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    a 3 inired ^ br our coinage -and despised for . autr Stupidity r « nd that *• the Emperor ( who is to - be our guest , collects v arguments for a satire on ihe ( Bjitisjb . constitution . ¦ Not ^ that his sentiments prevail in France Even tlie . classes which were willing to-a . ppro . ve feel the disappointment of war without glory . The Empire promised to be peace ; it is war , and this without victory . Of course , while the public journals are kept down to the dead level of a Napoleonic . decree , such feelings have no vent , and are exasperated by repression . But . the moral defection goes on , while no new

    powers are . gained by the Chief of the 'State . In England , also , every reflecting politician begins to estimate , the value of a French alliance on its present basis . Misfortunes , such as have no paralleiin our history , have befallen us , since , our generals submitted to the fat al influence of St . Arnaud ' s advice , and adopted a : plan , dictated by one who , in articulo mortis jieixxsed to die without , at least , a theatrical expiation . Circumstances of this nature must have their weight in determining our future relations with France . Above all , we must renew this inestimable alliance on a broader foundation . ' At

    present it depends on an individual will , which has made a virtue of necessity . To conciliate that will , the . Court will exercise all its amenities , and , let usrepeat , popular gatherings may suggest the idea of an ovation . Bufc there will be no real ovation—at least none from men who have opinions and respect them . It is unnecessary to add that such would be the last to rjoin in any vulgar violence against LiOTTIS NAPOLEON . ^

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    THE PEELITES . ! We Have Always looked with hope and interest to the course of the Peelites . ^ he'Iiiberal cause needfifthem . We want _ their high culture to take care of our-intellectual objects while Manchester takes care of tlie suffrage and cheap bread . We want their breadth of social sympathy , which , from the fact of their liaving broken loose from their class , is greater ^ fchan that of most sections of Libei'als . ¥ e want that habit of conscientious labour which

    • was "so well learned'in the school of Peel . Moreover , j w : e _ owe them . ^ ratitud ^_ J We _ Jiaye not forgotten such acts of justice and such pledges to Liberalism as marked the financial administration of Mr . Gladstone , and the colonial administration of the Duke of NewvCastle . We have not forgotten the gallant resistance of the Peelitos to the spirit of religious tyranny embodied in the Aggression Bill . Above all , ' we have not forgotten the Naples Letter . We have not forgotten these things , and the Tories and Protectionists have not

    ^ forgotten them either . High-minded , con' Bcientious Liberalism is not so plentiful in this world of Pai / MEBstons and Irish members that Liberals can afford to cast away any man of mark who has once shown that his henrfc-is " with the people . Away with the Shibboleths of Manchester and Marylebone . To ^ follow reas on and to do justice is the only 4 est that Idberals ought to know . The test will not be found too latitudinarian , nor the sect too wide .

    The Peelites are waverers ; true , but they axe not trimmers . They have carried 'their oscillation between Conservatism and Liberalism to the verge , or beyond the verge , of weakness ; but their scruples , how-< ever inopportune , are conscientious and not unnatural . They feel a lingering attachment , which we must . admit to be igenerous , to the party , to which they once belonged , and their complete severance from ¦ which ; in point df principle , they have not ajealibed , though' the party elites its best to dmproaB < $ » sm -with ( the tact . We should Kttuttk 3 &r .. ' CtaiUQrisatottE a ( much greater raaa ifAe / ComlB n € » o ]« e . < to inake a decided ohoioe ,

    afr this tad * ataeed pefltddof tfeis political life , ^ vtenvrfcKough ; he had to ( cboose ^ the least 6 f two-evils , ; ; But , oas Liberals , we had rather see shim forbear to make that choice , than override his -conscience and do despite % o truth . Decision is very easy for a Sibthokpe ara Bisb&eijI . The first is embarrassed by no doubts , the second by no scruples . It would have been very easy for the Peelites , if they had been rogues , to stick by the ProteetioniBts at first , or to throw themselves into the arms of the Radicals afterwards . It ia not

    difficult to ^ anything but conscience to put an end to " ambiguity of language and -conduct" by being " absorbed" into a party , while the great men of the Times look down from the heights of philosophy and independence on the absorption . Then - again some of the Peelites are Puseyites . We are sorry for it ; for we regard Puseyism , in its present « tate , as little better than . a clericalintrigue . But at the time when the Peelites took it . up it was a genuine movement , set . onfoot by ^ earnest and courageous

    men , agaiast ; the torpor and servility > of the Establishment . The squires-hate it , not because it tends to spiritual tyranny and the extinction of the truth , but because theyhate all spiritual activity , and fear that an independent priest may become a tribune of the people . It is true that many of those who cling to the skints of the Peelites , in hopes of making them their own , are thorough Jesuits , —men who abhor the liberties to which they cringe ,

    and who are ready to worship any tyranny that would crush , free inquiry and put down the truth . But these men do not writeJN " aples Letters . They mistrust the writers of Naples Letters , though they cannot afford to disown them . Between these men and the Writers of Naples Letters there is a great , perhaps an impassable , gulf . Besides , let vis remember that if the Peelites were rogues , they would have thrown off their Puseyism long ago . They must have the sense to see that it is an

    incumbrance in political life . They have before them the striking example of Lord . John Mannees . They have before them the still more striking example of Mr . Disraeli , who makes political capital by abusing Puseyism , and pecuniary " capital by selling ~ his ~ own Puseyite novels in cheap railway editions , both at the same time . Those are not the worst of men who , in despite of all worldly motives , cling to an unpopular creed . It may be improvident to say all this when some at least of the Peelites , according to

    all appearances , are about to join the Tories . But it is a good , thing to tell the truth . _ We hate'that vulgar fanaticism , miscalled Liberal , which can view with indifference , or even with exultation , the departure of a man of genius from our ranks , becatrse he will not become a blind and bigoted partisan . We shall be sorry to lose the Peelites ; and they will be sorry , before long , that they have left us . Heaven knows , there are scandals enough in the Liberal party . There are many things in it which may disgust a refined and fastidious mind . But sfcill Liberalism is the

    cause of political justice , and from the cause of political justice a true disciple of Peel cannot long remain separated . The question of the Corn Laws was not a mere commercial question ; it was a question of principle , between class interests and justice . And many ¦ similar questions are yet to come : we will not say how many or how great . Is Mr . Gladstone prepared to fight side by side with XfrsRAELi in . defence of Q-ame Laws and Rotten Counties ? Is he prepared to lead an opposition to his own Reform Bill ? Has he ascertained that Lord Stanley is the real exponent ' of the party , and that the Tories me ( read y absolutely' to sacrifice 'everything to place ? ilfnot , he willeoontfind himself in a

    position in Which itnvxll ii 6 t 'be satisfactory to stay , and from which it'iyiSQ Hot "be easy to recede .

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    THE PURCHASE SYSTEM . Attention has ^ gairi been called to the system of promotion in the army 'by the motion of Major * Reed for a select committee to inquire into , and report upon , that matter . The debate was very unsatisfactory . Colonel after colonel rose to defend the present system , and two heirs to dukedoms followed their example . But they were met in the most effectual manner by Mr . Robert Lowe , who showed pretty clearly that the whole system is bad . Lord Palmerston told the House of Commons

    that , not having command of the army , they had no right to inquire into these matters , it is the prerogative of the Crown ; and theoretically he is correct , no doubt . But seventy men to one hundred and 'four thought differently : a rather forcible hint that the House of Commons as beginning > to ( think of ( reforming the army . " If we were a"bout to establish tfhe imilitary system for the first time it 1 would be-madness to dream even of establishing promotion by -purchase . " Such were-tiie words of Lord

    Pal-MEfiSTON in the -debate on theaabtion of Lord Godgebioh i such again were his-words in the debate * on the motionof Major Reed . When a manora Minister . talks in that strain you may be sure he intends to itake all the benefit lie can get £ om his admissions , iand to give you little or -none . It » is a sort of cheap liberalism , "t he soft ; sawder- of debate , for it sounds well , and does not entail action . " Even Lord

    Palmers-ton admits that the sale and purchase of commissions is so bad a thing that every one would avoid it if we had to begin again , " exclaims some innocent enthusiast . But Lord Palmerston , or any other clever Minister , might , and perhaps would , say the ^ ame of -the monarchy , or the State Church , the national sewerage , or any-other cherished 'institution . The candid statesmen gets credit for his popular " views , " but views they still

    . Now we are not disposed to give Lord PalmerstoNj or indeed . any-probable . Minister , credit for even desiring to abolish promotion by purchase . They dare < not do it . Like many other things now in full bloom , promotion by purchase is one of the pets of the House of Commons , for it is one of the things which uphold the present system , and make provision for younger < sons . More or less honourable members ' and their constituents

    benefit by keeping > a commission- » preserve , where no one can trespass without a license . Agitate the subject we may , and , as a result , probably half a > score of non-commissioned officers will gain a step upward , but nothing will be done towards the destruction of the system . . And what a system it is ! It sprouted forth in that hotbed of despotism and corruption , the reign of Charles II ., into the light of official sanction , and assumed somewhat of the shape it now wears . That unprincipled officora he

    monarch could not reward his , so allowed them to sell their commissions ; the man who bought was allowed to sell again , and thus this king ' s evil of our military system was perpetuated . * And it works in a manner worthy of its origin . At common law it is illegal to give money for the appointment to a public office j by ancient statutes also the « ale of places was prohibited ; so it became necessary to show tiiat these statutes and maxims did not extend to military offices , and the Lord-Keeper -Wright , in 1702 , -was the man

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    * >« eo Promotion by Purchase , © y a ** Officer . Biqgwny .

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    rfflff ' S&WLG& ,-, I * &A g ) gJ * R . f&isxm&ms ,

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), March 31, 1855, page 302, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2084/page/14/