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    ANNIVERSARY CXF THE POUSH INSURRECTION . A public meeting was held on Wednesday evening , in St . Martin ' s Hall , . Long-acre , to celebrate the twenty-fourth anniversary of the Polish Insurrection of 1830 . The large room was filled in every part by an audience a considerable number of whom were foreigners . The chair was taken by Sir Joshua Walmsley , M . P ., and amongst those upon the platform , and who were announced to address the meeting , wereM . L . Kossuth , and Professor Kewman . When the Chairman rose to open the meeting , there commenced a scene of confusion which lasted for between ten minutes and a quarter of an hour .

    This was caused by the attempt of a large number of persons who were outside the doors to obtain admission into the body of the hall . At last the doors , which had been closed , gave way , and the persons from without rushed into the room , driving forward those who had previously occupied the body of the hall into the reserved seats . Many persons were slightly crushed against the benches , but no serious injury was sustained by any one . After the restoration of order , which was only effected after the interference of M . Kossuth , who threatened that "if the tempest did not cease he -would bid the meeting good-by and go home , " The Chairman proposed for the acceptance of

    the meeting a programme -which had been prepared by the committee , and it was unanimously adopted . In accordance with this programme , the chairman then ^ addressed the meeting as follows : — " Gentlemen—My gratification in taking part in your meeting at this important crisis is clouded by the remembrance that death has deprived us of the countenance of one who has always taken a leading part tow ards the restoration of Poland , and who deservedly enjoyed the confidence of his own countrymen . . His-life was shortened by his exertions in the cause , and in him Poland has lost an earnest advocate , liberty one of her best and truest champions , and each of us a friend . Ever prompt to relieve

    suffering humanity In whatever form it appeared , his zeal was so tempered by gentleness as to disarm even his political opponents . If the spirits of immortals can mingle "with the affairs of mortals , his will aid our efforts : his example is at least ; worthy of all imitation . Before entering on the business of the evening it is necessary I should know your wishes as to the manner in-which you desire it to be conducted . A programme has been furnished me by the committee ,-with , the names of the several speakers . It -will avoid confusion if this programme be followed . I ¦ will , therefore , ask you to agree to that course . Louis Kossuth will be the last speaker on that list , and , if it be desirable , other business may

    then follow . One of our greatest poets has said , ? Thrice is he armed who lias his quarrel just , ' none , at least none here , will question the justice of the objects -we are met to promote . If this be so , we can well afford that the moderation of our language shall comport with the dignity of those objects . I believe the time is at hand when the friends of freedom may prove their sincerity by showing that they seek not the interests of a section , but the will of the whole people . Our efforts should be directed in unity and sincerity to give Poland the opportunity of selecting her own future . It is not my province as chairman to declaim against the perfidy which enslaved the Polish people , nor upon the ingratitude

    which bo basely "betrayed the Hungarian nation ; neither would 1 venture to eulogise the heroic efforts each has made to regain their independence . Others will better portray the miseries of the past—I will merely express the earnest hope for a brighter future . But I cannot forbear to say that I feel shame and remorse that England , enjoying the blessings of true liberty and constitutional government , should hav e suffered without an effort tlio happiness of millions of their fellow-men to be sacriliccd to the insane ambition and thirst of conquest ; of men whom wo designate as allies . I am persuaded I speak the sentiments of the great body of the English people when I say they look upon those acts of tyranny with abhorrence , and aro prepared to make the necessary sacrifices for the independence of both Poland and Hungary . 1 am no advocate for war ,

    unless it bo just and necessary . I believe it is so now . I know that war must increase our burdens , diminish our commerce , and restrict our national industry ; but I also know that thero aro higher aims and aspirations than any which can arise out of more monetary considerations . I boliove that national in tores ts and national honour arc involved in the struggle , it ib iiol simply a question between Russia and Turkey , neither 1 b it one to bo settlec " . by diplomacy , but between aggression or non-aggreasiou , butweon despotism and iruudom . I cannot forgot that Ruaain ami her allies have boon the moans of enslaving Italy , of subjugating Hungary , of blotting Poland from the- map of nations , and would now niako Turkey the niouus of introducing her barbarous hordus to wouLaru Europe . What her course would bo wore she uiiatress of

    Constantinople will best be gathered from the unscrupulous policy she has hitherto pursued . Of our alliance with Austria I will not here trust myself to speak . I shall be glad to find It does not end in disaster and disgrace . Apart from the justice of the objects to be attained , I am fully persuaded that it is the interest of France and England to make common cause for Polish independence . I believe it be the will and wish of the people of this country . The sooner we direct our efforts to the real issue the sooner shall we be able to check this game of aggression and tyranny , and ensure a permanent and honourable peace . " Mr . Peter Alfred Taylor , so well knovn in connexion with the Society of the Friends of Italy , made an excellent speech , which , in spite of the natural impatience to hear Kossuth , was earnestly listened to , and greatly cheered :

    In accordance with the programme read by the chairman , and accepted by this magnificent assembly , it has been determined that a resolution should now be presented for your acceptance , pledging this meeting , and especially the English portion of it , to a recognition of the circumstances and duties described and involved in the address from the Polish , committee which has just been read to you . I have been desired to submit this resolution to you , and with your permission I will proceed to do so with a few preliminary observations . Although this is far from the first time on which I have had the honour to assist at these commemorations of Poland ' s last grand struggle for her freedom , at these sacred commemorations I will call them—for are they not sacred these meetings held over a nation's tomb ?—I am not clear in my memory whether it . is according to our

    precedents so far to anglicise them as to have an English resolution proposed by an Englishman ; but I think you will feel witb . me that there are specialties in the circumstances under which we meet this year amply justifying us in adopting such a course , even though It be not in accordance with onr previous custom . Hitherto in these commemorative meetings we have been compelled to dwell rather on the past than on the future . It is true tlat in rating together , if I may use the expression , the almost-expiring embers , we have not been without a Lope that we were preserving that sacred fire which hereafter should burn with renewed intensity , but these hopes have assumed no practical form ; they have been cherished as an ideal in the hearts of those who hold a firm faith in the final triumph of right and justice . But , sir , to-day all this is changed . It is to the future that every

    eye is turned . The restoration of Poland is no longer only a bright but distant dream—no longer only a claim founded upon sympathy with the oppressed and love of freedom in the ubstract ; it is now demanded by the policy of England , and for the safety and peace of Europe ; it is no longer the cheap offer on our side of a barren sympathy—out of our need we call for Poland ' s right . We demand the help and alliance of the Polish nation in return for the recognition , we are bound to make of her power to render it . Yes , Poland ' s enemy is _ ours , and that enmity is no longer restricted to diplomatic notes and word-protests , bat on the tented field , the West and the East , the onward and tlie retrograde , Freedom and the Cossack have to fight their giant's fight . We demand the restoration of Poland because we are at war with Russia , and Poland is Russia ' s weakest point . Look at

    the map of Europe , place your linger over Warsaw , there is the ulcer of Russia's strength . Russia knows this well , for it is there she concentrates her hordes whenever war threatens her frontiers . We demand , then , the restoration of Poland on a principle of military strategy plain enough for the merest civilian to comprehend . We demand the restoration of Poland , because there , on the centre of the war , are a nation of warriors—a population of twenty millions burning with a noble ardour to unsheath once more their country ' s sword . There on the spot are a nation of recruits ; and we have no spare thousands to send to the aid of our armies in the East . We demand the restoration of Poland , because in that fact we find the solution of difficulties in the future , not otherwise resolvable : as , when the Crimea falls—if fall it do—in whose hands will it be aafo from Russia ? How are

    the Principalities to bo supported in their independence , when attained ? How Serviu , and the other states ? Poland once freo , no further question need ariso ; merely her life would kill these giant doubts . Lastly , and as of old , wo demand the restoration of Poland—for as there is a God in heaven , there should lie justice upon , earth—we demand the restoration of Poland as Englishmen un « l for Europe . We meet hero as Englishmen and not us men of any class , sect , party , or , opinion . \ Vo am not here as democrats or Tories , Radicals , or Socialists . We are here , I Buy again , as Englishmen . I glory in thinking that thinking England is true to herself— -that there is no Tory , however oxnltod , who would desire to seo his countrymen reduced to the dead lovel of Russian serfdom—no republican so red that ho would hesitate to put his hand to tlio plough , careless almost whether the harvest of independence should assume tho phase of republic or of monarchy . I know not what proportion of tho crowds around mo may bo Tories in opinionbut

    , this 1 know , that whether -wo look to the dail y press , to the monthly or quarterly reviews , or to the- published speeches of tho Tory party , wo iiud sentiments tho most noblo , language thu most outspoken , on thoquoation of Poland , just there where- on homo politics thuro would probably be least accordunco with tho views of most of us . And again , who thinlco of china or of opinion in reading of tho gallant oxploits of our countrymen in tho Urimou ? When wo read of duvd » bo noblo that ; tho very thought of them makes tho heart boat quicker and tho uurvou thrill with admiration ; deeds unmir-|> Mitsuu in any caunu , in any country , or in nuy neo , YVIion ouo roads of hoiuo act of heroic during , who rccko whether ariiitoonu or plebeian wun tho ho . ro ? Who nsltH whether Ik ; sprung from tho old Norman chivalry or from tho al . out blood of Ihu Saxon churl ? No , England . gloritiB in and venerates those grand exploits of our noble countrymen—England gives her toara for thoso that full , and England should uweitr Unit ,

    so far as in her power lies , that noble Wood shall not be shed in vain . But where then , it may be asked , lies our difficulty ? If all is really so plain—if these are England's sentiments—if England be at war with Russia , how can she hesitate to strike her best at Russia's heart ? Why . Russia is not the only foe that England bas to reckon on ; between Poland and her restoration , as between Hungary and her independence , and between Italy and her unity and freedom , there stands a treacherous serpent dynasty , for Austria holds her portion of the Polish spoil—Gallieia . That serpent dynasty that would be against us if it dared , for it fears and hates western civilisation and progress ; that , failing this , would be with us if it dared encounter the anger of its brother and master , the Czar of Cossackdom ; and that failing both , subsides into that middle course so well

    befitting its traditions of treachery and falsehood—a false and hollow neutrality , in which , promising much on both sides , it does nothing openly for either , but secretly does all it can and dares to aid , assist , and strengthen , the power of Russia —to thwart , delay , and injure ours . And through whom but Austria is it that the noblest of England are being oppressed and murdered at Sebastopol by the ho-des of Russian savages ? Yes , she has done more evil to our cause than , perhaps , she could have been of service , had she honestly so desired . Through Austrian intrigue it is that able captains are refused to Turkish troops—through Austrian influence that Poland ' s aid is lost—through Austrian treachery that Omer Pasha is stopped from making a diversion in Bessarabia—and tinder a thin guise of Austrian neutrality it has been that she occupies the wretched Principalities , and stands

    a bulwark between the conquering Turk and the discomfited Russian . And why is this ? Whence this hideous infatuation ? It is the accursed phantom of an Austrian alliance . People are taught to fear trie power of Austria , and to say , " We have surel y enough to do in fighting Russia , would you bring another mighty power on our flank ? " The power of Austria ! Her power lies in our-weakness , in our : fears . Austria strong ! Yes , as strong as a house built of cards when the north wind blows—as strong as those walls of old . which looked firm and everlasting ; to the spectator , but which fell flat upon the earth before the blast of . a trumpet . Let that trumpet sound- —methinks I hear its first faint echoes nowthe trumpet that tells of awakened sense of right and love of justice in the British nation— -and the walls of Austria shall lie as low as those of Jericho of old . Austria Las a great army , truly— -half a million strong , they say—and

    ¦ where does that army come from ? From . Hungary , from Italy , from Bohemia—composed of- men who have many of them already fought , for freedom ; of men who loathe the livery they wear ; who would doubtless at the bidding of their masters draw the sword , poise the lance , and prime the cannon , but who might perchance turn them in a direction not looked for by the Power that gave the word . As a matter of policy I denounce the Austrian alliance . But I must go one step beyond this estimate of probabilities—I believe , there are crises in the affairs of nations—moments when the fall of empires seems to tremble on a thread—when the moral atmosphere seems surcharged with as it were electric fluid , and when thought flashes like the electric spark from train to train , from nation to nation . 1 think the page of history records such times—I believe this now is one of them—whea these close calculations

    of policy must give way to the inspiration of a noble impulse— - when in such critical examinations are found not strength but weakness . I believe that now this hesitating inquiry as to what this Emperor or King will think or say—how that old diplomato will wag his head , or how the result of the ominous conjunction of this cabal -with that committee will affect our position—these , and such-like littlenesses , I take to be the evidence and cause of -weakness , not of power . Oh , that for this time we could get rid of tho wily diplomatist and get a man to lead us—a Milton or a Cromwell , say—a man who , with no childish haste , but in slow and terrible deliberation , should unsheath England ' s swordshould throw her glorious banner to the winds—and , in few stern words , should tell her cause—Justice to men , Freedom to Europe . I do believe—poetry and sentiment apart , for

    they ore out or my line—1 do believe that man might plunt that flag victorious against a world in arms . You havo heard a Totter read from General Thompson—noblo old man —gallant old colonel—for us Colonel Thompson , waiting so long for his promotion , ho is best known to ua—there is not , I think , « man in the country 1 honour as I do that gallant veteran ; and , by the way , were 1 an elector of Marylebone , I should know to whom to give my vote . They have lost one noblo man , can they not seo whore they might find another ? But ., as I wns going to any , you liavo heard his letter road , in which ho status quito plainly that lie deems there is treason in tho camp , or rather in the Ministry ; a deliberate sacrificing of England's interests , to which the only proper answer is itnpeaohment . It wore useless to endeavour to coneeal that thin is un opinion strengthening , day by day , and week by week . Those who repudiated it at first with scorn , do so loss firml y now or not ivt all . For myself , I will say , I do not believe in treachery . I shrink from tho idea that Englishmen and . statesmen could so far forget tho

    traditions of their country , or all boiiho of honour , as to botmy voluntarily tho interests of our country ; but I cannot conceal from you that I think tho iiinnudiatc futuro muNt tciit their hone-sty . They havo made mistakes—great , torriblo mistakes ; jnwtukoa hardly to bo foi-givon- What buftinoHS had wo ut Suhaatopol . Poland nliould huvo been , tho mark ; struck at tho hoart tlio blootl could not havo flowod to tho Orirnoan oxtremky ; tho trco would huvo been girdled , and Sobantopol havo fallen liko a rotton pear f ' ro . ii u ik-ud brunch . Or grant Unit . Hto {> , what whall excuso our allowing Anutrhm < livwniou to favour Uuosiuu concentration ? Still to tho futuro lot uh look . Ono would ratheroh , how much mthur—Unit our ( iovurnmoiit hail bocn minl <) d by old traditions of diplomacy—by thu taint of worn-out political HyutmiiH—by tho four bow fur popular opinion would back thorn in a huhlvv i-ourou—by anything rnthur than by treachery . Hot . tlio tin to for hesitation or wxcuho ha » punsotl ; by tliuir jnvHont notion bo they judgod . Our urinios have /< tilo < l boforu » Sob « stonol j tho » iogo soomu well nigh

    Untitled Article

    December 2 , 1854 . ] THE LEADER . 1133

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Dec. 2, 1854, page 1133, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2067/page/5/