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    ' fS SkyKwS?J ME jjiuyw ut oakkxajn c* OJN WAJ.1.

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    f || b iqn . did not come from the Prince . The B ^ H ||^ & § J' ' intended little speech to go JKp pfi |^ OTes 9 : the banquet , he no doubt conj ^| i&im , pwas private , where the affectations J ^ d ^ qapsSr vations of public speaking would j ^^^ eQl out of place ; and he nevex calcu-Mfev ^ llfk&H ifc * Emperor coul d have among ^|^^ ej ^ a personage so silly as to chat out ifttfmeidents to the first alert British reporter s ^ momight put a question . The Ministers here understood the matter at the first glance they gave at the morning papers containing the fatal communication , and they did quite right

    to-act as the Prince ' s friends , and to arrest the evil consequences so likely to follow from the conscientiously inquisitive exertions of the unstatesmanlike " own correspondents . " But it -will be observed that the repudiation of . the report appeared when the Prince was in . Boulogne , and when the Duke of Newcastle , who could have spoken as to its accuracyV was also on the other side of the Channel .

    This is the interesting fact , then , that Prince Albert has invited the Emperor Louis Mapbleon to visit London , In attending the Boulogne conference the Prince Consort of England took his place as a European potentate ; and in giving the above courteous invitation to our illustrious all y ^ has Royal -Highness assumed , obviously , the position of cbief govetnor of Great Britain . He spoke a ^ master of the House . Louis ^ Napoleon invited him to Boulogne ; he invites Louis

    Napoleon to London ; both spoke without a tbouglit of consulting Parliament ox- Cabinet Councils . As to the people of Boulogne or the public of London—of France or England —why —? Prince Albert knew very well that otir illustrious ally is very popular here , and that we would cheer him—particularly if , like Nicholas , he gave a cup to Ascot . We are not surprised at this bold proceeding of his lioyal Highness ; we fcave long faced tlie fact that he is a political personage of

    great potency in our country ; and regarding him as holding the same relation to Victoria which William held to Mary , we are not shocked that the Sovereign occasionally interferes with the peerage in governing us . But how account , on this occasion , for the silence of those democratic journals , which are notorious for their jealousy , on behalf of the peerage , of court influence ? Precisely at this period last year the nation was agitated

    from end to end—the result being solemn and more surprising than intelligible explanations ir \ Parliament—because those journals had promulgated a vague suspicion that Prince Albert had several times spoken to bis consort about politics , and had actually once written a private letter to King Leopold or Lord Itedcliffe—certainly to somebody . Is there slothing -to . irritate those journals now that Prince Albert stands announced aa Master of the House ?

    The repudiation , of the newspaper report appeared because our Ministers feared another winter of anti-Albert Agitation . Our Ministers do not comprehend our democratic editors .

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    BUILDING ASSOCIATIONS . Wjiy is it that men neglect a very obvious , mode of acquiring possession of a house of their own , which they may so easily do through building societies ? "We suspect the reason to be two-fold—in the first place that hitherto building societies have not pat forward their proposals with a sufficient variety to secure general acceptation 5 and , secondly , that the objects of such associations have been in many instances political , rather than individual . The possession of a small freehold is of little use to a person who has no capital ; and the want of elasticity in suiting the plan of building to the necessities of tho different consumers is evident . In some cases

    tho buildings ore too alight , in others the rooms are too confined ; and in moat the rooms are of too uniform a size , whereas it often happens in families that one good sized sitting-room is required . In ahort , building societies have on the one hand too much served aa pretexts only to tho Parliamentary agent , who was thinking of votes , and too little of residents ; or on tho other hand they have conformed themselvoa too much to tho stated fashions of builders , who sometimes build more for sale than for use .

    ' Fs Skykws?J Me Jjiuyw Ut Oakkxajn C* Ojn Waj.1.

    destroyed by the owners of the property of it . The Russians order that Silistria must be taken ( which isn't ) at any cost : and the English provide a palatial prison , with splendid fare , for a score or two of Russian prisoners sent here from Bomarsund . Our extreme may look , and is , the most amiable ; but the Russian may , in the end , prove to be

    more merciful than the Englishman . They disproportion the sacrifice to the object to be gained—it could not be necessary to their object , of baulking the enemy , to raze Odessa ; but on the other hand the English system is too much to fight with the gloves—needlessly prolonging a contest which should be abrupt , —and so , in the long run , sacrificing thousands of lives to save a dozen here and

    there . It is illogical to be improving rockets and perfecting other engines of destruction , and then politely begging the enemy to get out of the way . Our official kindness to the " poor Russian prisoners , " on the ground that they are poor blind victims of a despot , suggests that our ships at Sebastopol have orders to fire only at the fortifications , arid not at all at the Russian garrisons , our own soldiers and sailors being , of Course , fine enlightened , free fellows , who thoroughly understand the Eastern question , and are politicians as well as combatants .

    We have got rid of a great many supererogatory , " horrors of war ; " but , do Iwhat we will , we must leave war a horrible fact—not to be modified into pleasant parading . We are bound to do all we can to defeat the enemy ; and the more violent , vehement , vindictive is the war on our part , the sooner will it be over . We are too civilised about it . That fine , free , corps of the Bashi—Bozouks was discouraged— -as if Gossackism

    could be encountered in a more sympathetic way . The blockade in the Baltic we made as tender as possible—so that [ Russian traders should not suffer more than the mere rotting or confiscation of their ships—their goods were left to be imported and exported as usual , or rather with a higher rate of profit than usual . The prisoners we take are treated better than ever they were treated by their mothers or wives ; and the most amiable mildness is inculcated on our

    commanders—so that Admiral Dundas waltzed his ships round a Russian fort at Odessa for the amusement of the- town , which was never touched , and which the Russians themselves threaten to burn down . . This is not real warfare ; it is sentimental war . Mr . John Mitchel say a , that vitriol thrown into the eyes of an army by vitriol engines worked by steam , would be a merciful invention , and would greatly abbreviate war . The Russians think that the burning of Moscow

    CLEANLINESS v . GODLINESS . Tut ; leading journal ridicules , with the elaborate form that sometimes fatigues , the Encyclical of the Pope ( which is ridiculousbut on other grounds ) , because , says the leading journal , the Pope should notice that cholera , which he prays against , comes from dirt , and dirt is the characteristic of the Pope ' s own countries . The leading journal takes other exceptions to the Encyclical , and is comically argumentative in pointing out what a dead failure is the Roman Catholic Church

    as a temporal agent ; and the Protestant readers of the leading journal are cheered and comforted by such an article , not perceiving that the fun tells against all churches , there being several which are dead failures , in the temporal way , even here . The leading journal ' s first point is perhaps not better than its other points . The sanitary movement has induced a general notion , which may not be a very philosophical one , that cleanliness and purity are just the same thing . It should oe observed that a sanitary movement arises out of a condition of national filth . The " nasti- ?

    ness" of " nice" men . is a proverbial thing ; and mental purity is not ensured by wellr blanched under ' clothing , male or female . Swift made an 'improper remark about the fashionable "bergers and bergeres who were but of character in so frequently " changing ;" b . ut we cannot forget it when leading journals gist jocose and illogical . Cleanliness is next to godliness ; but may we not have godliness with dirtiness ? Shall we

    be a more religious , or Christian nation , when our sewerage is perfected , and a patent trap has been affixed to every one of our drain pipes ? The sanitary movement is good , like a railway improvement , for its own sake ; but are we to despair of the countries in which there is no sanitary movement P Is existing Belgravia morally purer than contemporary Whitechapel : will well-drained , and smokeconsumed Whitechapel be purer than a muddv , piggy , Irish , or Spanish , village ?

    The Pharisees were notoriously particular about their laundresses . The East , generally , is , as Sidonia said , the land of the bath : and the Turks , whose independence we are fighting for , are not conspicuous for mental or moral purity . We do not , therefore , see the connexion between soap and the Scriptures . Let us be a cleaner nation by all means ; but let us understand that though cleanliness may be next to godliness , there may still be an awful interval !

    was a hit—it saved a campaign . This sort of logic is good for nothing if not pushed to its limits : on the same principle it would be right to slay every prisoner taken after prostration by vitriol , and it would be expedient to send Russian gaol birds to Liverpool and Manchester , and burn them down . The same principle would , require assassination of Generals— -perfidy , treachery , and , brutality of all sorts . It is , therefore , the logic © f barbarians and madmen ;¦—it may be reduced to absurdities—it would not answer in the end ,

    THE RUSSIAN AND THE ENGLISH METHODS OF CARRYING ON WAR . This Eussian method of carrying on war is to be reckless of life nnd property . The English method ( modern ) of carrying on war , £ a to bo elaborately careful of life , and scrupulously complimentary to property . Which aa right ? EftcU appears to sin in , opposite extremes , Tho Hessians are too reeldess , and tho English are too careful . The English would not fire at the , towh of Odessa , and the Ituasiana adfeWe , in the event of their having to give ¦ up tho town , that tho'town' should bo utterly

    it would not produce peace , it would not produce the happiness of mankind . On tho other hand do not let us carry on war as if our Cabinet were th . o Peace Society . Wo are denied tho use of tho political resources at our disposal , such as the re-eatablialiment of a Polish Nationality ; but let our Generals and Admirals be urged to the utmost application , of all tho material means wo arc possessed of to kill , take , and deBtroy ~~ -aQ that this Despot and . his deluded people may alike real iso the omnipotent vengeance of aroused England .

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    876 THE LEADER . Saturday ,

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), Sept. 16, 1854, page 876, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2056/page/12/