On this page

• Text (3)

  Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

  • 

    Untitled Article

  • 

    Untitled Article

  • 

    Untitled Article

• Transcript

  • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

    Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.

    Untitled Article

    i—^™^ m—wp ^ jlji ^ i ;) I— - >•; " ¦ i . i . y *' ^?? y ^ a- * H < ^^ ff ^^*??!^??^^^ ' £ J rVffi ¦^" - '" 'T ^^^^^ vV : ^ £ ' ^! T' . V * . v . ' 7 % V ^^ iy -- ~ > ** , " . ~ > . ^* foy ^ SfrV ^ y- - . *¦ - . ¦ : - y -., ¦ ' .- ; ~ ¦ ~ .-. -. -. ¦ . -- v : - v -v .- '; i- ----- ¦> tJ- ' n . - .- ^ sr - -. ; - "' ¦ . \ : % : ¦¦; . > - . . ; ' ' . ¦ ¦ : ¦ . . ;• - ¦ ¦ ¦ , . •/ : ; ' • ¦ '¦ - - V ' ' ^^^ ' ¦¦ . ¦ , ¦ . t-i&s * ' : ¦ • June 2 , 1855 . ] THE LEADER . 517

    Untitled Article

    velopment of tlio principle of capacity . The obsolete sentiments that attach to it , prevent the birth of a genuine sentiment of respect and loyalty towards the real rulers of a nation . The empty state which veils its nullity sets a bad example of expense , servility and luxury , and prevents the progress of social reform . ~ Let it die as quietly as possible , and bequeath its crown peaceably to its successor ; but die it must , and to attempt to galvanise it with new activity would be a noxious move on the part of any politicians —on the part of radicals it is ridiculous .

    This is not a question , be it observed , of personal respect towards the present occupants of our throne , in which we should heartily join , nor of a loyalty which we have no wish prematurely to disturb . It is a question whether ^ having suffered from hereditary Government in the shape of aristocracy , we shall fly to hereditary Government in the more intense form of monarchy . "We say that the liberal who advises this commits treason

    ngainst the cause of political progress , and imperils , so far as in him lies , the best hopes of man . Nothing but the present conjuncture could , in England at least , have produced such a mania , and with the present eonjuncture we trust it will pass away for ever .

    Untitled Article

    THE CHARTIST TERROR . The Chartist agitation failed because it exeited not only repugnance in the aristocracy —that was natural—but terror as well as contempt in the middle classes . Its leaders —the dishonest , the bigoted , and the ferocious —were not all equally ignorant , yet it is not too much to affirm that they comprised not one genuine politician . For the most part

    they were men of shallow minds , possessed of voluble tongues , and so far educated that they could impose on an illiterate croAvd a show of multifarious learning . A deplorable flux of speech , however , was their principal source of power ; and this , combined with melodramatic " appointments , " enabled them to bewilder their audiences at a time " when even the more enlightened of the working classes had been but little accustomed to

    public speaking . ' And these miserable wranglers , feeling their influence , traded on it with shameless pertinacity . Jealous from the first of superior education interposing itself to spoil their phTns , some of them laid it down as a rule that only working men should join their association . This was not the only circumstance which justified a suspicion that they never designed to secure thi \ t universal franchise which would have overwhelmed them , and

    annihilated their trafficking patriotism . At all events , their movement was speedily made hopeless by being made grotesque . The models they studied were those declamatory tirades of fanaticism and fury which were excrescences of tho French Revolution , but which constituted tho business of the Chartist masquerade . Every stage effect introduced by Fihxem , or by Hahnet , or by O'Biuen ,

    was a parody of some antic enacted by the most rabid section of desperadoes in Germany and France . Nearly all their manifestoes wore bald plagiarisms of foreign proclamations . Their " orations" were rhapsodies ; thoir political schemes wore distortions of tho coarsest socialism . In short , their ontiro programme wns a vulgar and servile imitation of continental theories and

    kennel insurrections . Yet those dupes of vanity and deceivers of tho working classes roared from their platforms that they were the solo representatives of " tho people . " Their grossness and thoir cant speedily disgusted all real friends of tho working classes , though it was then impossible to weed the rifling party . Affecting to plead for social

    unity and equality , almost every ragged Chartist tongue proclaimed a war of classes . The aristocracy were denounced as "bloodsuckers , " the middle classes as traitors ; ci wealth" and " dishonesty" were applied as synonymous terms , and all this pitiable extravagance was addressed to " the people" as hopeful political instruction . It is to no purpose that we are referred to middle-class selfishness , to Whig insolence , to poor-law grievances , to electoral inequalities . It was the part of the Chartist leaders , had they been sensible men , to increase the moral strength of

    their position , to prove themselves loyalto the principles they affected to uphold , and not to justify the alarm and abhorrence of the governing classes . Wlaat right had they to talk to weavers of bayonets and arms to wield them ? They asked for political rights , and they spoke only of brutal force . They taunted the "Whigs with their fears , and challenged them to bring out their artillery . They defied the magistrate and incensed the Government in a spirit as childish as that of the poor Irishman who consoled himself for his political disabilities by missing no chance of throwing a brickbat at a policeman .

    The most imbecile of these red-tongued blusterers were continually prophesying their own martyrdom , and counting the myriads who should rescue them from " chains and slavery . " Their raving speeches bristled with allusions to guns and pikes , and " breathed the bloody steam " of incendiarism and insurrection . It was

    Stephens , by profession " a Tory , " who capped the climax of this burlesque , by affirming , after a denunciation of abuses which reasonable men reform , that " Newcastle ought to be—and should be—one blaze of fire , with only one way to put it out , and that was with the blood of all" who supported an obnoxious measure , and who disagreed with Mr . Stephens in opinion . "Vast audiences were delighted with this sanguinary balderdash . " Universal suffrage or death" became

    the motto of "a party ; " as if men who asked for the suffrage or death were fit for any political position . Such was not the spirit which made the middle classes all they are , and must make the working classes all they can ever be . The " one awful sheet of devouring flame" which was promised by the same splenetic bawler , would have scared any rational being from his company ; but the gaping Chartists approved and believed , and unhappily assembled , night after night , with deaths' heads , torches , and broad-sword

    symbols , to affirm their fitness for the suffrage . They were told to petition once and no more , and then " to wage war to the knife against the corrupt House of Commons , " and—let this be marked— " the classes by whom it was elected . " Social equality , or general assassination — it never being remembered that had " the people" been as well prepared for this frantic demonstration as their red-capped incendiaries declared them to bo , no better excuse could have been afforded for martial law , and a military

    despotism . Manifestly , tho working classes were not then ripo for political power . They justified tho moat insulting assertions of the ariBtocracy by putting faith in leaders so foolish , so petulant , so contemptible . Moreover , thoy would have discovered , had they possossod " election" capacities , tho

    self-worshipping vanity of the spouters whoso " vast intellect , " " splendid eloquence , " and "profound logic" are eulogised by their innocent nml too genial historian . They would not have given their cause into tho hands of those who associated it with every obnoxious fallacy , with every form of ridiculous and indecent violence . Finally , they would have

    known that , by their impatience , by theii ill-conditioned ' temper , by their " physical force" exhibitions , they , only strengthened their antagonists , and united all classes against themselves . r Some of" the Chartist agitators were more despicable than others ; a few , we believe , have been taught to believe in moderation

    But , as a body , they displayed no political capacity , and left the working clashes exhausted by violence , abashed by failure , rendered sceptical by deception . At present the apathy of those classes is * in one respect at least , a fortunate sign . They will not move at the call of their old agitators ; let us hope that they will learn to respect new and better teachers .

    Untitled Article

    REVELATIONS OF ARCHDEACON SINCLAIR . Z A new movement has commenced in the Church of England , which we regard with , great interest . It is ^' set on foot by Akch « deacon SiNCiiAlB , in au address .. ^ to his clergy , and it is a movement of , % missionary kind for the instruction of clergymen . Jn telling them what they could do , Archdeacon Sinclaib tells us , wfro stand outside the college of the craft , w&at they have hitherto neglected to do ; and we derive the most painful ' - impression as to the neglected and benighted state of the

    class in question . We do not mean to say that the poor clergymen are on a level with the children in the factory v districts before the last act was passed , or with that of the class for which the Bagged Schools have been instituted ; nevertheless their wants are lamentable enough , and if we are to have industrial . schools , as Governor Sir G \ eobcje Gtbet proposes , to teach the Kaffirs and Bushmen at the Cape of Good Hopeif we are to carry the light of education to the Negroes and natives of Central Africa , shall we neglect our own benighted clergy ? Sinclair is the "Wiiberfokce for another

    Black race , and we wish him every success due to his high and excellent purpose . He begins in a very unaffected manner by telling clergymen that , however they may be laughed at for long sermons , or for empty sermons , or ironically praised for short sermons , brevity is not all that is required from the preacher . There is , then , a class of clergymen who suppose they have fulfilled their duty by making their sermons short—a class of men so little elevated in intellect or attainment as to accept the ironical praise with gratification ! It is with indignation that we learn the prevalence of this unseemly

    jocularity ; and wo repudiate with disgust the esters who can so " put upon" their hel pless brethren , and can , as it were , convert the mlpit into a pillory when the occupant renders himself marked , not by his criminality , but by his weakness . We trust that , according to the fashion of our day , Archdeacon SiNCLAiit will organise an association for the instruction of the . neglected clergy , and that the association will act us a Clergyman Protection Society , defending its < proteyes against these indecent practices which convert tho Church into a jesting club , with tho occupant of the pulit for a butt .

    p Havin" got so far with tho education of his poor ° pupils , the venerable teacher proccoda to sketch a course of tuition for them ; and he accompanies this positive instruction bv many intelligent cautions , admirable in themselves , and only wonderful as being necessary for tho scholars . If we had given our idea of the avomgo clergymen , it would no doubt have been set down as a libel ; yet certainly it would not have taken so low an estimate of tho typo as is necessarily implied by the kind of advice which the Archdeacon

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), June 2, 1855, page 517, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2093/page/13/