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Leader (1850-1860), 2nd December 1854, Edition Town of 2, Page 1136, Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      by separating from the 120 , 000 Turks on the Danube—in no case would 1 have invited Russia to bring down upon my divided forces 100 , 000 men to a position the least advantageous to you , as certainly Sebastopol is—in no case would I have afforded to the 100 , 000 Russians the additional advantage of the strength of those fortifications , of the vast stores of their almost unlimited armament , and of the guns of tie ships moored in the bay . I would have forced the Russians either to fight without those advantages , or to go off and leave those commodities without the 100 , 000 men ; but in no case would I have permitted them to combine both

      those elements of strength . Such are the facts . I will not say that you will not take Sebastopol—leaders and men like those you have there may do prodigies , though their position is certainly anything but satisfactory . Whatever be the shadows which coming events cast over my soul—not for anything would I throw a damp upon the spirits of those brave men , when all their spirits are required in the struggle they have to stand . Let us take for granted that they succeed ; let us anticipate the sight when the shattered ruins of that glorious army will stand on the smouldering ruins of Sebastopol . Well , and after ?

      OBJECTS OF THE WAK . If your secret aim in this war has teen solely the destruction of the Russian fleet ; well this will be achieved at the sacrifice of the flower of both your nations ; but this you never can dare avow—you never can avow that your only object in this war has been a rehearsal of Copenhagen and of Natarino from mere jealousy . And if yoii have higher , broader views , as have you must , then , supposing you have taken Sebastopol , 1 ask you—well , and af ter ? The Crimea taken is no security for the future to Europe . It is no hairier which defends , but an acquisition "which requires defence ; and what Europe expects to have for issue from this war , is a material barrier against Russian preponderance ; a moral barrier of free nations against despotism . Oh , how different would be your position how , if your

      Government had . not sacrificed your own safety to illiberal views , ani your own success to regards for the worst of despots and despotism ? Suppose you had organised a brigade of Polish exijes- ^ -JFrance , even the France of Napoleon , has a foreign legion , why not you ? who are not over abundant in men , and have fought nearly all your continental wars with your own money , but with foreign armies ; your own braves acting the part which the Old Guard of Napoleon acted—suppose you had organised a foreign legion of Polanders here , and ordered Sir Charles iNapier not to care about barren Cronstadt , but to take Riga , and land the Polish legion , to call on Russian-Poland to rise ; and , to back them , lead the 12 , 000 French , who were despatched to the Baltic with such a pompous flourish of Imperial words , and who did so wondrgusly little there . Suppose

      this done ; and suppose , at the same time , the Anglo-French aTmy in the East 100 , 000 strong , joining the 1 . 20 , 000 Turks , elated by recent victory , pushing on after the defeated Russians up Bessarabia !—what would be Russia now ? and how different would be your position ? But Austria ! what with Austria ? I hear the silent question of your heart's anxiety . Well , of two things , one ; either Austria would have let you do ; and then the question requires no answer ; or she would have played false against you ; and in this case you , had but to call on Hungary and Italy , and where would be Austria now ? England takes but too much the airs of looking down upon us with the commiseration of pride in politics , because I , or Mazzini , or Ledru Rollin , or these gentlemen here , or any of the proscribed patriots of whatever land , we are but poor exiles . England forgets that t elements to which

      nose these now poor exiles belong may weigh to-morrow the destinies of Europe and your own in the hollow of their hand . Why , for a passing moment is Bonaparte not doing it ? While a few years back , you hava seen him nothing more than an exile , less entitled to reasonable hopes than the elements to which we belong , though mot less miserable than some of us . You forget that revolution which we assemble to commemorate—you forget how the very Kosziniers ( scythemen ) of slighted Poland have mown down the invincible cuirassiers of Russia like grass ; you forget that we Hungarians , abandoned , almost betrayed ny all the world , we alone have stood our ground , not only against that Austria which England so much fears or so much loves , but stood our ground against that Russia besides , which you are three powers to fight . Prudence , justice , and humanity alike adviae you to look to nations for your allies .

      THE ANGLO-FRENCH A 1 . MANCB . England flatters dynasties , and relies on alliances with passing men instead of looking to lnsting nations . Whatever be my opinion about Napoleon and your alliance with him , 1 will respect your feelings , and will not say anything to hurt them ; yet ono consideration I would recommend England well to weigh . Napoleon is a mortal man , like whoever else ; ho may die by many a malady ; ho may bo dying at this very moment ; who known ? At ull events , Napoleon ia but a passing meteor—the French nation is a . lasting luminary . You arc allied to Napoleon ; do you believe to lmvo secured the alliance of the French nation ? No , you have not . And why not ? Because your alliance purports to barter away tho freedom of Poland , Hungary , Italy , nnd Germany , for tho prccarioua and disreputable friendship of tlio Hupsburgs « nd the Brandenburga . Su < ih is your alliance with Napoleon . Now , do you believo that tho Fronch nation , restored to its sovereignty , us certtunly restored it will bo , ever would sanction such un ullianco ? No , by all tlmt there is sucrcd to mon , never , mover 1 Mind those my words .

      THE CRISIS ADVIOB . But tho quotation ia , vvhat lmvo you to do in tho uituntion you are- placed ? You nro told , for ull answers , that roin orcoments hlndl bo sent ; and rtiinforc « inont . « will do . I wont tho length of England nnd tho Ui ^ lilnntLi of Scotland , nnd seeing tho ticiuitine » 3 of your rural population , I wonderoii whoro England could find uoUlioru , onuu worioualy engaged in » great war , Your cities abuorb your nation ) and it i « today true what Honvoo -wrote 2000 yoara ago ; it ia not tho uitioa > but tho rural population—rw ?( u > Qr <* m matador

      wtfitum , proles—which furnishes the stout arms for the war . Still to send the most possible of reinforcements is wise , and it is a duty and an obvious necessity besides . But suppose you recruit your reinforcements to your heart's delight , and hare time , too , to transform them into soldiers , will that be a radical cure ? Certainly not . To have a radical cure , you must penetrate to tie root of the evil . The real source of all your difficulties is Austria . Every child knows this . Either England fears Austria too much , or loves her more than she ought . There is the evil . Don ' t fear Austria ; throw her overboard , and you are safe ; if not , not . Referring to what I was saying about the comparative barrenness of a success at Sebastopol—a success , besides , sure to come at a later period—I really believe even , now it would be better for you to shift the theatre of the war ( provided it be not

      too late ) . Men who , 14 , 000 strong , have beaten 60 , 000 Russians , can gain no more glory by the barren laurels gathered on the ruins of Sebastopol than they have , and can nothin g lose in their reputation by being despatched to triumph , on a better / field richer in results . And ob , what could not be done with men like those on the , right spot . To engage in a wrong direction may be an error ! to persist in a wrong direction , and sacrifice life ( and such life !) may look like a crime , the retribution of which may yet fall heavily on your heads . Shift the theatre of the war ; insist peremptorily on Austria ' s evacuating the Principalities , and on siding with or against you ; advise the Sultan to grant independence to the Roitmains and arm them . Enlist the Polish

      emigration—not to Turkey , but here—mind where the weak point of Russia is , and strike there . And wherever a Government is playing false to you , call on the nation it oppresses . These are your radical remedies ; but remember that while in matters of internal progress you may say , by and by we shall come to that ; in a war , everything depends on moments . Opportunity'lost is a campaign lost , may be even more . Poland is your surest remedy even to-day , but how much surer and easier would it have been six months ago . I do not speak from even patriotic egotism . This war —such as it is—and may it be carried on , as arranged , in the worst possible manner , is manifestly an indication of retributive justice , slow but sure iit its decrees .

      HOPE FOR BUNG ART . Much against the will of your Gosgrnmenr , the freedom of Hungary is sure to come . It were sad for myself not to see the day , but that is only a question of individual happiness , nob worth while to speak of . If I die to-day , I die sure of the fact that my dear Hungary will be free . I speak not from egotism ! I speak as England ' s friend . Neither you , nor even Napoleon , can afford sufficient forces for that war there . He cannot say like as you can , let us send ourJast soldier ; the police will do at home . He has many things to guard—Paris , France , Algiers , and watch

      to the north and to the south . You have not many menhe has too much for exigencies . I repeat my words of yore . Come what may , in this -war England stands more in need of Poland and of Hungary , than Poland and Hungary stand in need of England . With us , victory ; without us , defeat ; or a disreputable , insufficient armistice . You remember the tale about the nine Sybilline books . Poland will be your Sybilline books . Three already are lost . Hasten to buy the remaining sis , or else , like . the Roman king of old , you shall have to pay the full price of all the nine for the last three ; . Mine is the advice , yours'is the choice .

      M . Kossuth resumed his seat , amid tremendous plaudits , long repeated . Thanks were then voted to the chairman , and the proceedings terminated , about twenty-five minutes before eleven o ' clock .

      Untitled Article

      Wednesday being the twenty-fourth anniversary of the Polish insurrection of 1830 , the Polish exiles resident in London attended the funeral service at the Roman Catholic chapel , Suttoo-street , Sohosquaxe , which was performed by the Iiev . Emericus Podolski , who also preached a sermon suitable to the occasion , and in which he deplored the recent loss sustained by Poland and her exiled sons in the death of their most generous friend and protector Lor d Dudley Stuart .

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      After this ceremony a public meeting , composed of Poles , and convened by their committee , acting under the orders of Prince Czartorysjki , was held at Sussex Chambers , Duke-street , St . James ' s . Colonel Wiercinski occupied the chair , and the following resolutions were agreed to : — The first resolution was moved by Mr . N . If . Zabatry , seconded by Major G-ielgud <—" That tho Poles , faithful to the duty whioh twenty-four years ago called them to arms in defence of tlioir inalienable rightu to freedom and national independence , dp most solemnly protest against tho usurpation of thoir country hy

      loroign oppressors , and whilst expressing thoir anxious intorest in tho issue of tho struggle in which tlie Western Powers are now engaged with tho Oaur , do await with enduring pntienco tho moment they shall bo culled upon to take a purt in tho war , with a view of restoring Poland to tho rank of an independent Htato , tho only effectual and permanent means of arresting tho aggressive policy of ltuMsiu ; of guarding tlio civiliaution of tlio West aguinab tho inoqrmons of Eastern burbariam ; and of eataibliahing a truo and luNting peaco of Europo . " Tlio second resolution was moved by Mr . Gleinicli , seconded by Major

      Jimcowica" Unit tlio l ' olea , deeply unxiouH to testify thoir gratitude to th « pooplo of Enulund mid Franco , uinoiigtit whom thoy have found not merely « n iiHyhuii , but n homo , nro painfully disappointed that no Polish Lok » " » , to act in conjunction with tho iilliort Powora , lms yet buoa formed ; for they arc persuaded tlmt hud hugIi a mou . nu . ro boon udoutoU thoutmniiH of thoir fellow-countrymen , now ignoininiomjly forced to

      serve in tho Russian army , and to combat against the forces of the allied Powers , would , as soon as the Polish national standard had been unfurled , have passed over to the ranks of England and Prance , spared their blood , now so heroically ; and prodigiously shed , and in all probability have already decided the fate of Sebastopol and the issue of the present war . " e The third resolution was moved by Lieutenant C . Szulczewski , seconded by Colonel Szyrma—¦ " That the Poles do hereby express their most poignant grief at the irreparable loss they have sustained in the death of the much-lamented Lord Dudley Stuart , " &c . After a tribute of respect and gratitude paid to their chief , Prince Adam Czartoryski , aud to the Literary Association of the Friends of Poland , the meeting separated .

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      CHINA . At Canton matters remain much , the same as previously reported . The Mandarin forces still held the city , but act only on the defensive . The rebels are apparently getting tired of starving the city into a capitulation , for there is disorganisation amongst their bands . Trade is beginning to be re-established .

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      IRELAND . DOWN WITH THE BISHOP 3 ! There is only one movement in Ireland at present : that highly Roman Catholic country is putting down the Bishops ! Mr . Duffy , M . P ., say s , iu his Nation —If the Bishops say the Priests ought not to interfere in politics , the people will say the Bishops ought to keep off too . And Mr . Duffy seems to argue that their exclusion would be ho great loss to the national cause ; for he traces all the misfortunes of Irish nationalism to the treachery of Irish Bishops in selling their country to the English Government . It need not be told , he says , " How far the Reformation illustrated the fidelity of Priests and the weakness of Bishops .

      " In the Confederation of Kilkenny , tie profligate King of England had as many partisans among the prelacy as the Pope and the People united . " In ' 98 , when the nation might have recovered its independence , and become half a century ago what Belgium is to-day , the Castle Bishops were conspiring " with Gooke and Castlereagh to manacle its uplifted hands and prostrate it at the feet of England . " In 1800 , they were among the most active agents in bringing ; about the accursed Union . What Irish Catholic can read -without a flushed face their secret correspondence-with the hirelings of Pitt ?

      " The Catholic Committee were baffled and defeated for twenty years , as the Tenant League is baffled to-day , by their cowardice and subserviency . They were partisans of the Veto . They ' directly , and in terms , ' says O'Connell , favoured the plan of giving the English crown the ' indirect but efficacious power of nominating the Catholic Bishops in Ireland . * And , of course , they vehemently ' discountenanced the opposition of the laity to that measure . ' " And so- the story runs througli all the shifting foitunes of the country ; tut never exhibiting a more hateful or alarming aspect thaii at this vexy hour .

      " The time is , however , when it must finally conquer or be conquered . We believe it will be disciplined and reduced to order by the authority of the Holy See . It is there the eyes of the country are turned . But if it bo not , we foresee its political influence will not long survive its victory over the body of the Priesthood . If it robs the Priests of political power , the people will strip it naked of tho same ; and the retribution will be just . If there are to be no more , working Priests in politics , why should there be any more mitred Priests ? If the Priests , who alone won Catholic Emancipation , by strengthening the strong hands of O'Connell , are to be silenced , let tho Episcopal Priests , who ( with some illustrious exceptions , past and present ) were in courtly correspondence with the cnemios of tlic People , be silenced also . If Bishops insist upon no more Priests in politics , let tho people insist upon no more Bishops . "

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      Symptoms ob 1 Coming Prosperity . —The Belfast Mercury , alluding to the sale of the Staples estates in the county of Antrim , thus calls attention to one feature which lent a peculiar interest to a portion of the proceedings ;—This was the presence of tenant farmers , . who , as regards the lots into which they entered , contested tho sale , bid "by hid , with their more affluent competitors , and eventually carried tlioin off . An old man , venerable in years , s » nd respected iix hia neighbourhood , purchased , for 8 . 675 J . over ! J 2 G acres , of which ho had hitherto hold

      loss than CO na tenant . Ilo inaugurated Ins intention of becoming a proprietor by n question put ia tho homoly and forcible language of tho labour Held— " Will you take from uu old touant 2000 & for tho lot ? " Ho aftcrwurdn Houurod it , by uonrly doubling hia ofFor . Another who hold a fraction over 10 acres in his own right , « n < i iu conjunction with another , less than 81 acres , bought tip thoHO find othora , amounting to 454 . acros , ut u . sum bordering on f > 000 / . Both of those tenant fanners wcro congratulated on tho now poaitlon iu which tlio proceedings hud placed them , and we congratulate thorn too .

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      1136 THE LEADER , [ Saturday ,

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), Dec. 2, 1854, page 1136, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2067/page/8/