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Leader (1850-1860), 13th May 1854, Edition 1 of 1, Page 445, Untitled Article

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      foreign Governments . They were an abuse , let us admit , of a really useful process—" that of informing foreign Governments of the state of public opinion in any other country ; they were an abuse , because they did not inform the G-overnments in question of the true state of public opinion , but only of the state of private opinion wanting to "be public And to have punished , by fine and inprisonment , the actors in these petty transactions

      British Ministry did not represent ti ^ e peojple , as the British people would satisfactorily demonstrate in a few months , and so squelch the war ? That is an extreme , an improbable case ; but it has happened ere this , that we have thought it necessary , in this journal , to remind our readers in the United States , that Downing-street is not England , in reference

      to certain Cuban tactics of IJord Malmesbury , and a certain flippant letter of IJord John Russell . Why , the public press of a country like England makes , in a certain sense , constant and vigorous unauthorised communications to foreign Governments , and not unfrequently in a way that no authorised Minister would dare to

      make-But Xiord Campbell , wlien he brought in this bill , must have forgotten by what means the " Whig party executed one of the great exploits recorded in our history . He must have fogotten that the Whigs changed the succession , and how tney changed it . The author of the " Lives of the Chancellors * ' should have remembered that when John Soraers was a rising barrister , James the Second King of England , and William of Orange Stadtholder

      of Holland , a bodv of Peers and Commoners sent an unauthorised and secret deputation to the said "William , and invited him . to bring over troops of Dutch soldiers to maintain " the Protestant religion and the liberties of England ; " and that "William came , by virtue of those unauthorised negotiations , and was made King by the unauthorised negotiators . But we are not surprised that a Whig peer should manifest this forgefcfulness , when the

      whole " Whig jparty shows such decided tendencies to forget that there is such a thing as the Bill of Rights , drawn up and carrie d by the unauthorised negotiators , who made its acceptance the condition of their gifti'efa crown . Times are changed . The Chief Justice of Victoria Ghielpn forgets that the House of Hanover , and the Protestant succession may fairly be said to rest upon an " unauthorised negotiation !*'

      would have been simply ridiculous . But , says the Chief Justice , to show you that these upstart negotiators need restraint , let me tell yon that the United States , when Adams was president , , and Jefferson vicepresident , were so troubled by " a certain , doctor , " that they found it necessary to pass an act making it a misdemeanor to negotiate

      with foreign Governments in relation to any disputes in the United States , or with the view of defeating any measures of its Government . And suppose the United States in its infancy , when Europe ( was not much disposed to pay it respect , and when Prance had no settled government , found it useful to curb its doctoxial citizens in the

      practice of negotiations without license , is that any reason why a settled state like England should practically confess that its Government is of such small account , and the words of its agents so lightly valued , that it requires the terror of fine and imprisonment to prevent the unauthorised agents of public opinion , or opinion wanting to be public , from

      trying to interest a foreign Government in their affairs ? How small our good Chief Justice would make us look , Jwhen he suspects foreign Governments of paying more attention to the representations and notes of a Smith O'Brien , a Sir James Duke , or three Quakers , than to the notes and representations of British Ambassadors and

      Ministers of . Foreign Affairs ! But the fact is , Iiord Campbell wants to punish certain persons who differ from him in opinion , politically , not because they hurt the state , but because they vex and annoy , and hurt the vanity of the ruling orders . It was aptly pointed out by Lord Lyndhurst , that the bill would prevent even the exchange of courtesies between a foreign potentate and any British subject ; that it would render the

      negotiation of loans impossible , except by licence ; that an agent of the Times , or any other journal , would not he able to appeal for the relaxation of prohibitory orders j that no Protestant or other deputations could remonstrate with ^ Etonian Catholic Sovereigns on behalf of their suffering Protestant subjects ; and that the Roman Catholics of England and Ireland would not he able to consult

      their Pope upon any matter , however necessary or however trivial , with respect to the exercise of their faith , or the practice of their ceremonies . Lord Campbell himself called upon the Pope a year or two ago ; but when reminded of this , and told he would have come under the fangs of his own hill had it then existed , he turns round and says , " I saw the Pope only as a simple individual , an English traveller , and I gave him much useful information anent the Godless

      Colleges ; " a practical instance of the value of unauthorised negotiations . Fov our parts , wo have to say that unauthorised negotiations may be of tho greatest utility , and , under certain circumstances , the highest patriotism . Let via suppose that a British Ministry , say a Derby Ministry , wanted

      a war for party purposes , and endeavoured to fix a quarrel upon the United States , during tho recoss of Parliament . Before tho British people turned them out of office , would it not bo the > highest patriotism for a body of British people , duly delegated by public meeting , or otherwise , to show tho United Statos * Government that the

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      from school by occupation , by illness , or by the will of their parents . Comparing these with the number of children at school on the 31 st of March , 1351 , we fcad that an addition of about 970 , 000 scholars was required at that time to reach the normal standard . Of the quality of instruction given at the schools for the lower classes the less said the better . The large proportion of schools in which the instruction is confined to the mere

      rudiments of knowledge , is not only a mortifying and humiliating fact , tut must be taken as an additional proof that the children oi the working classes are torn awaj from school at an early age , and that very few remain for the scanty period of four years , which is fixed upon as the average duration . In spite , therefore , of the improvements which have been made in late years by the Committee of Council on Education , or by the voluntary efforts of religious bodies , the instruction now given in the majority of our schools is lamentably inefficient . Beyond a doubt , this fact alone is one of the foremost causes which contribute to the

      paucity of attendance . It is impossible to believe that parents keep their children at home from inability to pay the trifling cost required for their education . Of course , there are exceptional cases . Sometimes the claims upon the child to labour are so paramount that they transcend every other con sideration . A family must be supported a any cost , and there is onl y one way of solving the problem . But take the case of a labouring man with wages from which , the school fee would never bo missed . Is it only because the child can earn Is . 6 d . ox 2 s . a week that

      the parent sends him to the workshop or the field , at the tender age of six or seven ? Strong as this inducement is—and be it remembered that it acts with equal force upon the middle and upper classes—r-it would be weakened in proportion to the practical value of education . And we are compelled to admit that a great amount of this otherwise unac

      HORACE MANN'S STATISTICS ABOUT EDUCATION . A vebt valuable sequel to the Report on the Religious Condition of England and Wales , as far as it could be ascertained from the census of 1851 , has been presented to both Houses of Parliament . Like the former , it is from the pen of Mr . Horace Mann , and embodies the results of an inquiry , undertaken at the time of the census , into the existing educational provision in , this country . Since

      inquiries on this subject did not come within the scope of the act , no penalty could be attached to a refusal to furniah information , and the returns are thereby rendered less complete than could be desired . Schedules of questions were delivered to not less than 70 , 000 heads of schools , bat either from the indifference of the census officers , or from unwillingness on the part of the school authorities , there still remain 1206 day schools ( public and private ) and 377 Sunday schools from which no returns have been obtained .

      The proportion of dissidents , however , is by no means large ; and by assuming an average number of attendants at these schools it is possible to arrive at a conclusion very nearly approaching the truth . Without entering into details , tho broad results of an investigation , conducted during three years with consummate skill and

      unwearied patience , may bo described in a fow words . The number of childreu , out of a population of 17 , 927 , 609 , who ouglit to be under instruction is estimated at 3 , 315 , 4-05 . This calculation allows an average duration of schooling to each child between the ages of five and Jifteen of something above four years , and excludes all those who are under professional home instruction , and such as are kept

      countable indifference arises from the slight esteem in which the prevailing systems of education are held . Few men will spend their time and labour upon that which , gives no tangible returns . Money is the sweat of their brow , and why should they fling ijb to the winds ? Once let the working classes learn that to retain a child at school will bring profit in the long run , will increase the value of the living machine , and one great stumbling-block will be removed . Teach common things and common men will appreciate your efforts . We are sorry to descend to utilitarian arguments ; but we have to devise a remedy for a pressing evil , and we shall only be too thankful to any one who will make an effectual appeal to higher motives .

      The only other question to which we can allude , is the agency by which the obstacles are to be removed . On this point the labours of Mr . Horace Mann throw little light . The old difficulty meets us at every turn . The questions which perplexed our fathers still baffle the wisdom of this generation . We can scarcely advance beyond the region of fact . We know that of the thousands who take an interest in the progress and enlightenment of their fellows , scarcely a few hundreds can be found to agree . The controversy still rages

      between the State Party and the Voluntary Party ; and even if that dispute were settled , other divisions , other radical differences , fill up the background . The Privy Council is at war with tho National Society , and the advocates of a local taxation are separated on the vital question of religious or secular education . Mr . Horace Mann can only tell us that our position is fixed . Will nothing drive \ ia into harmony , or convince us that the points of difference aro so radical that

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      May 13 , 1854 . THE LEADER , ^

  • Citation
    • Leader (1850-1860), May 13, 1854, page 445, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2038/page/13/