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Leader (1850-1860), 23rd December 1854, Edition 1 of 2, Page 1213, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      oessor . Now we have not learned any new reason for believing that supposition . President Pierce may count upon a greater press of necessity ; he may reckon that Espartero , being a man of plainer common sense , must see how impossible it is for Spain ultimately to keep Culia , and how the money-payment would be some gain for his country ; and the President may be correct in those calculations . But there is no reason to suppose that Espartero or any Ministers at the present day will abate

      one jot of Spanish pride . We can only make one exception to that statement ; and that would be a Minister appointed by the extreme Democratic party . Such a Ministry might give Cuba to the United States , not as a surrender of Spanish territory , but as a friendly readjustment and a fair exchange . In such a bargain , however , dollars would not be the equivalent , though political support might . From giving that , however , President Pierce appears to preclude himself .

      The whole drift of his Message , in the part which is most forcible and most pertinent to the present time , is a disclamour of interference in European affairs : — "As a nation , -we are reminded that , whatever interrupts the peace or checks the prosperity of any part of Christendom tends more or less to involve our own . . . .. . Hence it has been my earnest endeavour to maintain peace and friendly intercourse with all nations .

      " The wise theory of this Government , so early adopted and steadily pursued , of avoiding all entangling alliances , has hitherto exempted it from many complications in which it would otherwise have become involved In plans for adjusting the balance of power among themselves they have assumed to take us into account , and ^ vould constrain us to conform our conduct to their -views . One or another of the powers of Europe has , from time to timeundertaken

      , to enforce arbitrary regulations , contrary in many respects to established principles of international law . That law the United States have , in their foreign intercourse , uniformly respected and observed , and they cannot recognise any such interpolations therein as the temporary interests of others may suggest . They do not admit that the sovereigns of one continent , or of a particular community of States , can legislate for all others . "

      The President shows that the distrust occasioned by this standing aloof is unjust ; that the extension of * the right of neutrals , promoted by the new treaty with Russia , is onl y consistent with the principle just laid down , and with the course that the United States have followed ever since they had an independent Government . This is true ; but , nevertheless , President Pierce fails to show us any grounds for accepting his doctrines of absolute American

      neutrality as final or beneficent . It is exactly the policy which has been attributed to Great Britain as a reproach—a pedantic boast of selfrighteousness—a practical regard only to selfinterest , and a cluvalry exercised only on behalf of commerce . The United States unquestionably were made for better things than that . If the Republic has no men , born of its soil and enjoying its freedom , who can perceive higher duties accompanying their rights , alas ! for the future of the Republic .

      At the prosont moment the whole of Europe is arraying itself on two sides—one to sustain arbitrary government—exactly the opposite to that which is uphold by tho United States , and one to vindicate rights which are fatal to tho development of arbitray power , and which must by degrees lead to the development of popular power . " Tho Americans , " says Genera Pierce , " constitute an example to the

      nations . True , but by the fact of that example , they have an influence of groat weight ; and thoir simple word of oncourngemont might give such life to numerous parties in Europo as to hasten tho development of popular power by generations . At tho present moment it happens—we say it with prido and gratitudethat our own country is arrayed on tho right side ; the whole body of tho English people is

      standing up for the principles of national independence and justice , as opposed to arbitrary power and wrong . By that simple exercise of our power , we are consolidating and strengthening amongst ourselves rights that have been weakened in recent years . The hearty goodwill of the United States at such a moment would greatly contribute to increase that

      strength—to make Englishmen , in their social and political conduct , more like Americans . Is it consistent with patriotism that Americans should view such a condition of the English people with indifference and should withhold the hand of brotherhood , in a cowardly and selfish regard to what some imbecile king or some vulgar czar might say ?

      It so happens—we say it more with gratitude than with pride—that the national power of this country is exercised on the Continent for extending the principles by which we live politically ; and we might still further develop the vitality of Republicanism on the Continent —for it is Republicanism , although we act in the name of " her Majesty "—if America also would aid us with voice , counsel , and right hand . Ay , without any State subsidies or contingents of the standing army , the presence of the American flag , the services of a few American volunteers , the good word of

      American statesmen , would give that strength to England which England could exercise only for good , and which would bind us still more strongly for the fu ture to liberal constitutions and natural alliances with peoples instead of bureaucracies . Is it consistent , we say , with the hhig sense of the blessings that America enjoys , coldly to stand by wheii other states may be assisted in their struggles towards those blessings , instead of holding out the hand of help ; to let the arms fall coldly by the side , and look on in safe neutrality with , a chivalry reserved for the protection only of commerce ? We see the reason of President Pierce ' s

      policy , and regret it . There are in the Union at least two parties—one which calls itself , par excellence , democratic , and hates England , with a preference even for a low-minded Czar , so that he be the enemy of England j and a more truly liberal party , which can look forward to a federation of all the hig h , influences of the earth , and to a substantial spread of Republic by whatever names the institutions of different countries may be called . There is a party chivalrously eaerer to extend the

      institutions and principles of Union , and one which proposes only to enjoy those blessings without doing anything to deserve them by extending them to others . A considerable portion of President Pierce ' s first term has expired , he looks , of course , to bo re-elected for another four years ; and already by this negative course trimming between his own party and its antagonists , he is taking care to avoid offending any , hoping to remain unmoved in the still waters between the conflicting 1 streams .

      Untitled Article

      STEAM COMMUNICATION BETWEEN AUSTRALIA AND ENGLAND . Tub last mail from Australia brought the Report of the select committee of the Sydney Chamber of Commerce \ ipon postal communication by steam with this country . At the present moment this document is of striking importance , for since it was printed those colonies have been deprived of tho thon existing lines of contract steamers , whoso eervicos wore declared insufficient to meet tho growing requirements of Australian commerce . Jiy the withdrawal of tho steamers aid the Capo and India , tho

      colonists of Australia arc loft to rely upon tho postal service of sailing clipper-ships , tho finest in tho world , no doubt , but not endowed with tho certainty , of steam . Tho urgent recommendation which tho Sydney committee pava for tlio adoption of tho J ' aniuna route must now possess far greater weight . Tho colonists of tho " Croat South JLaud" must however , put thoir own shoulders to tho wheel , and , not looking too much to England , take tlio initiative , ae they aro tho most deeply interested . ]

      Untitled Article

      LAST OF THE PRESTON STRIKE . ( To the Editor of the Leader . } December 20 , 1854 . Sib , —I am extremely sorry that it should he necessary to encroach upon your valuable space with any subject possessing so little of public importance , at a time when more interesting matters are crowding upon you daily ; but , having received several letters from various places inquiring concerning' my imprisonment , and finding also that in consequence of it not being generally known that I am again at liberty , other letter have been addressed to me which have not readied me , I feel compelled to adopt this course in order to satisfy that portion of the public who take an interest in me or the cause for which I was imprisoned .

      Allow me then to say that I was imprisoned at the suit of John Benjamin , Horsfall , printer , of Royton , for the sum of 164 / . 12 s . 6 d ., the balance of an account for printing the weekly reports or balance sheets , which debt was contracted during the last four weeks of the " Preston Lock Out , " and for which I and several others of the Executive Committee had become responsible . Immediately upon nay imprisonment , a few of my personal friends commenced a subscription for my liberation ; and at a public meeting called by them for the purpose , a committee was formed to collect the necessary amount ; but on the 20 th of November arrangements were made between the committee and Mr . Horsfall ' s agent that I should be liberated on . the payment of 45 l ., which sum was immediately borrowed , and I was accordingly liberated on the 22 nd inst ., having been in prison fifteen days .

      1 find , upon inquiry from the secretary of the committee , that the above sum , together with solicitor's fees on my behalf , amount to 577 ., and that 207 . 5 s . lid . has been subscribed towards it , leaving 36 / . 14 s . Id . still to be raised . Much has been said in many places respecting the apathy of the Preston people ; and , although I am . not now about to vindicate their conduct , I must , in justice to them , say that , in consequence of the

      length of the recent struggle and the present depressed , state of trade in . the town , coupled with the high price of every article of consumption , their means are , indeed , very small even for their own wants , nay , absolutely inadequate to meet "them , and I would therefore humbly , but earnestly , appeal to the various trades who so nobly supported them during the contest , to assist in removing this responsibility from the shoulders of two or three individuals .

      Mr . Horsfall was only one of several parties to whom the committee were indebted ; it will be seen , by reference to the final balance-sheet issued by the Weavers' Committee , that the sum of 900 / . had been borrowed for the purposes of tho contest , which sum has since been reduced to 530 / ., and while deeply thankful to all parties for what has been < lone in my behalf , I must not forgot to thank the xemaining creditors for the lenity they have displayed , and trust that with the return of more prosperous times we shall he able to repay them to the last farthing . Apologising for tho length of this letter , and trusting to your usual kindness for its insertion in your next , I remain your humble servant , GlSOKQIi COWKIX . 12 . Young-street , Pibloton-lane , Preston . -

      All communications to be addressed to James Southworth , Secretary , No . 7 , Old Shambles Marketplace . Post-office orders to bo nuidc payable to Edwin ¦ Whittle , coal-dealer , llawarden-street , North-road Preston .

      Untitled Article

      THE MARYLKBONE ELECTION . ( To tfie Editor of the Leader . ) Dkak Sut , —Tho Marylobono Election has ended in tho return of an aristocratic Whig lord , contrary to tho gonersil expectations of the electors , who had considered Mr . Boll was the favourite candidate and certain of success . But tho facts nre , n disgraceful compact was entered into between tho pseudo Jicformers avid the Wkigs amd ' forum , and thoy worked together , sparing no pains or moans to damage tho interest and character of tho independent candidate . True , Mr . Bull does nut coino up to the standard of tho Murylcbono ltelbnuorw , and what with hia shortcomings and the disgust fait for the aristocratic nominee , two-thirds of the Reformers resolved not to Toto at all .

      Enormous hiiioh of money wero spent by th « ] £ bringtou party in public-housee , cabs , and scurrilous bills , and thia is called purity of election . I am , sir , your obedient servant , An El kotos oj ? Marxlbbonm

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      Untitled Article

      UN THIS DEPARTMENT , AS -ALL OPINIONS , HOWETEB EXTBEME AH * ALLOWED AN EXPBBSSION , THE EDITOR NBCESSABILY HOLDS HIMSELF RESPONSIBLE FOB ITONB . ]

      Untitled Article

      December 23 , 1854 . ] THE LEADER . 121 Z ¦ .. ¦ ' ¦ " * - — ¦ — . ,

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Dec. 23, 1854, page 1213, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2070/page/13/