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Thursday * he proposed to add two clauses to . the bill , the first simpl y involving the admission of Dissenters to the University , -without taking the usual oaths or signing the Thirty-nine Articles ; the second enabling Dissenters so admitted to take degrees in arts , law , and medicine , -without snaking said subscriptions or taking the oaths After a protracted debate , he defeated Ministers in the first clause by 252 to 161- Lord J *> hn gave ¦ way in dudgeori ** 4 ie iwroftl note ; divide the House on the second cffcuse . Minister * having thus stepped aside , Mr . Walpote gashed
forward and enabled tfcem to defeftfe .. the daring Heywood in -the ? height of his teranipli . Mr , Walpole , ^ t Mifil | fcrs , rejected ^ second Clause by 205 to 19 ft , Elated fey his victory , Mr . Keywood declares thatt he will propose the clause Oil the third reading . Novr although we arer quite ready to admit Dissenters to the tjnrremty ^ and " somethiog naore , ' * we question the propriety of this step ; unless Mr . Heywood and his friends care less for the bill than for xreakemng
Minister * . Properly the two subjects are separate - —¦ the government of the University and the adfcflBssion pt Kwaettters ; and distasteful as the bitHs tons , we ^ Woiulcliwther ha-ve it than not have it , and should-regret if this inopportune triumph of ^ Mr . Hfcjrwood cat »* d ite defeat in the Lords . The de Bode dJttm waa debated on Tuesday , and a ft * rifteniber # avowed their agreement with dui-docirifle , tnaMpnf nonotir was individually ijHP'SSiBi ^ BiSfr ' ' & ( m&-fbmt& a T ^ ophoTe , or rather
the 4 « Qo | kQle was feradf f < Sr them by Sir Alexanaer LocKBurn . —& lawyer of much ingenuity 9 ^ ^ i 0 W& ^ WSa \ iSS § . The ihgenuity , hbwdver , mmm ^ fi bor ih ibis gase s bfe tfiigroute ihwn the SichiTes of IBritish repudiatic » the firat plea ad ^ ¦ j $ M % Jm ? the ,.-. G . ( CT «» Qment : "" in-- 1815 * . that th < 3 Baron was not a British subject ; and as members were Hot prepared with the necessary information togabticttoth « very commeflcementofthe case , aflftd ^ re ^ argne all the extinct pleaa—to fight brer attain the Waterloos of that day , —they declare tKeroselVea ** convinced f hjf Sir Alexander CockbuTO f ; - ^ ndir men , eall these secondhand notion * ^ wieir conviciibnfl i and think that they are jusii ^ ain ^ iipttii inettt
iffB ^^ . ' T&S jury might as welB »| i ^ M ta *?* & % & * && * By the eminent oarrister ' plmvaratied < that ^ Ta ^ eU ' « victita n « d been poi » o * e ity appjie-p ipfii The House of Commons ha » again naadeJUs ^ lf an accomplice , with the Gov ^ rrHfioent in r ^^^^^ heleA % | zleme » t of tjie De Bo ^ e money . Tn « 'KLm ? of Porthffal nas come over to visit ' ttW ^ ci ou * ^ e ^ tt and her litisbarid , the Klin >' 3 ewwn . f & » & ¦ «! st > , ~ fee * ty 3 i to &ek Mfdrtiutifati I feat thd better government of bns owtt people . H-e w » jouoa man , awl h « may learn manv thinza .
The spectacjp which he began with at Sydenham tnight tell Kim what a country can do whose people fefrW mjb pd&tidtity arid : commercially , It is nec « B # * ryt ^ think do * B 6 « ne qttestfbtt * Well before nteavfcaii ^ arrive at tftructures like that * The Very id « a enunciated by Prince Albert in his golden Sjwec ^ b at the meeting of mayors , with his own well weighed and artistically-arranged words , was one raftat CbiiM 6 hfy" lie developed in a region where ffflf&ftgnt -was' p ^ erfedily free , and where great int ^ Hectf had free T > lay t& labour together in
• omng that problem . Commerce and ^ i « duitry must be free to make what he saw there " brought tdgetner ; and there , also , he would see how the dttve . rei { tai 6 f a free people possesses a moral and Jbklerial pdw ~ ej , augmented by the strength of all beneath her . The Sovereign of England is , indeed * a king df kings ; and the country whose Prince first sent science to see what waB on the other side df the Cape of Good Hope , may become less revolutionary , more prosperous , and more digliMJed , if hetf mrtg improve his journey , as he says he means to do .
. During his visit * however , he might see some Qifaev things nofc all so very much to our credit . For instance , if he ia considered old enough to read the papers , he may discover something about Margaret Reginbal and Marmaysee , and the English gentlemen wlko do not only leave their cards at the mansion of that respectable housekeeper . He will find that immorality is not only resident in Lisbon or Madrid , but that moral England has its full share , and that the highest classes meet , — not publicly with the working man , they would be * ashamed to do that , —but secretly with those of the humblest classes , whom the working man Would totally disclaim . Looking a little further off , the etudent-Kinff would see clever , logic-searching , financial Mr . Uladatone telling a deputation of commercialints
t&e Eutojjia was loifc—burn « d at sea by afejfee that brok ^«« t " accideatly , " with no efeetiffc fttecJuiti ( Jttft ;» gaiast fir * , tto bXMfs ready foir J 8 * nergencyi no regular drill in launching and manning boats ! At every such occasion the British public exclaims tbat it isr ** too bad , "—and it always will be said . M . de Persigny has elaborated the praises of his eighteen months' of administration in France through ten columns of the Moniteur . He shows that he is the chef of Ministers of f&e Interior ; that he is the great inventor of the system of dictating representatives to the constituencies , a plan he thinks superior to the otker Qkode .
that he tesitated to adopt a decimal system of coinage , because the subject is so difficult . It will perhaps take a few years more for the Chancellor of the Excbeqtfer to leara to > divide the " pound ** into tenths , the tenth into tenths , and again int » a final tenth , and then be will discovee ^ that it » easier to divide it so , than into twentieths , twelf&s , and fourths . How would he manage , Portujuit might ask , to reckon ia contos «| i ^ jDQilre 5 s ? Beyond : this amamUg talB , adB * B « g 3 fcortugal would discover oitft more , scarcely les ^ absurtf , and far eadder , —1 lht story of the way'Ms wfcicb '
practised elsewhere than rat France , of obtaining a majority by secret intimidation and secret brib «* y V toad that he is the grand , gag which has ciose'd the mouth oiFthe presd , and restored ^ ritets , to the dignity of silence * Mr . Carlyle cries out for each people— We want to I ^ governed !" Weft , bere i * e hwv » ¥ vme& - ** governed right imperially .. Will tie Dreneh people ^ acknowledge tfitat Carlyle has" expressed iht want ? W ^ l ( Darl y le endorse French " government ? " M . de Persigny ha ^ set a useful ^ example . in , be « qqteathii » g an autobiographic memoir ready done for , the annual register : it would be interesting to seethe memoir edited by the future Iiistorian of the ^ feeVblution .
Untitled Article
PARLIAMEOT OF THE WEEK . A nmSATE on the Eastern question is the most prominent Parliamentary proceeding of the week . ; Lord IrTHDHUBfiT , in caUing the attention of the \ House and the Government to the memoranduin j rcceTitTy- transmitted by the Cabittets 6 f Vienna 4 iid Berlin to their envoy * at th ^^ rman Biet , delivered : $ . truly great and historic speech on the position of i the German powers , the unchanging policy of Russia , and the principles which should guide England in c * wch « ting a treaty of peace . - ;
At the outset of his speech he detCTil > 6 d the memorandum as , a document stating the course ofi policy pursued by the , Four lowers with the view of © btainift ^ the approval and sanction for that course - « £ the German Diet . The document hadfiotbeen laid before the House because it was a transaction l > etween two foreign states ; but it is -. a matter of ^ neral notoriety , Tt hair given tfge to much discussion / anxiety * aft ! uneiMnieSB , ana > o&LJhaV * ec » uftt it is necessary to come to some diatindt understand ^ ing respecting ^ it . As he desired to be accurate , Ife read from the document itself , quoting the following passage : — -
" Both Cabinets Lave agreed with tliosft of Paris and London ia the conviction that the conflict between Russia and Turkey could not be prolonged without affecting the general interests <> F Europe , avid those also of their own States . They acknowledged ia common that the maintenance of the integrity of the Ottoman empire and the independence of the Sliltan'b Government are necessary- conditions of fcho political balance , and that the war should * tinder no circumstances , have for result any change in e&iating territorial positions . "
According to the correct interpretation of the passage , under no circumstances can any changes take place ia the existing territorial positions as between Turkey on one side and Russia on the other . Should any doubt exist , it will be effectualty removed by reference to the t * roto « ol signed on behalf of the Four Power , in December last . In that document the Four Powers explained their meaning in these terms : —
* In fact , the existence of Turkey in tfce limits assigned to her by treaty is one of the necessary conditions of the balance of power in Europe , and the undersigned plenipotentiaries record , with satiRf « ction , that the existing war cannot in any case ilead to modifications in the territorial boundaries of the two empires , which would be calculated to alter tho state of possession in the East establishod for a length of time , and which is equally necessary for the tranquillity of all the other powers . Therefore , according to the principle laid down in
that agreement , Whatever may be the result of the war , as far as regards the territorial positions of Turkey and Russia , the status quo ante bellum is to remain and be established . It may he said that the protocol was framed before JEnglwad entered into war with Russia . That is so ; but the Ifour Powers meeting at Vienna subsequently stated in most distinct terms that they confirmed the principles upon which tho previous protocol was bused . The Four I ' owers aro therefore acting oa a principle thut
must leave Russia and Turkey precisely in the same position , whatever may he the result of the war . " In their memorandum to tie Diet the Cabinets of Vienna and Berlin adopt the same language , and therefore it follows from thftir own statements , that if Russia were to agree to withdraw from the Principalities and to enter into a gua-Hmtte aw to the integrity of the Ottoman empire , neither A « Btri » Mfr Prussia would take any part in the contest ; and if it beSroe , as has been stated with respect to those powers , that tb **~* r # ilrtH ) g in common and upon one common princi ple , >* 3 B * ttte . twa > Western Powers—it is clear to demonstration , « M I tttast come to thjw ^ conclusion unless I hear SMBtftl&i * to the contrary from my noble friend the
nobleeafl 0 }> piMiitte—mnst be content to terminate the war upon the ferm ^ lflentkHi fd ia the memorandum , namely , the admilliiea * liyBtesij * of the integrity of the Ottoman empire and tbe mdependeitee of the . fJWtan , and its consent to guarantee that integrity add that inftjteodendc . " But . on that subject Austria is acting inconsistently iritn her own principles . 3 n the memorandum referred to it is declared that the free navigation of the Danube iff oftlie greatest importance not to Austria and to Germany alone , tmt to the whole of the commercial world * Now , looking to the state of the river , the navigation of which Russia hns purposely obstructed , it will be impossible to ensure
that important object upon which Austria has so much enlarged- ^ the free and uninterrupted navigation of the Danube—unless Russia be removed from the position she now holds . For , by that mbst unfortunate treaty—thetveatyof ^ AdxIanopie- ^ Bc ^ ia Obtained the absolute and enttffr control of the mottth-. ' of the Danube , on condition that $ hekept opea the navigation . Instead of doing thai , « he > has thrown every obstruction ia the war < &f the navigation ^ fox the pw ? po « e of giving a great advaartnge tcr ifee rival port of Odessa . From this it is clear that Austria will not acttc&tiistaQtiy if the xetiresFfrom the contest provided Russia admits and
guaranteesthe integrity of the ToriSilT elfnpire . " If , " contina « d Lord Lj i nrdliurtt , " any nobW lord wishes to go iuto the adetails of Ms ( jtMWtion cif th » navigation of / the Danube , I beseech hina most earnestly to read the papers which were laid before- your lordships , last . year upon this subject thsfy will affonl * him ^ striking mstance of the ahuffing—may I apply the word ^ pettifogging to such Imsfnotis p ^ rsdiiages ?— the shrimTng ami mendaciops policy ofRmsia , and afivety- rpietjwm © f the diplomatic skill afid trickery of the Court « f Sty Petetebarg ^ {? Vheer * . ' ) Mj lords * after what I have said it is not absoTutel y necessary that a > Hsfaange sborild f-sfa ^ plaw in ihe terrifeorhHFpdsitidh of RnsSia on the banks of . the Danube ? ( Sear . ) Gsnyooirelymp&iiknyother means , except such an alteration as that , which I have
pointed out , to secure thaA most itnporfant and valuable objeet upon which sb mu « h irehMnc * » pUced-by Germa * y *~ the free navigation of th « Danube . ( JBear rfy 0 am . \ laay again , my fords , that that object , so important to the -Whole civilised world s is in tidhtradlction Or apparent contraction to tlife prmciple which , haabe « n attenipt « dt 6 be established , namely , that we are to be Bfttisfied , as far . es the , territorial positions of Rorasifc und Tifokef are concetned , with th& ttattu quo < mu bieltem , whatever the result of tit * . war may be . Going farther east , vr& nnd the Russian fleet shut Up in Sebastopol , and tlio Russian forts on the Circasaian coaat deKte-oy ^ d . . ** Gj » h it be suppjosa 4 'pwkaibte , after ve h » v » cncOttraged the Circassians by every means in our power to oppose themselves to the Russian force , th « t we are preparedto restore their conntry again to Jtaasia ,, b T pladrtg thAt power in the
same position which she occupied before the war ? (^ Hettr ^ hear . ) How unjust would that be to the Circassians and to our allies in that part of the World ! I think it Would be wrong to conclude that Bucb & coarse of proceeding could by any possibility , or under any circumstances , be adopted . " Having dealt with these points , Lord Lyndhurst showed , at great length , by reference to the past policy of Russia , that if she were placed in the same position in which she stood before the war she would renew her attempt upoa Turkey at the first opportunity . Ftom the time of Catherine down to the pre sent day Turkey has been considered as the ultimateprey of Russia . And now she considers the victim within her grasp , nothing will prevent her from tnaking every possible endeavour to seize it . Should we maintain Russia in her present territorial posirion , what will be her future position with respect to Turkey ?
" After the termination of the war , which ended by that unfortunate and disastrous treaty or Adrianople , Count Nesselrode , by the direction of the Emperor of Russia . Wrote to the Grand Duke Constantine at Warsaw , giving him an account of tho provisions of that treaty and the relative situations of Russia and Turkey in consequence ; and I wish to refer to the language of Count Nesselrode for the purpose of showing in -what position Turkey will stand infutur * with , respect to Russia if the status quo ante bellum be adopted . He says : — ' The Turkish monarchy 1 b reduced toexiat only under the protection of Russia , and must comply in future with her wishes . The possession of tli « Principalities is of
the less importance to us , as without maintaining troops there , which would be attended with considerable expanse , we shall dispose of them at our pleasure , as well during peace ns in time of war . Wo srhnll hold the keys of a position from which it will be easy to keep the Turkish Government in check , and the Sultan will feel that any attempt to brave us again must end in his certain ruin . * That is the position in which Turkey will stand , provided Itussia ia to bo allowed to retain whut sho held previous to tlio war Prince Lievea was consulted previous to tho commencement of tho w « r that terminated in the treaty of Adriunople , nu to what course should fco pursued by tho Emperor for the
Untitled Article
K 578 THE LEADER . [ Saturday ,
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), June 24, 1854, page 578, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2044/page/2/
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