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rations in the London Gazette , —have all made the public more a party to this great quarrel than has been usual when the Crown has entered into the exercise of its great privilege of war . The principal obscurity now hangs about the position of Prussia ; but it appears to consist less in any reserve of our Jlinkfeer&AfcNRi in thetf ^ Hduct of Prussia itself . Prus 5 » rnaf « % ned th $ ffot * tf&l which lays down the basis of 4 f | t relations &Btv 0 £ in the four Powers—in other HBbrds , which 4
itttanues a declaratiw of the ^ fS ^ vs announe < i » ly the conference afNPTienna , HBd reserves 0 ftf opportunity for more active alliance should Austria and Prussia think fit . In the meanwhile ^ however , the Chevalier Bunsen in Eng land is recalled —an act which implies a cooling amity on the part of Prussia towards England and towards France . This is explained , however , a » sraiply the result of the ambassador ' s own conduct , in * ' exceeding ! his iaatructions ; " and the language of
M . V&icke and M . Bethmann-Hoftv-eg is pointed to as indicating genuine Prussian , feeling . M . Tincke declared that neutrality would be impossible for Prussia and ' Austria ^ and he hesitated to grant the loan which ihe kin ^ asked * without some specific pfed g * that the tar © German Powers would enter upon an active alliance with England and France to put down the great invader . This , howe ^ efi Was thelarigusge cf ; the minority in the Cbam&ear » The-Baroit Manteuflfcl , who i » understood to letain Iris place by the " refusal of the £ Bteu ^ fo acceptiihai resi&natioB ^ tlsea mucli more
those two alKes undertake to sustain the Porte , and that the Porte is bound not to make any separate peace \ , or even td negotiate for peace . A document Wore * fatpofetattt is the firman issued by the Sultaivift regulate- tike administration of justice betweeivlle Moslem and Christians . Couple thismtlul& £ ' attempt made bjjf the Sultan , inr ¦> autocralfe act , ft » take p « MKssion of the ^ OWsqpil on behrfrff' of tite state , afj » if will be perceiye # lhat tHsiliiw faWtkn constiUlites a , total revolufte in
the mcle / tmtfl 11 polit ^« fTudt « y ; the eccl jj > t ' ^ cal pf&ijpfit any Mfijpufriii * country Tiling tie larger half of its entire polity . By the combined work of superstition and of its military character * the Church , o ^ Islam has become the chief power in the state . I * has been checked by the eircntnstance that the actual soldiers could not be priests , and the Chttrcb , therefore , has bad te do its military work by deputy's . T ? b&sacred character of the Sultan , also , has contributed to keep a large share of power to the political chiefs . . On the other hand , the , established power of the Church has induced landowners under an absolute
Govera-Warfior . Castihan pnde succumbs , not only to an indemnity , but to an apology . It will no ^ , we tfflppfliiR * be . a race between the successive demands RflplW | lM * ity—for which the Island authorrfcu&ftre fife * t& give occasion—and the grctwth of tnis nef §* jb < £ rn Spanish humility . Th * ' \ W *\ tivtfbn in Monaco , got up for the fierfldiiatfq | Br ^ fcff , has been put down by a much mof ^ pappinr insurrection . In 1 84 8 , Monaco was
nfi&rge 4 in \ . dAe Sardinian dominions , and now the Magi ^ piiry ^ 'ft&ce is plying off the return from 4 BPa on beliaif 8 C the punay empire from which his papawas displaced . But t » e 7 O 0 O subjects who used ttrBow to the DuSe , so much prefer the rule of King Victor Emanuel , that there was a regular rebellion against the dynasty on the mere attempt at restoration $ and it may be said that » second revolution confirms King Victor Emanuel as the Sovereign Lord of Monaco .
xnentto alienate their property to a corporation which the temporal state dared not assail , and to , make themselves the pensionaries of the mosques ; as if the Barons of England had endowed the cathedrals and made themselves the stipendiaries of the cathedral establishments . That property , the Sultan Abd-ul-Medjid has , by a declaration , made the property of the state . In Turkey * therefore , the Church of Islam'has been converted
iajfco an establishment * within the control of the temporal Government ; , and . While , the : ecclesiastical republican ^ pope of Islam , has , thus reduced to subjection , the Christians are released from their degraded condition by the firman . This imperial order establishes a new tribunal to settle disputes "betw « en Mussulmans and Christiana . Its composition is singularly simple and plain * and yet so contrived as . to avoid any direct offence in its language to Mussulmans * . The new tribunal will consist of .
distinguished persons in each province , somewhat resembling our county magistrates ; the veil of the district to preside . The accused will in the first case be examined by the cadi , whose function , however , is limited to deciding whether or not the ease shall go for triaL All summary condemnation is forbidden , as welL as the use of the torture in any case to extract evidence . The bastinado is in all
pases laid aside for ever . The new tribunal is charged to receive all evidence , without distinction of race or faith ; the witness to be put upon oath , if that be necessary for the extraction of the truth . Should this firman work , it seems likely to become the Magna Charta of Turkey . From the further East , we have intelligence that Dost Mohammed has sent a special messenger to Major Edwardes , the commissioner of Peflhvawur , declaring that the Dost will * not accept a Russian alliance ; an alarming assurance from that wily old ruffian .
There is another assurance , too , less alarming , but equally suspicious . A Russian war ship has arrived at Shanghai with the announcement that tUe Emperor of Japan , acceding to the request of Russia , has opened the trade of his empire and island to the trade of the world ; only he requires time to carry , out his plan . This looks very like a Russian attempt to forestal Commodore Perry , who had already lodged the same request with the Emperor , and an attempt at mystification by arranging for a delay which Commodore Porry does not appear to have suggested . A gift to the commerce of the world conveyed through
intriguing , commerce-prohibiting , and lying Russia , merits not thanks but suspicion . From the Baltic wo have news only of preparations : a Russian fleet is reported off Faroe , in Gothland ; and Admiral Napier haw left K ioge Bay for the same quarter . Spain has yielded its first indemnity—tluitdcinauded )> y Mr , Soule on account of the Black
goifiifcd language ; and : 4 bm «*» lneae of tWsia , stftongfc f isserkdsa * ife . is * is far from , being contrA&ctedr by tSe > demfttootor of . tbdiGomnkvaeiU W ^ keimhtmjduk concluded . .- «*¦ : alHane £ v offensive aftdtdefxa » CT 0 i , : iiU 2 i ^ which exJ # Mi * tfr the latter Fairer the suspicions excited bj < the < ttnduc fcofI King Eredea « c& William . We cataanlp'stiniiiBe how matters j&allgr stand , and iHiPtl > aj < aicturfe U that King Frederick ^ Winiam in tr ^ irig ^ to ? ketep open : hist aectamt with , boJJl sides * manning ton take ; part ultimately with the strong ;; bolt in the jn ^ nwftitoincliiling ^ inoat to his bpoth ex ** itt ^ lawr the * Czar , ' . . ¦
She suspicions against Aiisteia * suggested thnnign herispecisd allisiioe irithVn % » am ^ , ure called into some activity by the- , military- occupation of Servian Afr pte * erit , however , although we are fiurfroitt despising vigilance , w ^ should deem it u < an . idle waste of thought" to devote too much ctamcieratiott to the possible treacheries of Austria ,. The representation made by the Austrian Gdvetriiment—thnfc it is under great difficulties , that it is * not y ^ t prepared for : direct hostility
againrt Russia , but that it' -will back up the existing Government of Turkey , by keeping in order her provinces' on the right bank of the Danube— - is a proposition : consistent t enough in itself , and ia certainly sustained by the conduct of the "Viennese Government in recent negotiations . Atuteia may be a . traitor , but the man who traverses the world , even in the wildest countrjfy « nd who feels his heart sink at the sight of erery passenger , lest he should be a brigand or & sharper , will be more often , wretched by his own
feanr than . by the keenest traitor of them all . Sufficient unto the day is the treachery thereof . Austria must be watched , at any rate , because she is nob mistress of herself ; for to Her ricketty empire , with its vast and indented frontier , with many dnemies around her , Circumstance will always be the supreme dictator j and therefore she is incompetent to be trusted by an ally . But beyond that fffcandiag mistrust , further speculations upon the inmost-motives of the Emperor Francis Joseph , or of individual statesmen at Yicnna , is ¦ waste of brain-work .
Ou tha . Danttbe there ia , in the news of the Week } nothing of rery material change ; and the neat move is the . grand object of speculation . We have now the text of the convention between TCnk < y and her two Westora allios , Bhowing that
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PARLIAMENT OF TK » WEEBL The great dramatic incident of the week in Parliament has unquestionably been the postponement of th < f Beform BiH on Tuesday night . It was kn * r # n that Lord John Rjissell had been wavering between resignation and concurrence with hia oowsflgHev ia postponing the measure ; and uncertainty as to wftat might occur , atireft as great interest is I ^ rd Jolm himself , and curiosity as- to now he woold make- the
announcement , drew tirewdstd the-Houjfe both of Members and Strangers . Mo doubt the speech , -will read coldly , but the reader must remember that it was delivered at a full meeting of the noblest assembly in the world ; who were so deeply interested that tney maintained the most painful silence , and largely participated in the emotions of the orator Who was sswrrifieni ^ m much of personftV ambidott and predilection for what He earnestly braved to b& the goad' of bis country .
The motion upon , which ! Lord John Hdss £ xl delivered his « tatem € Ot was & formal one— 'that' tfce Honse ^ at its risui ^ do adjemnt tM Thtutday foe 27 th o £ Apcily and » t the outset of hi * spoeea he explained that the 27 th had been fixed instead of the 24 t 1 i , because the numiliation day had been l&xed fc * - \ he 28 th , an * n * em 1 jer » objecte * to gv « n with tn& Oxford Univemtjr BiU , or the BailWay BUI , the fks * night after the recess . He then proceeded to state tfie intentions of the Government : —
" The House is aware that Lord Aberdeen , On tUe fbrmation of bis Government , declared to tfioto wlia atfcepteii offics under him , and declared in Parliament ; , that & nwasur * of Parliamentary reform would be one of the measureswhich would be among the bases upon which bts-Ooveraiment yould be formed .- T he membera wtto accepted office at that time , accepted office with-that understanding , and consented to that proposal . I mention this , sir , partly because I tbrnlt Jfe is stated , in an inviA ' ums mauHen tiiatmy jxtpomi honour ia alone concerned in the carrying on of this measure . ( CAaers . ) I consider , sir , that my personal honour way engaged when the question wa » , whether I would' consent tto * serve under the Grown as a member of Lord Aberdeen ' sadministration . If Lord Aberdeen had said that it was not
his intention to propose or to adopt any measure of Parli * - metifcary reform , and I had consented to be a member of that administration , I might fairly have been questioned ia tliia House , and my personal honour have been called ni question ; btifc from the moment that Lord Aberdeen had made that declaration , and that his colleagues bad acceptedoffice en the fujth of that declaration , the question of personal honour regarded not me alone , but regarded all the * members of that "administration . ( Cheers . ) Sir r Lot * Aberdeen and his colleagues stated at the time that they did not think that with the pressure of important business befbrff them—with the finances unsettled , with the India Bill iequiring attention , and with other important measures before
them—it was possible to bring forward a measure of Parliamentary reform during the last session . I think there W 3 » no question " of serious importance raised as to the propriety of tfiat determination . But during the recess the Cabinet applied themselves most sedulously and deliberately to the * consideration of this important subject , and a measure wa& framed which I had the honour of introducing into thia House on the 13 th of February last . Sir , I see no reason to * cpneoivo that that measure was inadequato to the occasion , that it was based upon wrong principle ^ that it was carried to too great an extent , or that its provisions were not adapted to reform and to conserve , which I have always considored ought to bo the olijects kept in view in a measure of tliia kind . ( Cheers . ) At the time that her Majesty declared
iiv her Speech from the Throne that sucli a measure would be proposed , and at the time when I brought forward th » ineasuro in thia House , thero was great probability of « vvnr with Jtussin , although np rupture had actually taken place ,. and it was still probable that the nog-otmtionn might bo- terminated by pacific arrangements . Unfortunately that \ vns not the case . But while these questions were Htill pending , and I proposed the adjournment of tho second reading of thi . i bill until tho period which ia now in question , namely , tho 27 th of April , 1 did so on tho ground that very important questions worethen before tho house , relating either immediately to tho preparation of forces for the war , or to tho supply of tins uuiiwitt for the payment of those forcoa . 1 atuted then , as I
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338 THE LEADER . [ Saturday ,
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), April 15, 1854, page 338, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2034/page/2/
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