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Untitled Article
the power of the middle class has been productive of benefits to the country ' : for the middle class had points to gain which they could not gain without the aid of popular power or clamour . But the middle class has nearly gained all that it wants ; and -when a class has conquered it becomes conservative . We see , on the labour question and on questions of foreign policy , that the middle class , like any other class , becomes short-sighted in the intensity of
selfishness ; and that an exclusively middle- class Government might become a dangerous Government . We do not desire to see the influence of aristocracy , which is a numerous and intelligent class , destroyed : and we do not wish to see the influence of the town tradesman , or mere merchant class , paramount . At least , if class representation is our object , let us keep the scheme well balanced . To give more votes to the trading class , because it is more numerous than the
landowning class , would justify the argument in favour of household suffrage , because the working class , on that principle , is entitled to the possession of more members in the House than either of the upper classes . On these grounds we doubt the fairness of the new Reform BUI . With regard to the various small points in the Bill , which have been termed crotchets , we attach very little importance to any of them ; and have no opinion for or against them . Certainly , if we wore to look upon the " representation of minorities '"
point as a theory , and not as a plan , which will work irrespective , of the theory , and the practical benefit of which will "be eimply to give to certain places three members in lieu of two members , we should lay great stress upon the proposition . Obviously it is unconstitutional : for the constitution provides , not that the Commons shall include checks against its own too popular action , but that the House of Lords , which is always the representation of the minority , shall act as a check on the House of Commons . But a dissertation of this kind would be
waste of time : the proposition is simply silly—philosophically false—practically futile When it is well ventilated , every member of ; the Cabinet will be as heartily ashamed of it as Mr ., " Walpole was of the militia' franchise . Generally speaking , the new franchises are militia franchises . They are . as a whole , an error , because they are complex and confused . Simplicity is the great characteristic of all great plans—and it may be added , of all honest ones . In conclusion , we would suggest to Liberals , that they are always in too great a hurry in politics . We hear now , as we heard in 1830 , the cry—" Let us take what we can get : let us accept this , and with
a House of Commons elected under such a Bill , we shall readily get all the rest ! " This is serious folly . In this country , " change" is , after all , not popular ; all great changes are regarded as settlements ; and after every great change there is a great reaction , because there is great desire for repose . The Liberals , who yelled in 1830 at Orator Hunt , because he warned the democracy not to believe that an aristocracy could proposeja democratic Bill , were all wringing their hands over their blunder in 1837 , and by 1840 had signed the People ' s Charter , and in 1849 were still attempting in vain mild " Reform Associations . " So , if we pass this new Bill we shall hear cries against annual revolutions , and shall hear of no further
Reform for another 20 years : —People ' s charters and mild Reform Associations notwithstanding . And we should also be cautious not to rush at this Bill merely because it extends the suffrage . The logic of Liberals , who are for an unconditional extension of the suffrage , even in the wrong directions , is not new . It was Mr . Hume ' s logic , when he cheered the Chandos clause : theChandos clause which has made English county representation an affair of two or three dozen families , and has filled the House of Commons with youHg lords and old warming-pans . The votes of county members carried the Bill of 1832 : the votes of county members will probably throw out the Bill of 1854 . Non-Elector .
Untitled Article
A " STRANGER" IN PARLIAMENT . The present session was looked forward to , through a not well-informed recess , as promising two sets of excitements : debates on Foreign Policy and debates on Reform . Last night concluded the third weelc of the session ; and last night were concluded the two excitements . Next -weelc , and up to the 13 th March , estiniutes , nothing bub estimates , and ruther high estimates . The country will have its Parliamentary amusements . But the country must pay . Mr . Luyurd took a perfectly constitutional position in rising , on the motion that the- House should K <> into Committee to grant navy estimates , to askwhat is the money for , and what is to be dono with the money ? Observe , however , that the Ministers had fixed last night for their estimates , and their ' "creased estimates , without having gratified
Parliament with the slightest information . Observe , further , that Mr . Layard sat down as wise as when he had risen : and that the House of Commons will get out of its bed this morning as profoundly puzzled as ever on our foreign policy . We are a wonderfully self-governed country . For several hours last . night the Commons waited principally in the smoking-room , to see if the Treasury beach would gratify the nation , with any news of what the nation was to be made to do . At twelve
Lord John rose and said " Sar , " and spoke to this effect : " My hon . friend seeks to know what are the intentions of the Government . Sar , I will state them . Sar , I despair of peace being preserved . Sar , under those circumstances what is our duty ? ( Cheers . ) Sar , to enter on war . ( Cheers . ) Sar , we shall enter on war . ( Cheers . ) Sar , the estimates this yar will exceed the estimates of last year—that is what we shall confess at once—3 , 000 , 000 / . ( Sensation : Mr . Cobden pale . ) Sar , the condition of
success in war is secresy , and it would be improper to say what we shall do in war . ( Cheers froni the Treasury- bench . ) Sar , if the House will not support us , let it vote a vote of want of confidence . But if the House will support us ,-give U 3 your confidence . ( Cheers . ) And , God . defend the right , and I will take my share lof the responsibility . " ( Loud cheers . ) It was a magnificeat speech—from the national
for two hours was left in th e hands , to the mouths of Lord Jocelyn and Lord Dudley Stuart : —the first showing his debating power by roaring ao , inopportune attack on Manchester ; and the second showing in two ways his logic , by drawling for an hour his general notions on the general question , having , at the outset , mentioned that in consequence of only having just returned from Constantinople , and not having had time to read the blue-book , he was not competent to express an opinion on the negotiations—Constan tinople having been the centre of them ! But when
Lord Dudley had been ' * question " -ed into resuming his seat , the divided House having re-collected , and got beyond bores , Mr , Roebuck rose , and though several other eminent men . rose at the same moment , the cry was for " Roebuck , " —this welcome back again to debate , of a real debater being creditable to the House . He was feeble and somewhat incoherent ; but his feebleness had made Mm temperate , good-natured and sagacious , and his clear
common sense caught at the point of the day , and re-presented the" debate dcbateably . In a wox ^ , he repeated Mr . Layard ' s question ; thus recalBng the House to sagacity and self-respect ; anei v ^ Lt" Sir Janies Graham had pooh-poohed , Lord John saw , in an instant , this generous and wise speech" of Ma ancient but honoured aniagonist would prevent being further pooh-poohed . The House r <> aned applause ; and re-settled itself sternly to get—information . "
The Lords were sufficiently ; ludicrous in their debate on Tuesday . Half a dozen Pe ^ nTT | rho read French journals , who have dined in foreign capitals with ambassadors , who hear , good on dite ia taind about good clubs , who keep . French cooka > W . Jtoepcbl mistresses , and ? who have a consequent ^ tosie ^ for talking what they think the correct dip lc ^ atic ^ aTg ^> n , and who had turned over the Blue Book on tiua Eastern question while nibbling their French w > t ( s that morning—rose , one after another , —the JP ^ era who can't " talk , ' perfectly grave till dinner , and pertectly asleep after if , —to complain , to criticise , to inquire , to ramble , and to rhodombntade on our * " fofeien
pblicy , ''~ ffom nist to last , in all the speeches , each and all frankly confessing that they didn't kno ^ ancl in the nature of things couldn't know , and wout ^ i / he so presumptuous as to attempt to know , wWai they were talking about . The House full : the Ministers solemn . The side galleries full of tfouse of Commons personages , curious , or of Peejewesj in esse wondering , or of Peeresses in posse worshipping ; The singers' galleries awe-struck . The reporters ? gallery steaming ; with struggling stenographers , ii was a great night ; a great debate ! Observe wh ' at happened . Three of the half-dozen * Peers had talked ; and a Minister intervened . This was Lord
Clarendon . The Foreign Secretary felt called upon to answer , definitively , the hysterical entreaties of the three oratorical Peers to be instructed on our foreign policy . Lord Clarendon did not , therefore , hesitate to conclude an hour's talking by saying , "No , my Lords , I am bound to say , —under the gircunnstances it would be improper secresy not to inform you , —that this country is not at peace with Russia ! " It was an important statement : the Peers who can't talk whispered : the ladies felt faint : the strangers heaved a relieved sigh : the stenographers took the word ' s in a variety of different systems of
short-handto make sure . Observe further : the solemnity of the scene continuing . The other half of the half-dozen oratorical Peers followed Lord Clarendon : they were commenting with laboured and excited emphasis upon the ministerial declaration . Then rose the second Minister , it was at midnight , it was the Premier , and ho was received with the awe inspired at such an hour by an august ghost . Lord Aberdeen was astonished that their lordships had not regarded
his noble colleague ' s moat explicit speech as satisfactory and sufficiently informing . Their lordships did not , apparently , believe that a minister stated everything about our relations with a foreign power , when he stated tliat we were not at peace with that Power . Well ( here the illustrious and brilliant assembly hung upon the lips of the brusquest of . Scotch old gentlemen ) ho Avould comploto that statement , and he did not hesitate to say , under the circumstances , it was only proper to inform
as distinguished from the rational point of view . . Of course , it told no more than the House knew already . But it was a speech of fire and force ; it was Lofty , daring , and "hearty ; it was warlike , which the House wanted ; and it sent the cheers up , and will scatter the Funds dOwnJ My " summary" of-it is perfectly accurate , and yet it will make Lord John more popular , than ever . '
It was a surprising debate last night . A hot , excited House collected at five , wailed over a variety of bores till seven , and delayed dinner till eight ; to hear Mr . Layard . Mr . Layard was a success ; and this was , properly speaking , his maiden speech . He hasn't the knack of the House ; he isn't oratorical at all ; and he isn't conversational ; and he isn't elocutionary ; his style is had . But he had a great subject
was greatly up on it , was excessively malicious , and he spoke with the rapid energy of a full brain and a vindictive heart . He divided his subject into the past and the future . On the past he dwelt long enough to make a clever case , catching cheers at each point , accumulating applause as he went , till the House was " with him "—carried away with him . Then he paused . He would forgive the past . But what was to be the future ? Was Russia to be let
off * , as Louis Napoleon proposed , for Self and "Victoria , if she would merely ' vacate the Principalities ? Was peace to be permitted to Russia as soon as she was driven from the Principalities ? Was there then to be a renewal of all the old treaties ; in short , the status qu 4 ante bellurn f That England would never consent to . ( Cheers from Mr . Murrough and that class of member . ) No , England would demand permanent guarantees ; and meanwhile England sought to know—what the deuce the
Government was about ? ( Loud cheers ) Sir , said Sir James Graham , who was put up to reply , this is preposterous . This is a motion which ends with nothing ; it is against precedent , at a great crisis , to attack a Government that you say has behaved "badly , and that you don ' t trust , by a side wind ; and I , really , appeal to the House whether wo ought to waste time by such a discussion at such a moment ? If you have no confidence in us , turn us out ; but meanwhile ( and here the crafty countenance of Sir James Graham indicated that he knew he was safe ) don ' t let us " potter" over Blue
Books ( wait until you get the facts , eaid Government , last session ) , but let us go into Committee like sensible men , aad vote tho supplies . This was adroit impudence , worthy of Sir James ' s fame as a manager of the House , and his gcncrul defence of tho English share in the negotiations was equally characteristic . Yes , he admitted Nicholas had deceived him and hia colleagues ; but then , " a generous mind is slow to suspect , "—tlie uphorism being from Sir James's youthful copy-book . And the adroitness answered its purpose , the effrontery appeared to strangle tho debute—the House emptied , and
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February 18 , 1854 . ] THE LEADER . l 61
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Citation
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Leader (1850-1860), Feb. 18, 1854, page 161, in the Nineteenth-Century Serials Edition (2008; 2018) ncse-os.kdl.kcl.ac.uk/periodicals/l/issues/vm2-ncseproduct2026/page/17/
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