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Leader (1850-1860), 29th July 1854, Edition 1 of 2, Page unpag., Untitled Article

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      Untitled Article

      I N that sort of interest which eomes nearest to mankind in a country of steady Government and safely-placed " affairs" like England , " cholera" becomes the question of this week , and the most vitally important debate of the five Parliamentary days was to have taken place last night on the bill to re-constitute the

      Board of Health . The House in dealing with the measure has looked beyond the petty personal questions in which Lord Seymour , as the snubbed , of Mr . Chadwick , would have involved the anti-choleraic legislation ; and the country , which seems timidly trusting to the authoritiesto this has Bureaucratism brouerht us—will not

      be disposed to admire Lord Falmcrston for the dashing indifference in -which he has left the fato of the only sanatory measure we can hope to got this year—endangered l > j- the compact opposition organised by the general detestation in influential quarters , of the unlucky Mr . Chad wick , who thinks , foolish man , that lie can serve a country upon some other condition than serving sanatory patriots . The Bill ought not to have boon postponed ; and certainly last night ' s business presented nothing worth delaying it for .

      There is very great exaggeration , no doubt , about the cholera ; it is not incurable , and with proper care , it is , perhaps , not even contagious ; but it is spreading over the country with u rapidity and intensity sufficiently remarkable to suggest that vigorousolTorts , by the " authorities" and by individuals , arc demanded to repress what , unreprossed , would , in certain miscx'ftblc districts , as on the first year of its visit , unilor circumstances not moro " favourftblo ' than the prosont , speedily j wsumo the character of a plague .

      Next to this question of preserving our own lives , the next important topic is with respect to slaughtering the Russians . Progress h : \ . -j undoubtedly been made in this respect in sutiafying the national ardour : wb have forced from certain Ministers explanations which the more timid of them cannot get explained away ; and there i « some hope that tho demand ofabusincss-liko nation will ho appeased , —tho governing powers consenting to make tho war a real war . Cortaiuly , in the debate on Monday , wo had some unpleasant surprises fta to tho facts , whiuh wo m-e constantly overlooking , of our constitution—which is

      resolutely monarchical : Lord John Russell bluntly telling the sectionally restive representative institutions ( which had voted nearly all the supplies ) that they only were put into work at her Majesty ' s good pleasure—a profound truth which startled the multitude , who seldom calculate the Crown , almost as much as the other truth brought out by the Duke of Newcastle in liis Sheffield communication—that it was the Sovereign and not public

      meetings , who made war , and drew treaties- and arranged peace . But when the Sovereign acts ia accordance with the wishes of the nation , the nation , which is practical , is content ; and we may see evidences in Monday and Tuesday s debate that public opinion had its usual success in England—in forcing forward the Government—which , if public opinion will continue watchful , in Piu * liamcnt and press , may be forced still further . We cannot take the view that Lord

      John's " truly British speech" was mere Whig clap-trap , meant only as a bid against Lord Abei'dcen : or , if it was clap-trap , let us turn it into reality , by holding the ; consph'ing Whigs to their chief ' s declarations . What , iudco . 1 , may give to the majority the most confidence , i . s the calm , dignified , and consistent conduct of Lord Aberdeen . He was greatly blamed because in asking the voto of credit from the Lords he

      made no " statement" and no appeal ; but the scrape Lord John got into was Lord Aberdeen ' s justification for reserve—that is in Lord Aberdeen's own eyes- — Lord Abei'dcen having a great contempt for Parliamentary Government . A hotter justification is suggested in the questionwhy should two Ministers make one statement ? Lord Aberdeen is always ready to leave talking to anyone—even at the risk of their talking eluptrnps to his injury .

      tween . Lord Palmerston and Mr . Wilson is a Parliamentary scandal ; and as it is easily seen that Mr . Wilson would not have made his bold stand against a powerful Pai-liamentary noble unless the chief in his own department had supported him secretly , there is an unpleasant inference that there is disagreement between the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Home Secretary . We believe Mr . Wilson is right in his view of the bill ; and even were he wrong we could not join in the indignation of the " liberal , " perhaps rather democratic , press at the " audacity " " subordinate" like the Secretary to the Treasury , who happens to be a much cleverer and much better informed man

      than Lord Palmerston , in resisting the dictation of a great aristocratic leader . In the affair of Mr . Baiues , the other day , and , more recently j in the affair of Mr . Strutt , we detect the supreme insolence of the great Parliamentary nobles in their treatment of the intellectual , but merely middleclass men who condescend to take the livery of a Government class instead of becoming , by right of brains , the Governing class themselves . But

      the public , which is middle class , should put a stop to this ; and there is tho opportunity in this instance — for Lord Palmerston disdaining the " sliccr nonsense" of Mr . Wilson ' , forced the House of Commons to go into a Committee on a bill , which when committed , is ascertained to be a heap of blunders , impracticable and unworkable . Lord P * ilmerston has a very fallacious reputation for excellence at tho Home Office : —now

      this is an exact sample of his method of doing business everywhere—for he is only a clever and not an accurate man , and he ought to be punished for impertinent dogmatism against a man of the authority of Mr . Wilson ( for whom , on the other hand , wo have no liUing ) on nil commercial questions . The bill ia not wanted ; and the bill will not work . And if it be wanted—because of the

      For tho present it is to be hoped wo shall hear no more about ; the divisions of tho Cabinet on tho wnr ; all wo can require of our Ministers is that they should act together ; and all the principal mouthers of the Government have now said the same thing of the war—that it must go on until a peace perfectly and permanently protective of tho Sultan can bo secured , which we fancy will be a lonix time hence . Lord Pulmovalou said on

      assumed scoiuulrelism of Englishmen who nro supposed to bo ready to make money even at England ' s expense—ought we to hour any more praises of ourselves—Lord Palmerston oxcels in themus a patriotic , spirited , chivalrous , &e . &c , sot of people ? Tho bill was an insult to the country , and was only uecidontiUly viewed us an absurdity because it was introduced by the silliest of noble Lords ; its real character Ixnng ascertained , tho House of Commons should kiok it out . The other Parliamentary incidents aro not numerous . Xho Uribcry Bill in finished , at last and

      Monday that Lord John bad spoken the opinions and intentions of the whole Cabinet ; and us ( ho speech satisfied , the whole Cabinet is entitled to a participation in the temporary popularity . But disunion in tho Government , in respect to other mutters , has eloax-ly not ceased . The scene be-

      Contents*

      Contents ,

      Untitled Article

      VCXL . V . No . 227 . ] SATURDAY , JULY . 29 ; - 1854 . [ Price Sixpence .

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      NEWS OF THE WEEK— fioi The Spifcalfiolds Silk Trade 70 i , Savage Laudor ami Prince . 709 Elegant Extracts from Modern One of the Governing Class 701 Manufactures— Employment of Muses 715 Parliament of the Week C » 3 Mr . Urquhart on Omer Pacha ... 701 Paupers 709 ' Our Civilisation 701 Court and " 1 ' ashio . n * ' 70-i 31 . Manin 710 PORTFOLIOAustralia 702 Officers and Gentlemen 710 I » ° ciety 71 b Canada ... ! ' ., 70 S PUBLIC AFFAIRS— " Pro Slavery" . Influence of the j THE ARTSSpain ,. 703 Ministers Accounting to Parlia- . La * $ . er ¦ : •¦• : ¦ — .-V , ;• . 710 Diorama of the War 717 Egypt 70 S aient .-. 703 i An Ethnological Suggestion ... 710 Theatres 717 China ......... ....: ¦ . .... 703 Howto Make the War Pay ...... 700 ! . . _ - „«_ ,. „ - ' ' "" Cholera 703 The New Cape Governor 707 LITERATURe . — Commercial Morality—a Hudson Atmosphere of the House of Summary 711 Births , Marriages , and Deaths .,. 717 ^ Era in New York ..,. 701 Commons ... 70 S Dangers to Ensrland 712 r ^ MMCDriA , S rr » c How to Deal with Necessary Evils 704 Tho Domestic Moloch ...... 703 History of the Reigns of Louis COMMERCIAL . AFFAIRS— ¦ . Movement to "Preserve" Sun- The Hot "Weather 703 XVIII . and Charles X . 713 City Intelligence , Markets , Adday in Scotland 701 Cholera 7 oi ) Catholic Union 714 vertisements , &c 717-720

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      ¦ £ & ^~~ 35 / ^^ rj ^ ka / n ^^ r ^^/ . ° # r \ ^~ n

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      "The one Idea which History exhibits as evermore developing itself into greater distinctness is the Idea of Humanity the noble endeayour to throw down all the barner 3 erected between men fey prejudice and on . e-siied views ; and . by setting aside the distinctions of Religion , Country , and Colour , to treat the whole Human race as one brotherhood , having one great object—the -free development of oar spiritual nature . "—Humboldt ' s Cosmos .

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  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), July 29, 1854, page unpag., in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2049/page/1/