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    AUSTRIA IN THE PRINCIPALITIES . The difficulties of the European situation are likely to commence with the Russian retreat from the Danube , and the Austrian occupation of the Principalities . We are sure that we have given vouchers for the liberality with which we are prepared to regard the conduct of

    Government , because we have too much reason to know , that some of our most esteemed readers have taken great exception to the allowance ¦ which we have already made . We believe that all Englishmen who now sit in the Cabinet Council , partake in a greater or less degree the general feeling of the English people in favour of constitutional freedom , and in favour of straightforward conduct . We

    say , in a greater or less degree , because we Lave our suspicions that some few do not share the English love of victorious action , but view the aifairs of the world in a bookish aspect ; that some have systematically sacrificed national feelings to the diplomatic art , and the family interests which that art subserves . But we say also in a greater degree , because we are convinced that some are as thoroughly liberal , political , and national , as any Englishman that can take his stand upon

    a platform . That there was ground for suspicion i n the very equivocal language evxployed , is confessed in Lord Aberdeen's explanation ; bat there were other grounds . It has been remarked , and not untruly , that there never was a contest undertaken by a great power in modern times with so little of the ordinary formalities in the shape of distinct declarations ^ The announcement of war

    against Russia was protracted by our Ministers , with an unaccountable delay . When the declaration came out , although its general tenor was intelligible enough , its language was less precise than usual . We have heard it said , that it did not contain a declaration of war . Austria is permitted to occupy the Principalities under a convention with the Porte , but without a declaration of war

    against Russia . ' We do not yet mistrust our Ministers , but we say that , regarding tho political antecedents of Austria , and regarding her very equivocal position , a great responsibility is incurred by permitting hor to assume a . post of such groat power Avhilo she yet remains to so considerable si degree uncommitted towards our enemy , and in special alliauce with a power , Prussia , whoso conduct has been worse than equivocal . Having regard to these circumstances , our Ministers can bo neither surprised nor oilendcd if their conduct ia Btill viewed witli some suspicion , and they will be closely watched .

    • Lroin what Lord Aberdeen said on Monday—and here all from him must be taken a fortiori—Ministers do not intend to accept proposals of penco from Russia on tho basis ol tho status quo . But they intend in some way to take a security that Russia shall not only bo pledged against making similar encroachments U * ho boundary of Turkey or tho peaco ot Europe , but roally incapacitated against aoing so . Ministers not only declare their duty to withhold any overt statement aa to UUo method pf arriving at that object , but

    'they also confess that they themselves have not made up their minds about it , and they take pains to remind us that much must depend upon the fortune of war and the views of allies . They . , therefore , entering upon that which is the most important stage of the whole conflict , without Laving really

    denned their object , but having only shadowed it forth in general terms , without having in any way decided as to the process for getting at it , without knowing' the real sentiments of their allies , and , in short , with nothing but the vague notion that they must not make peace until they have put some kind of restraint upon Russia . \

    Now , the fear of this country is , that the present Ministers are not the men to make for their own object with , sufficient energy to attain it . It is feared that Lord Aberdeen is so bigoted in favour of peace , that he will be impelled to make undue concessions to obtain it . It is supposed that Sir "William Molesworth is , on economical grounds , so prejudiced against war , that he would incline to view with favour any terms for bringing it to a conclusion . It is supposed that Lord Palmerston , however he might have felt stimulated to achieve success as a War Minister

    when responsible for the war and able to get credit out of it , will feel his old habits of diplomacy return upon him , and will be inclined to fall in with the red tape department of Europe in arranging all these little matters . It is remembered that Lord John Russell , although , sometimes very obstinate and inclined to " bolt , " can at other times be soothed and coaxed into any amount of compliance , and that he may yield to the majority of the Cabinet . Sir James Graham has never shewn

    himself to be so much of a politician as he is of an administrator and manager of party connexion . And in short , the public has no proof whatever that any member of the Cabinet really desires to put an effectual restraint upon Russia , by seriously abating her power . Oil the other hand , it is the obvious policy of Austria tq . hush up the war at all events . Russia has threatened that if the war be

    earned on , she will roise against her opponents not only royal enemies , but revolutionary enemies ; and no opponent of Russia can dread such enemies so much as Austria . Austria , therefore , would be inclined to stop short in the war , unless England stood pledged to sally forth against the Italian people as well as against the Russian Czar . And standing on the middle ground of the Principalities , Austria is not unlikely to counsel the acceptance of terms with the threat that her forces

    can bo as well employed against one side as the other ; and hero would be a complication of those " difficulties" which can always bring an English Cabinet to a stop . In a military point of view there is no doubt that tho occupation of tho Principalities by Austria , forming a reserve for the allies and cutting off tho communication between Russia and her accomplices in Turkey , is a valuable assistance , and there is a mode , wo boliove , by which Austria can bo rendered faithful to tho alliance without implicating England in any disgraceful conspiracy against

    the people of the continent . We agree with Lord Aberdeen that Prance ia stronger than Austria nnd Russia put together , if England bo with Franco . Tho very first element , therefore , in tho successful and easy progress of tho war , ia tho continued alliance between Franco and England . Tho second point would bo to ronder tho war against Russia effectual , with distinct objects , and an avowed resolution not to atop short of these objects . Russia ought to come out of tho contest much weaker , she should be despoiled of territory , and rendered incapable of harassing Austria , To establish tho power of England , and Franco upon tho

    continent it is necessary that their arms should be victorious—and signally victorious . To continue Trance in the alliance it is necessary that the conquest should be worth the honour and dignity of both countries . The French must feel that their gratification of self-love is identical with the English alliance .

    And if Ministers would keep the English people in that state of harmonious nationality , which they now find , they must give employment and nourishing food for the spirit . While England and France are victorious they will be permitted to dictate the disposal of all that is reaped from victory , and other restless influences on the continent will stand

    by to wait the issue . The final result , a 3 Lord Aberdeen says , no man could now measure , or define . But it is clear , that the way is open for England to attain , in conjunction with France , a position of victorious supremacy . Having attained that , it would be hard indeed if the influence of England could not be exercised beneficially for the people of the continent , for her allies during the conflict , and for the continued greatness of this country ..

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    WHY ESTGIAND WANTS POLICE BILLS . Opposed by the mayors , IJord Palmerston has consented to throw up his Police Bill at all events for a time . The measure appeared to be dictated by an obvious necessity . It is a principle of our constitutionthat much-abused shadow , -which so seldom , appears in reality—that the military shall not be employed against the people , except by direction of the civil authority ; and ¦

    this principle ' , ought to be so far respected , that the military should only be called out to quell banded conspiracies against order . It has happened , however , in recent cases of some standing , that important towns , large districts of the country , have been disturbed by riots lasting for days , weeks , or even months ; and that the only means of suppressing these riots has consisted in calling out the military .

    Preston is the last instance . In that town the employing and the employed classes had a dispute on the subject of wages and the management of factories ; they resorted to extreme measures , striving , on either side , to reduce opposing forces by the dread of ruin or of starvation . The masters , we believe , were as disorderly as the men ; but being few in number , they were obliged to make up for the want of physical strength by strategy and by provocation ; and it was made to

    appear , as usual , that the more numerous clnss wore actually the instruments of riot . Thus the employing class—who furnish the magistracy of the place—wore enabled to appeal to tho law . Now , tho local authorities ought not only to possess a judicial jurisdiction , ' but also the means of enforcing execution , and by tho thoory of our constitution they do so . It turned out , however that they wore unablo to put down tho disturbance . Their inability must have arisen from ono or other of two causes : either the

    true sentiment of tho people was against them , ami in that caso they were invoking extraneous aid to put down the gonuino wish of tho community ; or they were , through want of resolution , incapable of executing their duly . Tho latter is almost presumed us tho basis of tho " J 3 ill for Improving the Police Regulations of Counties and Boroughs . " It was proposed to givo an overruling jurisdiction to counties , and ao to secure tho command of a stronger force . In tlio actual c / iso of Proaton , tho magistrates called in tho military .

    Sueh im incident is no novelty m our country , and wo have on record a still more striking example of social disturbance ami of military suppression . It is now twonty » throo

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    There is nothing so revolutionary , because there is nothing so unnatural and convulsive , as the strain to keep thing 3 fixed when all the world is by the very law of its creation in eternal progress . —Dn . Arnoid

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    SATURDAY , JULY 1 , 1854 .

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    f ^ July 1 , 1854 . ] THE XJS ^ DER . 613

• Citation
  • Leader (1850-1860), July 1, 1854, page 613, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2045/page/13/