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Leader (1850-1860), 29th July 1854, Edition 1 of 2, Page 710

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    • a\ _ tv *i Qyttttt (Ibntltinl lr ^** vu*»»*»*-*4.#»
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      the establishment of EcoZes d'Apprentissage in the towns ; in the first place , -with a view to employing those who cannot now find employment ; and , in the second place , for the purpose of making that suggestive experimental progress in machinery and manufactures which Mr . Whitworth's report has shown is not sufficiently sought even in England . Eor the purpose , Parliament is only asked for a permissive act enabling towns to establish such things for themselves , —the expense to be met by local rates . It is , in fact , an educational measure which is asked for , to provide the education most requisite in Ireland .: and it would be illogical , at least , in the friends of the secular system to be supported by local rates , if they did not . aid and abet Mr . Lucas in this

      innovation . That this sort of permissive act has to be secured before large communities can proceed in such an experiment , suggests that our institutions of local self-government are by no means perfect . In Belgium parishes and communes have done such things or themselves .

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      M . 1 EANIN . "We inquired , the other day , of a correspondent ( Mr John Yarnold ) , where was M . Mania , and what was he doing ? Mr . Yarnold has sent us the following letter from his friend : —¦ " Au Reaacteurdu Leader , ^ qui vous demande ou je suis maintenant , et ce que je fais , vous pouvez repondre ceci : " Depuis iipn depart de Venise , vers la fin de 1849 , je demeure ajaris . ;• . " Je donne des IeconsdTtalien ;

      " J'attends le moment favorable pour recommencer la luttej et je m ' y prepare ; dans le cercle de mes rapports avec les hommes les plus di 3 tingues des difFerentes nuances du parfci liberal , je tache de conserver et d'aceroitre les sympathies pour ma patrie , de combattre et de rectifier les prejuges et les erreurs qui subsistent sur la question Italienne , de convaincre que la solution de cette question dans le sens de no ' s aspirations de nationalite est du plus haut interStpour 1 'Angleterre , pour la France , et en general pour la cause de la civilisation , du progres , de la paix durable , et du veritable equilibre European ; * " Je ju « jjreii < la aucune part aux tentatives qui n ' ont aucune chance sexieuse de succes , et je les de ' sapproiive .

      " Je blame l ' appel aux instincts cruels et sauvages , aux moyens farouches ou laches reprouves par la morale , et je preche hautement qu ' on ne regenerer pas une nation en la corrompant . " Je tache de rallier toys les patriotes Italiens sous un drapeau cominun , efc je crois avoir fait un grand pas dans ce sens par la lettre que vous venez defaire relmprimer , dont le programme a etc" acceptc par tout les hommes les plus important et les plus estime ' s du parti national Italien . " Ce programme est tres-simple , et se resume en ces peu de mots : Nous voulons tout unanimement l'independanco complete et l'union do PItalie en un seul corps politique ; sur tout le rcsto , nous sommes prfits a faire toutes lea concessions et les transactions que lea circonstances pourraient exiger .

      "Si M . le Redacteur du Leader desire d'autres renseignetnons ou d ' autres explications , jo rn ' ompres-Berai de los lui donner . " Our readers will , we think , agre « with ua that M . Manin at least observes dignity in his exile .

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      There is no learned man "but -will confesB ho hath wruoh profited by . reading oontrovereios , hia aonaoa awalcGnod , and his judgment sharpened . If , then , it be profitable for him to road , why should it not at . least , be tolerable for Ma adversary lo writo . — -Mii / ton .

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      " PRO-SLAVERY" INFLUENCES OF THE LEADER . ( To the Editor of the Leader . ) London , July 22 nd , 1854 . Sir , — -You challenge me to point to the slightest evidence of the truth of my charge -against the Leader . I should like to know what part of my charge , or rather charges , you deny . 1 . My first charge is that you publislied a paragraph highly laudatory of Henry Clay , the American pro-slavery statesman , and especially of the part he took in favour of the great compromise measures , of which the infamous fugitive slave-law was one . Do you deny this ? If so , I will point out to you the paragraph , if you will allow me access to a file of your paper .

      2 . My second charge is , that you refused to publish a letter of mine on this paragraph , in which I pointed out'the true character of the compromise measures , and endeavoured to show that Clay deserved censure instead of praise for favouring their enactment . Do you deny this ? If so , I will produce the letter , arid point you to the Paper in which you state your refusal to publish it . 3 . My third charge is , that while you refused to publish my letter , you did , after some delay , criticise it , and misrepresent its character and contents . If you deny this , I will give you the letter and your remarks on it , and , when published , leave your readers to judge whether it be true .

      4 . My fourth statement was that you offered to publish any letters I might write to you on other subjects ; thus showing , that it was not my manner of writing that led you to exclude my letter , but the subject of it ; or , rather , the side I took on that subject . For proof of this , I will point you , if you requ i re it , to your own words . 5 . I have added , that my impression is , from all I have seen in the Leader on the subject of American slavery , that the Leader is under pro-slavery influence , and is systematically unjust to tlie advocates of African or Negro freedom . You will , of course , allow mo to know what my impression is . If you can show my impression to bo erroneous , I shall be glad .

      You say it is no offence in journalism to be shy of particular correspondents ; and you say this , apparently , for the purpose of making the impression that I was one of those " particular correspondents" of which you were shy . But I was not , as your own words show . You acknowledged , at the , time , that it was not of the correspondent that you were shy , but of the side of the great question which lie undortook to defend . You spoko of the correspondent himself in favourable terms . You havo spoken of him in favourable , in very favourable , terms since then , as I can show from a letter of yours in my possession , if necessary . It was not wise , therefore , any more than it was just , to insinuate that I was one of the

      particular correspondents-of whom you wore shy . But this is a little matter . Be just to the American slave and his friends , and I will bear ia silence injustice to myself . But now , you say , you offer mo all the opportunity I may desire . Do you mean that you will allow me to write in your columns in favour of negro freedom and of American abolitionism ? If so , it is enough . Do that , and I will tftko it as a proof that you aro , at present , whatever you might bo two years' , disposed to do the slaves of America justice . Nay

      more ; do that , and I will try to behove that you have never intended to Ibo unjust to tho Amoriouu slave avud his friends . But if , while such men ua George 1 ST . Sandors are allowed to diffuse their proelavory poison through the hind by motina of' your paper , tho friends of freedom—tho enemies of elavory —are refused tho opportunity of adre » lnintoring an antidote through tho some medium , tho impression that tho Leader in under pro-alavory influence will bo made , not on my mind only , but on tho minds oi your readers generally .

      In conclusion , I am no enemy to the Leader ; but a friend . I only wish it to be consistent . Give the slave and his friends the same free use of your columns that you give to the shareholder and his friends , and I will again , as I did some years ago , promote its circulation to the utmost of my ability . My letter is already too long , or I would add some remarks on -what appears to be one of the most erroneous , if not one of the most deceitful and censurable productions I have had the unhappiness to see . I Louis

      mean the letter of George N . Sanders to Kossuth and others . But I will write to you again , if encouraged to do so > and expose the trap which G . N . Sanders has laid for the republicans of Europe . Woe to the Democrats of Europe , if they pledge themselves ' to the slaveholding despots of America , to keep silence on the basest , the most inhuman , and the most inexcusable outrage on human rights in the shape of American slavery . Yours respectfully ,

      Joseph Barker . [ Mr . Barker is all wrong ; but the controversy would weary our readers . We have therefore only to say—there is unlimited " open council" for Mr . Barker ; and if he thinks the negro race will benefit by his exertions in the Leader it will be a great comfort to him , and no inconvenience to -us . For our own part we think Americans had better be left to settle their own Institutions : we have so much to do at home . 1

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      AN ETHNOLOGICAL SUGGESTION . ( To the Editor of the Leader . ) Sib , —It is not often , nor ever , I believe , knowingly , that the Leader departs from the good custom of calling things by their right names ; but it cannot help sinning in that respect now and then . The journalist's life of heroic self-denial is spent in hearing and reading an infinite deal of twaddle ; no wonder then if some of it will stick to him in spite of himself . That is the case with a writer in your last number , who talks of the ¦ " Anglo-Saxon race . " Now if there

      is such a race in existence it is probably to be found in or about Holstein and Schleswig ; but it is not identical with the English race either in this old stockhive or elsewhere . An English thoroughbred horse is not an Arabian , however much of his blood is derived from the desert , and an Englishman is not an Anglo , or a Jute , or a Saxon , or a Teuton of any denomination , but something else , and , in my humble opinion , something better , viz ., an Englishman . To which of the various elements in his very composite blood does he owe his superiority over the descendants of his forefathers ? I am almost afraid to tell

      you , though Jacob Bryant , thank God ! is in Hades . Between you and me—you will not let it go farther —assuming for convenience' sake that half of tho Englishman ' s blood is Saxon ( and this is more than the truth ) , the other half , saving your favour , is— - Cei / dio . Yes , the children of the Saxon conquerors must , with very few exceptions , havo liad for their mothers women of the old Celtic stock of the Britons ' t for assuredly when the warriors crossed the sea to fight for possession of this island , they did not fill half their small vessels with wives from liomc . The

      invaders may have slaughtered or reduced to bondage all the male Britons who did not escape from , them to the fastnesses of the west , but if they did not reserve a good number of the woinon * for a different destiny , they were not like any other conquerors whom tho world has ever seen . Our language bears evidonco of the -habituaL presence of Celtic women in Saxon households . Not to mention provincial words , and others of comparatively recent introduction , wo retain in common use upwards of thirty words from the old Celtic vocabulary of Britain , and tho great majority of these apply to articles of feminine use or to . domestic feminine occupations . They are as follows : —basket , barrow , button , bran , clout , crock , crook , cock ( in cock-boat ) , dainty , darn , gown , gusset , griddol ( gridiron ) , gruel , gyve , floam , flaw , funnol , kiln , mesh , mattock , mop " , rail ,

      rasher , rug , Bolder , size ( glue ) , tackle ,, welt , wicket . To this authenticated list perhaps wo may add cradle , and that particularly feminine verb to cuddle . If we could clearly establish tho Celtic origin of this last interesting item , that alone would bo enough to Bettlo tho < iuostion triumphantly . At all events it io tolerably apparent that whilst tho Saxon lord imposed his own language on his dependents , sonio of them continued lo apply their own familiar torms to things about which ho did not deign to concern himself ) and that among those who < lid bo were especially the women of his household . In fine , sir , it is my boliof , and youra too , I hope , by this time , that tho phruso " Anglo-Saxon rnco" is humbug . Applied to themselves gonerically by men of English doficont , it is an ethnological denial of tho mothws that bore thorn .

      I am , & vo cannot bo quite accurate of a mixed race . Should wo eny Teuto-Culto-Frankiah mco ?]

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      710 THE LEADER . [ Saturday ,

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      CXFFIOERS AIO > GENTLEMEN . ( To the Editor of the Leader . ) Sin , —Tho very pertinent remarks you havo ttmdo ia your paper of tho 22 d in at . on tho subject of ' * officers and gentlemen , " induce mo to direct your attontion to another weak point in our military ay stem . It is not sufficient that an officer , liko St . Patrick , bo como of " dacent people , " that he bo possessed of Jrortunatua ' s purse , or tlint ho bow more gracefully than a French dancing-master of tho old rti / imc . If no would keep his place in tho onward movomont of oviliaation and general onlightennioiit ho muat loam to Do aa ^ fflcient with tho pen as with tho sword : ho TOUBt wxeld tho gooso-qulll as skilfully as tho subre . 7 mM ™ ° J Uat Bom ° tNn ? « aa alroo < ly been dono lu xma-qireottou , and acunchdato for tho scarlet honours « r tfto . anny . nuwt nwundorgo tho ordoal of a

      preliminary examination . But , let me ask you , sir , if you really imagine that it is essential to the making of a gOod officer that he should once have been able to stammer through the first five books of Livy , the first three books of the " iEnead , " or the first two books of " Cesar ' s Commentaries ? " Is it even necessary that he should have at the tip of bis tongue the names of the Athenian commanders who made such stupid blunders at Syracuse ? Aaid yet these are the principal subjects of his examination . He must be * able to talk glibly about Grecian and Roman fable , but may be ignorant of the existence of a

      Conde or a Turenne . One wx » uld suppose that he might learn something more of his profession from a careful study of the campaigns of Mailborough , Wellington , and Napoleon , than from reading about ^ Eneas or Romulus , or the divisions of ancient Gaul , It is at least certain that a persistence in our present system will fail to produce officers more remarkable for their professional knowledge than they already are for their gentlemanly conduct . And if we cannot convert the barracks into a drawing-loom , that is no reason why our officers ishould not be required to know something of the art of war . J . H .

      A\ _ Tv *I Qyttttt (Ibntltinl Lr ^** Vu*»»*»*-*4.#»

      ( Dpra Ctmrml

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      Cm this mtPAnrtiBNT , as am . opinions , tiqwhvkb nxmiasus . aim Mw ^^ aSw ^ Txfi ^ " ' ° " »« ° «» " »« ho «» h . *

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), July 29, 1854, page 710, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2049/page/14/