasonable way of settling tho question , than to assist in exalting auothcrudvculiircr from tho back slums of London or Xew York to a throne , the steps of winch lie may >> lulu with blood , but tho cushions of which , when sucves's-Ail , ho will stain only or chiefly by debit ueh . Wo cannot oxpoct to convince tho wretched oxiloa who have given their adhoronco to ihid scheme . Any means will appoar good to thoin by which they may hopo , ovuu on Uu . UuolH , to creep back into thoir lovoly country . They will cvon agree to assist in oppressing it . Xlut

    Untitled Article

    v , ! :-., ¦ ¦• : . ' : ' "' . ¦ :. ¦ ¦ ' ' ' ' ' - ¦ ¦ ¦ $ *•• ' ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ ¦ '' tA « , THE LE ^ DEJEL _ [ No . 293 , Saturday ,,

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Nov. 3, 1855, page 1054, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2113/page/10/