On this page

• Text (1)

  Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

  • 

    Untitled Article

• Transcript

  • Note: This text has been automatically extracted via Optical Character Recognition (OCR) software. The text has not been manually corrected and should not be relied on to be an accurate representation of the item.

    Additionally, when viewing full transcripts, extracted text may not be in the same order as the original document.

    Untitled Article

    I contend , a right to know from the noble lord what really-the jxwition in which the country is now ( placed with respect to recent negotiations ? in short , to have much more information than seems to have satisfied the : right honourable gentlemen who raised this discussion . Why , what is the state of the case ? The noble lord fr > 11 « us that he believes he can venture to say that he hopes it is not impossible that peace may yet be obtained , and that all the means of solving the political problem have not been exhausted by the distinguished men who now possess -the confidence of the sovereign and the country . ( Laughter . ' ) But has the noble lord stated any circumstances which may induce us , the representatives of the people , to suppose that there is any light by which we may guide our conduct at a moment eo difficult as the present ? Has he given us any ground to justify hs in forbearing from any expression of opinion at the present moment ? No . "

    "When his " baffled colleague" came back from Vienna , Lord Palmerston might have intimated that all means for the solution of the peace question were not exhausted , and that therefore discussion would be impolitic ; but he did not do so . Neither did he deprecate entering into the question when Mr . Milner Gibson gave notice of his motion ; but , on the contrary , disturbed the natural order of the business of the House to give an opportunity for bringing forward the motion . And now , when the whole country is expectant , Lord Palmerston desires that , upon the vaguest declaration on his part , this great discussion shall be silenced to suit Ms own

    . " I do not know what the right honourable member for Manchester means to do with his motion ; but , from the remarkable promptitude of Lord Harry Vane in responding to what I will describe as most unreasonable suggestions , one is almost afraid that the proposer of these resolutions , as well as the seconder , has fallen into a position more convenient to the Government than honourable to himself . ( Loud opposition cheers . " ) I ask , is there nobody to be considered—is there nothing to be considered—but the convenience of the minister ? ( Loud cheers . ) What are we to suppose the country will think of the exhibition of this evening ? " ( Continued cheering . ') Should the House waive all claim for explanation , it will be placed in anything but a favourable light before the country .

    JLord Palmerston said that , if the recent negotiations had not terminated favourably , the fault did not lie with the Government , nor with our ally , the Emperor of the French , nor with our ally to a certain degree ( laughter ) , the Emperor Tof Austria ; but with Russia , and with her alone . Mr . Disraeli had said that he ought to have come down to the House with a message from the Queen ; but he had refused to do that , because lie did not renounce all hope of a satisfactory result . He had not opposed h he looked it

    Mr . Gibson ' s motion , althoug upon as very impolitic ; but it was not for him to dictate to members , and , feeling it to be his duty to face the motion boldly , he was there for that purpose . Mr . Gibson must use his own discretion ; but , if he persisted , the Government were prepared to meet him . Mr . Disraeli required further explanations ; but these the Government did not consider it fit to give . Ho considered it would be highly injurious if the House were to take upon itself the power of carrying on negotiations . satisfied

    Mr . Bright declared he would be equally if the motion were pressed or if it were postponed Mr . Roebuck , urged Mr . Gibson to proceed . The pcoplo were afraid that a party in the cabinet were anxious for peace at any sacrifice ; and it was because he ( Mr . Roebuck ) did not concur in that feeling that he desired the discussion to be proceeded with . —Tho Marquis of Granijv thought it was necessary to understand elenrly whether at this time negotiations arc actually taking place . —Lord John Russell stated his opinion that Austria , before the Conferences finally close , will make some proposition which must have one of two results—either it will be rejected , and then the Conferences will be broken oft" ; or the negotiations will bo renewed with a better ho lained

    prospect of peace . The negotiations , exp , aro not at present brokon off ; they arc " only suspended . — £ ir John Pakington insisted on tho necessity for a greater amount of information . —Sir Geougie Grey thought Lord John Russell ' s statement sufficiently clear . —Mr . Mii . neii Gihson said Unit , under tho circumstances , the Government having declared that the Conferences are not ended , ho could not , consistently with tho interests of the country , persist in his motion at tho present ; and lib should therefore postpone it until after tho Whitsiintirlo recces . — After a few observations from Mr . Maltnb ( who protested nRiumfc what ho termed a mock proceeding ) , from Mr . Cayltcy ( who held that this discussion would liavo ft most mischievous effect , and would cause Franco to think that wo are about to desert her ) , from Sir If . Wili . oughhy and Mr . John M'GitKaon , tho subject dropped . ' Somo routine business was ( hen gono through ( in the course of which tho Lords' Amendments of tho

    Scotch Affirmations Bill was agteed to ) , ail < i * h © House adjourned at eight o ' clock . ¦ &XRX , G » EY * S 'MOTION . ^^ Earl Grey , on Tuesday , in answer : to Lord Lywdhurst , intimated that he still intended to bring forward his motion with respect to the Vienna Conferences on Friday , unless sufficient reason should be adduced against it . A brief conversation then ensued , in which Earl Derby and Earl Granvjxle took part ; but nothing was said to induce Lord Grey to alter his determination . After a little routine business , during which the Sewers ( House ) Drainage Bill passed the remaining stages , the Lords adjourned till Thursday .

    METROPOLIS LOCAL MANAGEMENT BILL . At a morning sitting of the House of Commons , various details of this bill were gone through in committee . —Clauses 27 and 28 were postponed ; and , with those exceptions , the clauses up to 39 inclusive were agreed to . Clause 40 was subjected to certain amendments . The ensuing clauses up to 7 a were then passed , with an amendment of the 48 th ; and , the Chairman having reported progress , the House resumed , when , on the motion of Lord Barrington , it was ordered on its rising to adjourn to Thursday , in order that hon . members might have the pleasure of attending the Derby on Wednesday .

    THE MILITARY COLLEGE AT WOOLWICH . . In the evening sitting , Mr . Hetwood gave notice that he should upon that day month move for an address praying her Majesty to issue her commission to substitute open examination for the system oi nomination at present prevailing at the Military College , Woolwich . STATE OI""THE NATION . Mr . Disraeli , referring to the scene which had taken place in the House on the preceding evening , observed that the language of the Government on that occasion was so equivocal , and their demeanour altogether so discouraging , that he shrank from the idea of consenting to the recess without obtaining some clearer conception of the position of the country with respect to the great question of peace or war . In 1853 , that House had , with exemplary forbearance , forborne embarrassing the Government by questions and comments ; and , as a consequence , we " drifted" into war . With this recollection , the people could not help fearing that during the recess

    we might "drift" into a disgraceful peace . The House was about to adjourn for an unusual length of time , and at a crisis full of danger to the country . It was impossible to deny that the nation felt thoroughly disgusted with the ambiguous language and uncertain conduct of Ministers ; and it would , therefore , be the duty of the House before it rose to take steps which should show that it is not the fault of the members if that uncertainty and ambiguity still prevail , and that they are prepared to support her Majesty in this war until the attainment of ft secure and honourable peace . He believed that the

    honourable member for Aylesbury had given notice of a motion of great importance . ( A laugh . ) Oi course he had no right to express a wish that that gentleman should give way to him—( continued laughter )—nor to presume to press him to do so . All he ( Mr . Disraeli ) could say was , that if he obtained an opportunity he should certainly make his motion , and even if the honourable member for Aylesbury persisted , he ( Mr . Disraeli ) would do his utmost before tho adjournment for the holidays to induce a debate on resolutions which he thought tended to vindicate the honour of the House . —

    ( Cheers and laughter . ) Mr . Lavard , amidst mingled laughter and cheering , said he most cordially concurred in the sentiments of Mr . Disraeli , and that ho would undoubtedly give way on Thursday . Lord Palmerston observed that Mr . Disraeli had accused members on the Government side of the House of enacting a scene on tho previous evening ; but certainly the scene they had just witnessed far exceeded the preceding one in dramatic interest . It had been well done , and he gave tho actors great credit for their performance . ( Laughter . ) As to the alleged ambiguity of the Government , it would bo a great breach of propriety if fuller' explanations were given . Tho forbearance of tho House in 1853 , so far from destroying the chances of peace ftt that

    time , had very greatly increased them ; and tho opening of negotiations at the suggestion of Austria had in no degree prejudiced tho vigorous prosecution of the war , since tho Government had proceeded with hostilities precisely as if no negotiations had boon opened . Lord Pnlmoreton concluded by assuring tho Ilouso , in answer to tho fuar of a disgraceful peace cxprossod by Mr . Disraeli , that , aB long as tho present Government l'emain in power , the country ncod bo under no approhonsion that any poaco would be nmdo which would riot bo honourable for England nnd sjifo for tho future . ( This intimation was received with loud cheering from all sides of tho Ilouso . ) Towards the end of tho evening , Lord Palmcrston gavo notice that on Thursday ho should move tho postponement of the orders of tho day until

    after the motion of which / notice had been given t >] Mr . Disraeli , in order that that motion might b < taken as a substantive one . THE DIPLOMATIC SERVICE . Mr . Wise moved , " that it is the opinion of this House that the complete revision of our diplomatic establishments , recommended in the report of the select committee of 1850 on official salaries , should be carried into effect ; "' and proceeded to show , from the report of the committee , the great irregularities and expense of our present diplomatic system . One of the suggestions of the committee was , that " ministers" instead of " ambassadors" should be sent to foreign courts , as being less expensive , and involving

    fewer forms and less etiquette . Russia has no ambassadors , but only sends first-class ministers to foreign courts ; yet it must be admitted that Russian diplomatists are quite as successful as our own . As respects Paris and Constantinople , Mr . Wise acknowledged that a great change had taken place since 1850 , and that it might be desirable that we should have at the former court a representative privileged to hold personal interviews with a sovereign who takes so great a share in the government as the present Emperor ; but the expenses of the Parisian embassy are too large . He then quoted certain figures showing the heaviness of the ambassadorial expenses at Paris arid in the Levant . He missionsIf had

    objected also to the smaller . we a minister at Frankfort ( which Napoleon said was the window from which you could look out upon the whole of Germany ) , another at Berlin , and another at Vienna , it would answer every purpose as regards Germany . The committee also recommended that the mission at Florence should be united with one of the other Italian missions ; and , for his own part , he thought the principle of amalgamation in respect to many of these small missions might be acted upon with advantage both with regard to economy and the the effectiveness of the service . Another recommendation was that no diplomatic salary should exceed 5000 / . a year ; though this was a point which it would

    not perhaps be well to press at the present moment in regard to the embassies at Paris and Constantinople . But it should be borne in mind that since 1840 no less than three millions have been expended in diplomatic services , and in diplomatic and consular services no less than 4 , 667 , 000 / . The country also should have better informed men for its diplomatists . Mr . Addington , who was for some years in the diplomatic service , and afterwards was Under Secretary of the Foreign Department , said in his evidence on the subject of promotion in the civil list— " I fear that the tendency to favouritism , vulgularly termed jobbing , is inherent in every system of government ; that members of Parliament will ask favours , and that

    ministers feel obliged to accede to their requests , and often in this way appoint persons to places for which they are wholly unfitted . " The selections for diplomatic services ought to be from the cream of the candidates . It might also be advisable if the young men in the Foreign Office were encouraged to cultivate languages , and acquire that knowledge which would fit them for this higher branch of the public service . In Franco and Germany , great care was taken that persons appointed to the diplomatic service were properly qualified ; and in Germany ,

    before any person ' s name was placed upon the list of candidates , he had to pass a very strict examination in languages , political economy , international law , and other branches of study . It would perhaps be as well to establish such a system in this country ; and , no \ v that we are going to have a new Downingstreet , wo should allow the old defective system to disappear with the dilapidated and inconvenient offices . —Mr . Ewart , in seconding tho motion , dwelt more especially upon the necessity for establishing an educational test for diplomatic candidates .

    . Lord Palmerston , while acknowledging tho importance of the question , altogether dissented from an opinion which Mr . Wise had expressed , to tho effect that it ia the business of diplomatists to cheat and deceive , that thoy aro only honourable spies , and that their want of veracity is proverbial . Such , said his Lordship , is not tho character of the diplomatists of the present day . In these days of newspaper expresses , any government would throw away its money who employed it in paying spies , bo far as this country is concerned , when every column ot the Times is reprinted by electric telegraph in bt . Petersburg within twelve hours after it appears here , ies is rel So

    tho employment of sp suy unnecessary . far from our consuls being less efficient than those of nny other country , ho believed they are fully equal . As Mr Wise himself acknowledged , several of tho r ^ o mmondati ( m 8 of tho committee of 1 850 havo been acted upon . For instance , the salaries of our ambassador at Paris and Constantinople , of our minister at Vienna , and of sovoral others ol our diplomatic ftgente abroad , havo boon reduced . I he committco recommended that no salary should exceed 5000 / mid that recommendation has invariably boon carried into ofleet , except in tho caao of our ministers at Paris , Vienna , and Constantinople . I ho courts of Franco and Turkey are tho only places in winch

    Untitled Article

    Mat 36 , 1855 . ] TH ® IjiEA B E H ^ 183

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), May 26, 1855, page 483, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2092/page/3/