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miserable works which did not defend it . On the 15 th Kovaievsky moved upon Zaam , and joined the main body for an attack Up ^ oSately for the interests of Turkey in Asia the Turkish troops were under the control of British officers . ! Last year , at the instigation of G ^ ton , redoubts were erected upon the hills that command the town , fortress , and suburbs of Kars ; and this year they hare been further strengthened by Colonel liAKBof the Madras engineers .
, ICars , therefore , is now a fortified place of considerable strength , and adequately occupied by 20 , 000 men , of whom some 12 , 000 are effective . On the 7 th General Williams arrived at liars , bringing with him Captain Tees-DAiiE and Captain Thompson , who , by right of knowledge and valour , became the leaders of men . On the 14 th , the Russians sent forward an advanced guard as far as Masfcra , and , being in great force , drove in a few hundred Bashi-bazouks like sheep . This
showed that the Russian army was upon them . They had chosen their time well . The fast of the Ramazan ended on the 15 th ; the feast of Bairam began on the 16 th . The Russians expected to find the Turks lapped in festive idleness , and careless security . They were mistaken . The inhabitants had been armed , and under the appearance of gaiety there reigned a ceaseless vigilance . On the 16 th , the enemy appeared , his dark masses moving over the flower-paven
meadows , preceded by Cossack and Georgian cavalry . The brief combat was opened with a skirmish between the enemy and the Bashibazouks , ending in the rout and retreat of the latter . Then the guns of the Karadagh and Hafiz batteries , directed by gallant Englishmen , opened ujffcn the enemy , who vainly replied with field-guns . The result of the cannonade was the repulse of the Russians , who retired to Adja-Kaleh .
Thus , there is reason to hope that Kars is safe for this year . At present it is impossible to judge whether the movement of the enemy was intended as the opening of a serious campaign , or as a diversion to show Europe that the Russians are still active in Asia . Rut we cannot imagine that any extensive operations are contemplated ; because , now that Kars is so respectably fortified , and the Turkish army officered , however scantily , by Englishmen , it would require a larger force than it seems probable that Russia can dispose of , for an effective campaign in Asia .
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SOME KESULTS OF CONVOCATION . "We can pretty well predict the course which things will take at first in the revived convocation , if Dr . PniiiPOTTS and Dr . Wii-berfobce retain their command over the movement which they have hitherto guided . Neither of these prelates is a theological fire-eater . Both are ambitious , and both are disposed to the safe and quiet elimiuation of Oalvinistic curates ; but we all remember that the Hampdek anathema was retracted , and that the Exeter Synod went off in most innocuous smoke . The alarming discussions of doctrine ,
and the condemnation of heresies , which the opponents of convocation apprehend , will at first be sedulously avoided . Quiet measures of Administrative Church Reform will be introduced . Services will bo redivided and abbreviated . Humane regulations will be made for tho benefit of curates . Everything will be popular and neutral : and tho sacred conclave will present an unexpected aspect of practical moderation . Then , when ovorybody is so agreeably disappointed , will come the time for making the first approaches towards a better definition of Anglican doctrine , and the condemnation of " emergent
errors . " Probably some decided rationalist , whose love of truth is equally offensive to all sections of bigots , Calvinistic as well as Puseyite , will be selected for the first experiment . Then , perhaps , an ultra-Calvinist will be meekly and reluctantly consigned to Satan .. * And so the good fathers will creep on , as they think , till the Church and doctrine of Laud is again firmly seated upon the
shoulders of the English people . Such , we say , would be the course of things , for a time at least , if the leaders could keep the movement in their own hands . But they cannot do so long . Convocation , however laboriously it may be packed , will contain some of the more impetuous as well as the discreeter members of each of the heterogeneous sects which are embraced by the elastic formulae of the Established
Church . The sect which is represented by the Gztardian , is politic and astute ; but the sect which , is represented by the Record , is , perhaps to its honour , devoid of these ecclesiastical qualities . If Archdeacon Denison does not throw down the gauntlet , the Dean or Bristol will . Where there is such a mine and so many sparks , there must soon be an explosion . There are books published and sermons preached every day which would bring the great party questions to an issue . But there
would scarcely be need of any particular question of doctrine to bring on the crisis . The missionary and educational functions of the Church , during the suspension of its organic life , have been provisionally discharged by private societies formed on a basis more or less partisan , such as the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel , the Church Missionary Society , the National Society , and others of the same kind . These societies being merely private and provisional ,
scope has been allowed in them for the rival factions , and people have been able to ignore the fact that they represent a radical division in the Church ' . The revived Convocation , if it pretends to represent a united Church , must resume these missionary and educational functions , or at least amalgamate and control the societies by which they are exercised . A living Church , with two rival propagandas teaching opposite doctrines , and a private society directing religious education on its own account in
correspondence with a godless Privy Council , would be too much even for the logic of Englishmen . Reorganisation must be attempted . Of course confusion would ensue the moment Puseyites laid their hand on the Church Missionary Society , or Evangelicals on the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel , or either on the National Society ; and the Church of Pusey , Howlory , Close , Maurice , and Donaldson , with its faith once delivered to the saints , would come weltering to the ground .
In short , to give the Church of England tho power of self-definition and self-government is to give her the means of suicide . And she has demanded these powers . She has demanded them , and she has a right to have them . Nay , if , like her wiser and more worldly sons , she was unwilling to receive them , it would bo tho duty and interest of all lovers of truth to force them on her . Tho ability to rise such powers without danger to her own existence
is the test of her right to oxist . Does she represent any real unity of conviction , any real spiritual communion , any real identity of religious objects among those who call themselves hor members P If so , she need not fear , and her friends need not fear for her , the gift of organic life . If so , she will rise from her long torpor , and move forth at onco with the free step of single purpose and harmonious faith . If this is not tho case—if tho unity , the communion , tho identity are a
fiction—then she is a mere j > iece of statecraft , a cunning instrument of politic superstition ; pleasing to the eye of the worldly politician , odious to the single-hearted lover of truth . Which of these hypotheses is the true one we need scarcely ask . What institution—what doctrine , we might almost say , —what historical fact connected with the Church of England is there which is not the subject of mortal quarrel between the parties within her pale ? What peace or compromise can there he between the Church authority of
the Puseyites , the Bibliolatry of the Evangelicals , and that free use of reason of which we have had recent specimens in the works of Dr . Donaldson and Mr . Baden Powell ? The fall of a national Church , which is so much bound up with the religion and morality of the nation , will be a terrible event , especially as it is likely to come at a time of great political confusion . There are some amiable latitudinarians , as well as politicians ,
who feel this so deeply that they wish the old edifice to remain at any sacrifice of sincerity and logic . They fancy that under its shelter the new truth will grow , and that there will be a gradual transmutation instead of a disastrous fall . We sympathise , but we cannot agree with them . The hypocrisy which the present state of things involves eats deep into the very source of truth ; and no truth . no honesty , no morality will groAv under such a system though it last for ever .
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THE CONFESSIONS OF MARSHAL ST . ARNAUD . The history of a public man is not to be faithfully written from official despatches . Marshal StT Arnatjd had one version of the Eastern campaign for publication in the Moniteur , and another , somewhat different , for his family . The appearance of these private letters enables us to correct some views that are popularly entertained on the relative merits of the French and English military systems as exemplified by the expedition against Sebastopol . Perhaps the most iniurious of these errors is that which imputes to
the British Government alone the negligence , the delay , and the blundering by which our efforts were postponed , and our forces frittered away . We now know why the French Cabinet objected to Mr . Roebuck ' s Committee . It was feared lest tho witnesses might implicate the officials of Paris as well as those of London . Marshal St . Arnaud ' b correspondence places the truth beyond controversy , for here we find the French general complaining , moro bitterly than " Our Own
Correspondent , " of the imperfect preparations of his Government for carrying on the Russian war . It was a necessity of his character to hate diplomacy . He abhorred statesmanship , not because it gambles with great human interests , but ; because it interferes with tho trade of tho soldier . At Constantinople , therefore , when tho Allied armies were assembling , in May , 1854 , ho wrote in sneering language about " policy and its caution , " which held him back while- ho was impatient to bo hurled against tho Russians . But it was not of policy alone that he complained . The nrniy ,
ho said , is condemned to inactivity , because the departments at homo are sluggish . While ho gazed at the theatro of war on the Danube , ho burned for action— " Oh , that I could give battle !"—but tho forces at his command wcro even thon senrcoly organised . Nor ban ho a stronger illustration in proof of English backwardness and improvidence than— " they arc not more prepared than ourselves . " Ho waB there , at tho head of an army , " without artillery , without cavalry , or ambulances , or baggage , or means of transport , or provisions . " " No ono can conceive what it
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eW ff H E LEADEI . [ No . 277 , Sjltttbi > ay
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), July 14, 1855, page 670, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2099/page/10/
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